Šum #10.2
Cryptocene
Bleakchain
PJ Ennis
Crypto-Current
An Introduction to Bitcoin and Philosophy
Nick Land
Waveforms: Art and
Revolutionary Transformation in the Age
of Blockchain
Edmund Berger
Publikacija je nastala v okviru projekta
State Machines, ki ga izvajajo Aksioma
(SI), Drugo more (HR), Furtherfield (UK),
Institute of Network Cultures (NL) in
NeMe (CY).
Izvedba tega projekta je financirana
s strani Evropske komisije. Vsebina
komunikacije je izključno odgovornost
avtorja in v nobenem primeru ne
predstavlja stališč Evropske komisije.
Realized in the framework of State
Machines, a joint project by Aksioma
(SI), Drugo more (HR), Furtherfield (UK),
Institute of Network Cultures (NL) and
NeMe (CY).
This project has been funded with
support from the European Commission.
This publication reflects the views only
of the author, and the Commission
cannot be held responsible for any use
which may be made of the information
contained therein.
Partnerji in koproducenti
Društvo
Galerija BOKS
drustvoboks.wordpress.com
Društvo Igor Zabel
www.igorzabel.org
Galerija
Kapelica
Galerija
Škuc
www.kapelica.org
galerija.skuc-drustvo.si
Partnerji
Šum
in koproducenti
#10.2
MGLC
Mednarodni grafični likovni center
www.mglc-lj.si
Mestna
galerija Ljubljana
www.mgml.si/
mestna-galerija-ljubljana
MG+MSUM
Moderna galerija
www.mg-lj.si
1346
Šum
#10.2
Partnerji
in koproducenti
UGM
Umetnostna galerija Maribor
www.ugm.si
Zavod Celeia Celje
Center sodobnih umetnosti
www.celeia.info
Aksioma
OSMO/ZA
www.aksioma.org
www.osmoza.si
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Šum #10.2
1349
Bleakchain
PJ Ennis
1355
Crypto-Current
An Introduction to Bitcoin and Philosophy
Nick Land
1373
Waveforms: Art and Revolutionary
Transformation in the Age of Blockchain
Edmund Berger
1348
Šum #10.2
Bleakchain
PJ Ennis
The following is source material drawn from Tropical by PJ Ennis, a novel about the
collapse of a post-cryptocurrency society in the thirty-first century.
PJ (chi~. 8*6799c) would like to thank LeenVV for sponsoring his research and
thoughts! All thoughts are his own through LeenVV’s patented Moka supplements. Buy
MokaCoin at h.Agora today, just use referral code [dangerous link].
More information @ bleakchain.com
Ross-RR’s questions relayed through last known human-instantiation Rachel-Rose
O’Leary (chi~. 8*6899b / records/nym varies? /).
The events described here reflect a reality parallel to this one. While the events
occurred in the future they have been retroactively re-constructed using LeenVV’s
Sipascript smart contract platform (repo activity: blekk [477], peep [144], dexf [12],
nnik [4]).
LeenVV sponsors The Coin Pod: [dangerous link].
LeenVV is partners with DigMine: ***ICO DGM Token PRE-Sale Begins Now*** Join
DGM-KHATTERGRAM Channel NOW: [dangerous link].
1349
Šum #10.2
// 04-01-3055 PTE // Rose-RR, a reporter for the Daily Coin ,
was granted access to Xang-Jiapo Prison, Xang-Jiapo in the
northeast of the Wuhan Protectorate Territories. Rose-RR interviewed three of the most notorious prisoners in “the Black Pool”:
Barlowe, W.W. (case hash: 0x88704).
Conviction: intent to supply; possession; counter-economic
activity; kingpin multiplier.
Sentence: life without the possibility of parole.
Jio-Jiing, X. (case hash: 1x13909 – privF).
Conviction: murder in the first degree; membership
of a restricted organization [Mir-Taaki Liberation Front];
kidnapping; torture.
Sentence: life without the possibility of parole.
