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Previous spread:
Installation view,
‘The Chimurenga
Library’, The
Showroom, London,
2015. Photograph:
Dan Weill. Courtesy
Chimurenga and The
Showroom, London
Navigating pan-Africanisms:
On the Chimurenga Library
— Kodwo Eshun, Avery F. Gordon and Emily Pethick
Chimurenga, in its own words, is a projectbased mutable object: a print magazine,
a publisher, a broadcaster, a workspace,
a platform for editorial and curatorial
activities and an online resource. Based in
Cape Town, it operates through different
media, from the pan-African print gazette
Chronic and online broadcasts of the Pan
Kodwo Eshun, Emily Pethick and
Avery F. Gordon discuss the investigative
aesthetics of ‘The Chimurenga
Library’ and pan-Africanisms past
and future.
African Space Station (PASS) to its ongoing
function as a mobile site of education and
research. From 8 October–21 December
2015, Ntone Edjabe, Chimurenga’s editorin-chief, Graeme Arendse, art director and
designer, and Ben Verghese, producer,
presented ‘The Chimurenga Library’ at
The Showroom, London on the invitation
of Kodwo Eshun and Anjalika Sagar of The
Otolith Collective and Emily Pethick of The
Showroom. Avery Gordon asked Eshun
and Pethick to talk about the making of the
project, which is where this conversation
begins.
Avery F. Gordon: How did the project start?
Emily Pethick: Our proposal was to bring
the Chimurenga Library to London, but we
didn’t realise until we got to Cape Town that
there wasn’t actually a physical library.
Kodwo Eshun: When you visit the
Chimurenga Library on the Chimurenga
Magazine website, you see 32 scanned front
covers of post-War independent periodicals
sourced from Zimbabwe, South Africa,
Nigeria, Ghana, Canada, the US, Burkina
Faso, the UK, Egypt, Kenya, Morocco,
France, India, the DRC, Jamaica and
Senegal. Clicking on a cover takes you
to a description of each magazine, its editorial network, a family tree of like-minded
periodicals, more links and commissioned
essays by poets, critics and novelists such as
Akin Adesokan, Lesego Rampolokeng and
Rustum Kozain. The Library is an online
network that gathers the interrupted networks of Pan-African periodicals together.
Some of these magazines, like South Africa’s
Staffrider or Morocco’s Souffles, are
celebrated. Others, like Zimbabwe’s Moto
or Egypt’s Amkenah, are out of print
and inaccessible.
EP: We kept the title, but it became another
form of library – an expanded idea of what a
library could be. Chimurenga sent us a list of
around two hundred objects to be sourced,
which included books, records, films and
other materials for the exhibition, about half
of which they had themselves already. They
proposed that we borrow everything from
existing collections – we were not to ‘buy in’
any of the objects – so the process of seeking
the rest became an intrinsic part of the exhibition process. Chimurenga built the exhibition plan around what we could find, so it
was a flexible map, and people kept bringing
things. The theorist George Shire brought
more books. It didn’t assume a conventional
form of an exhibition where everything is
fixed and labelled and in boxes and vitrines.
It was a more dynamic entity.
KE: The Library had to be built from available resources. We tapped into the local
lending libraries in Edgware Road, university libraries, the personal libraries of friends
and acquaintances. What you actually saw
at The Showroom was six modest shelves
supporting books and magazines that required a substantial effort to assemble.
AG: The library wasn’t something that preexisted its making. It’s an interesting model
for a public library because it differs so radically from the conventional state- or councilrun public library that is public in name only.
The public is a user, a part of producing the
form and content of the library. I sent Robin
D.G. Kelley a photograph with his passage
about Fela Kuti on the floor of The Showroom. He replied by telling me he thought the
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Chimurenga Chronic was one of the greatest
publications of radical insurgent thought,
and that, because of his affinity with it, he
had once envisioned creating a department
of Black Studies modelled on the Chimurenga
Chronic. Kodwo, I’d like to ask you to describe the affinities between Chimurenga
and The Otolith Group practice.