Alexei, Ž . (case hash: 0x99334).
Conviction: ransomware; unauthorised access to government
servers; blackmail; perverting the court of justice; witness
intimidation.
Sentence: 17 years.
Rose-RR: For the benefit of our readers, what are your crimes
and convictions? And, tell me, do you consider your sentences just?
Alexei: It depends, in Zikraine I would be just another
worker, but to the Horba state or Wuhan I am a criminal.
I suppose if you ask someone who lost their Ledger points
to me they would say my sentence is just. But in my culture bad security is considered immoral. Of course,
we don’t have jails in Zikraine, those are definitely immoral.
My crime, well that’s well known, I disseminated the Petri/
notPetri ransomware and was responsible for coordinating
the Wanakri botnet. I may also have attempted to blackmail
witnesses, but I don’t talk about that. There is no evidence,
but I had a public defender and she was basically retarded.
Barlowe: I would stress that in my country we do not consider counter-economic activity to be illegal, we just see
it as economic activity. That being said, I admit that house
Agora did flout the laws of Horba, but only to feed the de-
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Šum #10.2
mand for narcotics that pervades your society. Your citizens believe in nothing, it’s pitiful.
Jio -Jiing: I was convicted in a show-trial undertaken by the
illegitimate state of L3-Horba. I have been jailed, for
ideological motivations I believe, for murder, kidnap,
and torture. No prescription has been made for my status as a prisoner of war and I do not recognize my status
as a petty or common criminal. I maintain no interest
in the propaganda perpetuated by the Daily Coin and
the media-industrial complex of the Horba-Wuhan alliance. I consider nothing existing just and am focused
only on the eventual and inevitable construction of the
Mir-Taaki nation.
Ross-RR: OK, so, your stories are pretty much the main attraction every day at the Daily Coin , can you tell me why
you think that is, what is so fascinating about a bunch
of prisoners?
Alexei: They live boring lives in the city, trying to win Ledger
points or score MDS5. They have to pass the time somehow.
Crime sells, more than it pays, I guess.
Barlowe: Many of them have never left Horba and think
everything outside it more exciting than it is. We are exotic animals, trotted out to entertain every idiot in this city.
I didn’t even know I was famous until a backpacker from
Hearn showed me a picture of myself in the Daily Coin .
I want your readers to know, especially the women, that
I am more handsome in person.
Jio -Jiing: No comment.
Rose-RR: What is it like to live in the Black Pool?
Alexei: Actually, it is kind of OK. If you have Ledger points
or contraband you can afford a small fire in your cell.
I am also a volunteer in with the “Wuhan BSec Rehabilitation Program (WBRP)”, helping the state defend against,
well, people like me. Last week I helped set up a firewall
for a school in the local district. I don’t care about the kids,
but I have been told I can earn enough credits to earn early
release. I even showed the guards how to pirate NK eSports
shows. Now I am their best friend.
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Šum #10.2
Barlowe: It’s tedious but I am pursuing a postgraduate degree
in literature. It focuses on glitcheys as a form of neo-pagan
spirituality in late twenty-fifth century Ethereal cultures.
We even have glitcheys in the prison and I have noticed that
they are drawn toward fires. I recently tried to befriend one,
but for some reason they do not like to inhabit criminals.
I am certain they toy with the guards from time to time.
Sometimes you can hear them crying. Perhaps they are
trapped here too.
Jio -Jiing: No comment.
Rose-RR: In all your trials the judges stressed that you are
guilty of ideological crimes and the CEO of the prison insisted I talk to you three instead of common prisoners. Why
do you think that is and what are your ideologies?
Jio -Jiing: I believe it is to embarrass us, revealing how ineffectual our ideologies are. Perhaps also to warn off the youth.