KE: Perhaps the clearest way to indicate
those affinities is to point to the publication of Chimurenga 12/13 in 2008, which
was a double issue titled ‘Dr. Satan’s Echo
Chamber’. It was named in honour of Louis
Chude-Sokei’s magisterial essay on the
Caribbean technopoetics of dub, which in
turn was named after King Tubby’s remix
of the song ‘Dr. Satan’s Echo Chamber’ by
The Rupie Edwards Success All Stars. The
double issue has two front covers, one for
each magazine, and can be read from both
directions. Issue 13’s front cover features an
image from Icarus 13 [2008], Kiluanji Kia
Henda’s photographic fictional series of a
Pan-African state-sponsored space mission
to the sun. Henda reimagined the Agostinho
Neto Mausoleum in Luanda as the spaceship
Icarus 13, built from a mix of steel and a
covering of diamonds and powered by solar
energy. I would argue that ‘Dr. Satan’s Echo
Chamber’ single-handedly reoriented the
project of Afrofuturism towards an expansive complexity that is capacious enough
to embrace continental fictions such as the
malevolent schematics of Abu Bakarr Mansaray, James Sey’s architectonic fabulations,
Doreen Baingana’s demiurgic tales and
Jean-Pierre Bekolo’s cinema of social horror. Chimurenga’s preoccupations resonate
with Otolith’s ongoing concern with mutation and alienation. Both of us are drawn,
asymptotically speaking, towards the
Chimurenga
headquarters, Cape
Town, 2017. Courtesy
Chimurenga
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syncretic synthesis of futures old and new.
We operate between creation, criticism and
curation. We are preoccupied by the will to
complicate. We are interscalar vehicles that
mobilise knowledges outside of the academy
along vectors unbound by disciplinary protocols. We are informal socialities of study
operating in the key of musics and the light
of screens.
What is critical is that the Library did
not aim to introduce South African literature to the London art world. What PASS
did instead was to estrange Londoners’
ownership over the memory of the city by
confronting them with memories of an exilic
London that is cherished in Cape Town and
unremembered in London. A London inhabited by jazz-avant-gardists such as drummer Louis Moholo, bassist Johnny Dyani,
trumpeter Mongezi Feza, saxophonist Dudu
Pukwana, pianist Chris McGregor and bass-
ist Harry Miller, all of whom were forced
into exile by Hendrik Verwoerd’s apartheid
regime. Many of these artists can be seen,
styled and posed in sets designed by photographer George Hallett for the front covers
of novels by authors like Meja Mwangi and
Williams Sassine that were published in
Heinemann’s prestigious African Writers
Series. Those covers now appear as scenes
that document an expatriate community
in a process of staging themselves. Another
example of this process of defamiliarisation
occurred when the artist Michael McMillan
recalled his extraordinary experiences as an
award-winning teenage playwright invited
to participate in the Second World Black
and African Festival of Arts and Culture
[FESTAC] in Lagos in 1977. As McMillan
evoked the spectacular opening ceremony
of FESTAC ’77 at the National Stadium,
listeners found themselves face to face with
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the provincialism of British media that was
unable, then and now, to grasp the complexity of African cultural politics.
AG: I’d like to ask you to talk about what
it means to use the term ‘Pan-African’, or
‘Pan-Africanism’, today. What does it mean
to activate that term today? How do the
London collaborators fit into a living panAfricanism?
KE: Perhaps it’s useful to distinguish between the antagonistic and asymptotic trajectories of Pan-Africanism understood as
a practice of statecraft and pan-Africanism
as a practice of political aesthetics. The
initial heroic Promethean phase could be
located in the Fifth Pan-African Congress in
Manchester in October 1945, organised by
the revolutionaries Kwame Nkrumah and
George Padmore, who theorised the preconditions for the economic and military unification of the liberated continent in Towards
Colonial Freedom: Africa in the Struggle
against World Imperialism [1945] and
Pan-Africanism or Communism? The
Coming Struggle for Africa [1956].
That was followed by a period of official
optimism in which the policy of continental
unification was debated by delegates attending the All African People’s Conference
in Accra, organised by Padmore and hosted
by Nkrumah in December 1958. Those
debates were codified by the Organisation of African Unity, founded in 1963
in Addis Ababa, whose legacy continues
in the present in the shape of the African
Union. A profound disenchantment with
Pan-Africanism then takes hold amongst
intellectuals in the 1970s and 1980s, as
numerous one-party states adopt PanAfricanist vocabularies in order to legitimate their authoritarian-populist policies of
exclusionary Africanisation. The predatory
Pan-Africanist policies practised by Zaire’s
Mobutu Sese Seko, Kenya’s Daniel arap
Moi and Cameroon’s Paul Biya – to name
but three – inspire the critiques of Kwame
Anthony Appiah’s In My Father’s House:
Africa in the Philosophy of Culture [1992]
and Achille Mbembe’s influential African
Modes of Self-Writing [2002], which
target the discredited state ideologies of
Pan-Africanism.
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Al Fat’h posters at
‘The Chimurenga
Library’, The
Showroom, London,
2015. Photograph:
Daniel Brooke.
Courtesy Chimurenga
and The Showroom
At the same time, the debates over the promises and the problematics of Pan-Africanism
were enacted in and by the global cultural
festivals staged on the continent throughout
the 1960s and 1970s. From 2008, Ntone
Edjabe, Stacy Hardy and Dominique
Malaquais of Chimurenga embarked on
extensive research into the cultural politics
of those festivals that were inaugurated in
April 1966 with the World Festival of Negro Arts [FESMAN] in Dakar, as conceived
by Senegal’s Léopold Sédar Senghor. That
was followed by the Pan-African Festival
of Algiers, opened by Houari Boumedienne
in July 1969. In October 1974, Mobutu
Sese Seko welcomed audiences to attend
the world heavyweight boxing championship between Muhammad Ali and George
Foreman, also known as the ‘Match of the
Century’ or the ‘Rumble in the Jungle’,
in Kinshasa. Finally, in 1977, Nigeria’s
Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo
hosted FESTAC ’77 in Lagos and Kaduna.
Taken together with the investigations of the
Chimurenga Library, these two research
projects indicate the intranational ambitions
of Pan-Africanist political aesthetics from
the perspective of the pan-African present.
One way of characterising the practice of
Chimurenga is to look at their methods for
inventing investigative aesthetics, which are
flexible enough to move within and between
these scales so as to reveal the practices of
aesthetic sociality that exceed and elude and
complicate the state-sponsored spectacle of
the global festival.
EP: I was thinking about how an exhibition can work not only to share what you
know, but also to create space to find what
you don’t know. Through ‘The Chimurenga
Library’, or rather the sourcing of objects,
things emerged that we hadn’t been looking
for. There were the photographs by George
Hallett that Christine Eyene offered, George
Shire brought in unpublished Dambudzo
Marechera manuscripts – all sorts of things
that started to broaden the picture. PASS became a live broadcasting programme of music, interviews and events with Chimurenga
collaborators in London, which included
musicians, writers, curators, film-makers,
journalists, etc. We invited the sorryyoufeeluncomfortable collective to have a
residency in conjunction with the project
and to programme a slot of PASS, and they
were a good conduit for bringing in and giving space to a younger generation. The radio
broadcast was interesting for me because of
the durational aspect of five days, and how
the audience fluctuated in relation to this.
The speakers were sitting with their backs to
the audience. You don’t know who’s listening, but people did come to the space saying
that they’d been listening all day. Or you’d
see responses from remote listeners on
Twitter. A project can resonate on many
different levels and it’s important for us
to figure out how these things translate
across different registers.
KE: The guests were continually narrating
events and speculating on the implications
of those recollections in ways that generated
a continuous complexification of what panAfricanist practices had been, could be and
might be.
AG: The Chimurenga Library took place
at the same time as a large exhibition and
set of public programmes titled ‘No Colour
Bar: Black British Art in Action 1960–1990’
[10 July 2015–24 January 2016], which,
with a lot of work, trouble and Heritage
Lottery Fund money, managed to get into
London’s Guildhall Art Gallery. The show
was anchored in the Black Arts Movement,
with a reproduction of the Walter Rodney
Bookshop designed by Michael McMillan in
the centre. There were vitrines in which you
could read moving letters between Eric and
Jessica Huntley, and artworks hanging on
the walls – a conventional form. I was struck
by the difference between these two shows,
which felt like two different and deeply
disconnected worlds. Not only the exhibition venues – one next door to the Bank of
England and the other in a North African
and Middle Eastern working-class neighbourhood – but the different art and social
worlds surrounding them. I think it unlikely
that the people involved in ‘No Colour Bar’
came to The Showroom, and this speaks of
a certain split politically, especially with the
older generation who were involved in PanAfrican and radical Black diasporic politics
in an earlier era and still today. What do you
think? Does it tell us something about what
pan-Africanism and radical Black politics
means, and doesn’t mean, in London today?
KE: There are generational, aesthetic and
political distinctions between the works exhibited in ‘No Colour Bar’ and those in ‘The
Chimurenga Library’. In the former, we can
see artists that allied themselves with practices invented by the Caribbean Arts Movement and the Black Arts Movement. These
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influences converged in a diasporic Third
World-ism epitomised by the epic gatherings
around the International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World Books, founded
by activist-publishers John La Rose and Jessica Huntley in the early 1980s. ‘No Colour
Bar’ narrated a transgenerational genealogy
of post-War artistic politics practised by artists that actively participated in the contingent process of black British becoming. The
works exhibited in ‘No Colour Bar’ speak of
the political triumphs and defeats faced by
generations that were all too aware of their
position within a ‘colony’ whose existence
emerged in reaction to state indifference
and popular racism. Artists like Fowokan
and Chila Kumari Burman envisioned the
colony as a community whose cosmopolitanism could withstand the structural conditions of state-sanctioned subordination.