I am a Mir-Taaki nationalist. We follow a mutualist philosophy that promotes the communal ownership of the means
of production and a restoration of the black metallist ecologism of our ancestors. I am influenced most by II-Burz-Iyam,
the thirty-first century poet-warrior, but we have no hierarchy of ideas outside the core system. However, we have
been at war for so long I am unsure what our current political philosophy is. I suppose you could call it endless
black war. For now, our mission is deterritorial, to erase
all the borders on the Block, and from the debris reconstruct this fallen world. My only regret is that I will not live
to see its fruition and I must spend most of my life avoiding
Barlowe’s glitcheys.
Alexei: Most certainly he means to scare off the kids from dangerous ideas. A Wuhan company man knows only black and
white. I don’t have an ideology. I believe, however, the good
life means to profit as much as possible, as fast as possible,
and I cannot even imagine what else is worth pursuing.
I think half the men in here are mad with ideas and they
forget none of it matters in the end.
Barlowe: I was raised Monerist by my father, but my mother
leaned a little to heterodox UASF Satoshiism. They would
discuss quite a lot about the time before the Fall and how
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Šum #10.2
the only proper economic system was a deflationary one.
They held to the old ideas about the sins of fiat currency and
would never stop talking about how life was better under decentralization. Personally, I believe that agorism is a sounder system because it makes more sense to have a monetary
pluralism, but I recognize that altcoin revivalism has made
life more complicated. In my early teens I went through
a tokenism phase, but I got burned too many times by the
older speculators. I did read The Wisdom of Satoshi as a kid,
but I find it hard to believe that one man brought down the
system of the Ancients, I mean it sounds to me like they were
on course to destroy everything anyway. And my father told
me that for the first hundred years there were purer visions
that got crowded out by the hardliner Satoshiism, so the
truth is probably lost to history, assuming that there is any
truth to life at all.
Rose-RR: So, I can give you guys the last word, what do you
want to tell the citizens of Ledger City?
Alexei: Never hack state infrastructure. Stick to non-political
victims and you could retire to the South Sea islands and
find a local girl.
Jio -Jiing: We will slaughter your families, as the Emir, reward
be upon Him, wills.
Barlowe: Kill yourselves.
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Šum #10.2
Crypto-Current
An Introduction to
Bitcoin and Philosophy
Nick Land
§0.0 — On November 1, 2008, “Satoshi Nakamoto” introduced
his “Bitcoin P2P e-cash paper” in an email to The Cryptography Mailing List:1
I’ve been working on a new electronic cash system that’s fully
peer-to-peer, with no trusted third party.
The paper is available at: http://www.bitcoin.org/bitcoin.pdf
The main properties:
Double-spending is prevented with a peer-to-peer network.
No mint or other trusted parties.
Participants can be anonymous.
New coins are made from Hashcash style proof-of-work.
The proof-of-work for new coin generation also powers the network to prevent double-spending.
1
“Bitcoin P2P e-cash paper” (2008/11/01) https://www.mail-archive.com/cryptography@metzdowd.com/msg09959.html.
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Šum #10.2
§0.1 — There is a future, perhaps even a probable one,
in which this short text—of just 64 words—has the status
of a Pre-Socratic fragment, at least , minutely examined
by multiple philosophical schools, determined to extract
every last micro-flicker of its significance. In this speculated culture to come, these words compose an intricate
sign of what is about to arrive not only caught in the final
moment before the shift , but self-identified as a spark—intimately linked to the spark—from which the shift came.
It is trawled up from the other edge, where an accumulation of techno-cultural reaction mass is about to go nova.
Caught at the very lip of the reaction pile, it is a piece
of critical code .
§0.2 — Were the virtual catastrophe to be even greater than
it imaginably could be, so that only the first sentence had
survived—time-charred by the sheer magnitude of the
event—it would still suffice as a compact summary of our
entire topic, and as the germ of an intelligible retro-futural
tradition. Just seventeen words now, and yet almost
everything is still said, arranged in accordance with a distinct internal structure that divides neatly into three parts.
§0.3 — It begins in a virtual theater, where a complex play
is opening. The topic of identity is itself concealed,
as if wrapped in an invisible cloak. It is nothing technical,
or even theoretical, but rather the narrative propeller that
comes first. “I’ve been working …” the hidden author tells
us. The personal pronoun, we understand eventually—if not
immediately—refers us to a mask, and to a drama that is yet
to unfold. The great conceptual themes of anonymity and singularity first enter the stage, in casual clothes. (Extreme acuity would have been required to notice these themes already
foreshadowed in the word “cash”.) This miniature story
about time and “work” means far more than it yet seems to.
§0.4 — After the play begins, space remains for a generic definition of Bitcoin—as a “new electronic cash system” or innovative techno-commercial (i.e. techonomic ) synthesis, a “machine” in the rich, rather than the narrowly technical sense
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(because it encompasses incentives)—and also for an initial
(two-step) abstract specification of its operational principle as a “fully peer-to-peer” or true network , which is itself
succinctly defined through subtraction, or independence
from any kind of “trusted third party”. The deletion of “third
parties” or quasi-transcendent overseers—as revealed, retrospectively, in this artificial future—has been socio-historical
process, and not mere conceptual speculation. Much has
happened over the span of our hypothetical elapsed duration. Boundaries between the inside and the outside have
been redrawn many times. What were once scarcely legible
hints are “now” lucid indications of realized occurrences,
accessible to public designation. Yet even back then—where
we still are—it can only have seemed that a great deal was
ready to be found. When these words were teased apart
patiently, with the surgical tools of a philosophy that was
itself—at that very moment—undergoing drastic revision,
everything was already here, at least in conceptual embryo.
§0.5 — This short text is unmistakably a fragment about “Bitcoin”. It is destined to be still more so. The retrospective
concerns of what remain, at the time of writing, unconsolidated interests will insist upon that. Yet the term appears
only once outside the heading, in the second sentence, and
even there it is not nakedly deployed, but is instead embedded within a hyperlink (or URL). This is surely sufficient
excuse for an early digression. The familiarity of Internet
links, after what has been, even now, only a couple of decades of wide social dissemination, tends to deprive them—
as a general semiotic phenomenon—of the attention they
would otherwise command. They are rushed beyond the
horizon of awareness by their own smooth utility. The same
high-speed familiarization is characteristic of technological
adoption in the electronic era, whose futuristic strangeness
is thus self-concealing.
§0.6 — Every URL is a technical implementation of rigid designation , which is to say that it works not by saying , but
by pointing to some definite thing. It is thus the demonstrative confirmation of a semantic theory, but operation-
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alized to such a degree that its implicit claim is rendered
superfluous, through transportation beyond all meaningful
controversy. It would be entirely redundant to argue that
URLs work. The proper name of that thing meant by any
URL can be compressed and mangled to such a degree that
its signification is obliterated, yet it works (when—in the
case of an “unbroken” link—it does) as an effective invocation —by actually calling up that to which it refers. On the
Internet, the conceptual problem of reference has been
mechanized. To write using links is to participate in a literal machine. In multiple senses, therefore, it “represents”
a death of metaphor.
§0.7 — The rest of the mail composes a separate systematic
unit, devoted to introducing the Bitcoin protocol in (a little)
more detail. It takes the form of a sub-headed five-point
list, striking for its informality. What initially appears
as a logical structure buckles significantly under analysis.
The second point, for instance, is essentially a re-statement
of the first, separated only by distinct emphasis, since the
functional completeness of the P2P network and the absence of any need for trusted third parties constitute a single (or numerically identical) accomplishment. The third
point, while approximately accurate, might be considered
misleading in two ways. While permitting anonymity, the Bitcoin protocol does nothing to positively protect it. The passive facilitation of anonymity is both unremarkable and, from
a technical perspective, notably weak (as would later become evident). Satoshi’s two final points are also interconnected, although in this case the articulation reflects a real
synthesis—or techonomic advance—rather than mere semiotic overspill or logical redundancy. The socio-technical
Bitcoin machine validates itself in the same way it spreads.