The emboldened defiance of many of the
works in ‘No Colour Bar’ speaks to and from
the dynamics of this struggle; painting and
sculpture plays a key role in this movement.
‘The Chimurenga Library’, by contrast,
integrated murals of front covers, Palestinian Liberation Organization posters and
videos by the Kongo Futurists into a network of quotations that form a cartography
of thought.
EP: But also Chimurenga is not strictly ‘art’.
They include art and use the exhibition as an
expanded editorial approach that spatialises
knowledge and draws the connections between things in ways that can’t be done in
a two-dimensional format. There’s a whole
series of cartographies that Chimurenga
made in an issue of the Chronic earlier this
year, which are all reproduced in pencil.
Graeme Arendse, Chimurenga’s art director
and designer, described how every time they
thought they’d settled on a map someone
would make a change and they would have
to redraw the whole thing. He described
how they hand-drew the maps through a
desire not to present them as fixed entities
– an approach to representation that’s not
about claiming an authority. In some ways
the exhibition worked like this. It was a kind
of sketch, mapping out different routes and
drawing out strands of thinking without trying to claim authority. I have the feeling that
Chimurenga invites its contributors, followers and audiences to think with them, rather
than broadcasting as a one-way channel.
AG: For me, you touch on something very
important that has to do with the tension
between politics and culture. The generation of ‘No Colour Bar’ you’re talking about,
Kodwo, to a large extent they thought about
making art in the service of a political project, and the form that project took was community organising as minority communities.
That’s very different than the case in South
Africa, where it was about majority – not
minority – organising. Your generation said
we have a different notion of aesthetics, a
different notion of cultural politics: we are
not artists in the service of the revolution. In
the past, people created community organ-
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Installation view,
‘The Chimurenga
Library’, The
Showroom, London,
2015. Photograph:
Daniel Brooke.
Courtesy Chimurenga
and The Showroom
isations to deal with police harassment and
police killings, or to deal with Black children
being IQ tested in schools, or to organise
lawyers for prisoners and refugees; the
people who created a bookstore where none
existed. That is a different political culture
than working as a politically engaged artist in the contemporary art world. I wish
more people from the community-politics
The political aesthetics
of pan-Africanism share
space with and are
mutated by discourses and
styles of Afropolitanism,
Afropessimism and
Afrofuturism.
world had seen ‘The Chimurenga Library’,
because it’s not only the undisciplined/
disciplined process of how they work, but
the capaciousness of the ideas, the taking of
positions that are historically intimate and
at the same time critical and sharp, and in
the present moment are not obsequious to
power, while always being reflective about
the representational format and forms of
communication. We need that politically,
not just artistically.
KE: Chimurenga recognises the extent
to which contemporary audiences find
themselves isolated from the interrupted
networks of previous aesthetico-political
struggles. It continually invents formats
for navigating between intergenerational
histories. Using the floor as a space to unfold
the pages of the periodical, it invites visitors
to move within texts selected and organised
according to specific trajectories. This citational aesthetic alludes to the ways in which
people move from link to link. It suggests the
work of building forms of articulation.
The majority of people that visited The
Showroom did not visit Guildhall Art
Gallery and vice versa. Chimurenga’s
navigational aesthetic draws attention to
the gaps in knowledge that simultaneously
function as channels between knowledges.
Those arrows that point to quotations draw
attention to the ways in which people process pan-Africanism now. The political aesthetics of pan-Africanism share space with
and are mutated by discourses and styles
of Afropolitanism, Afropessimism and
Afrofuturism. People move between these
vocabularies all the time without a map to
orient them. ‘The Chimurenga Library’ invited you to navigate these worlds of thought,
which are conceived as mutable spaces of
sustained complexity.
EP: I think in relation to this sense of disconnection between what was happening
at Guildhall and what was happening at
The Showroom you could ask, what does
the space of an exhibition lend? I do think
it’s a site where you can bring things into
contact. That, in a way, is part of the curatorial approach of Chimurenga, in thinking
along these different trajectories or routes
in relation to each other and finding ways
to cross-read these different things in order
to produce a more complex picture. And at
the same time, the approach of the exhibition was about bridging between different
communities, or people meeting and other
relationships being forged through it.
KE: ‘The Chimurenga Library’ instituted
itself as a time and a space in which people
could meet. People planned future activities. It became a social space where panAfricanist aesthetic politics were mutable
and navigational. That is what people enjoyed about the space and that’s what people
miss. The Library insisted on that missing
space which still does not exist. It drew
people’s attention to the implications of
that absence.
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