§0.8 — Philosophers searching for the systematic order of the
Bitcoin protocol in the logical architecture of a list such
as this are looking in the wrong place—comically so, one
might easily think. The chat is not the code . Yet, everything
attending the arrival of Bitcoin is of such monumental philosophical importance that errors of over-reading can still
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serve as a corrective to neglect. Much more is still being
missed than over-interpreted where the Bitcoin phenomenon is concerned. The occurrence is outpacing its sense.
§0.9 — The problem is not that this fragment is being
read at all, or with exaggerated attention, but that
it is being read the wrong way, insofar as it is considered
to be a logically-ordered list, or a table of categories, rather
than the linguistic translation of a circuit diagram. Disorder—and ultimately paradox—is the positive attainment
of a cybernetic statement.2 It is especially notable that
Satoshi’s five-point list of Bitcoin “properties” explicitly
describes a cycle, ending where it begins, in a return to the
topic of double-spending and its effective prevention. This
circular formulation, too, is a mark of technical functionality, rather than logical indiscipline. Bitcoin loops back,
to close upon itself, because it works (and demonstrates
that it works, through actual perpetuation of its existence).
“Problems” of self-reference are an operational virtue, requiring positive achievement. The guiding principle is not
conceptual comprehension, but machinic closure.
§1.0 — Strictly speaking, Bitcoin has to be unintelligible—
or at least incompletely intelligible—because it necessarily
delivers more than it signifies. What the word designates
vastly over-spills its recuperable (human) meaning. This
is a fatality already implicit in the basic conception of distribution , in the sense of systemic decentralization. To bring
any such (intrinsically distributed) “object” into focus , as the
2
Fritjof Capra recalls a conversation with Gregory Bateson that captures the
mutual entanglement of mechanical and logical circuitousness: “… when you get circular
trains of causation, as you always do in the living world, the use of logic will make you walk
into paradoxes. Just take the thermostat, a simple sense organ, yes?”
He looked at me, questioning whether I followed and, seeing that I did, he continued.
“If it’s on, it’s off; if it’s off, it’s on. If yes, then no; if no, then yes.”
With that he stopped to let me puzzle about what he had said. His last sentence reminded me of the classical paradoxes of Aristotelian logic, which was, of course, intended. So I
risked a jump.
“You mean, do thermostats lie?”
Bateson’s eyes lit up: “Yes-no-yes-no-yes-no. You see, the cybernetic equivalent of logic is
oscillation.” http://shrinkrants.tumblr.com/post/32396927568/gregory-bateson-andfritjof-capra-discuss-mind …
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target for concentrated, comprehensive attention, is impossible by definition. The attempt drives investigation diagonally, into abstraction. It might equally be said—in a manner conducive to the elaboration of critique—that a network
is inherently intractable to objectification . As we shall see
here, and elsewhere (even, eventually, everywhere else),
the translation from epistemological challenge to political provocation takes only the smallest—and least
avoidable—step.
§1.1 — The cybernetic consistency of the Bitcoin protocol
is simultaneously technological and economic—we might
(and shall) continue to say “techonomic”. Its achievement
is inseparable from an orchestration of cryptographic
procedures and financial incentives, such that exploitation of its economic opportunities automatically reinforces
its technical operation. The result—which is, once again,
inextricable from the concrete fact of its historical existence—is an actual cycle of self-reinforcement, independent
of external legitimating authorities. It implements the first
commercial regime to be policed—spontaneously—at the
level of production. Its “miners” or primary producers are
also its final financial arbitrators. Nothing like it has ever
been seen before.
§1.2 — There are no doubt innumerable “truths” about Bitcoin,
of a kind familiar both to folk intuition and to disciplined
traditions of knowledge acquisition—whether first-order
(scientific) or second-order (epistemological, ontological,
and metaphysical). Such moments of recognition will inevitably provision the discussion to follow. Yet there is more
to the topic of Bitcoin and Philosophy than any of this. While
Bitcoin is certainly another thing for philosophy to talk
about, it is also an entirely other way of “talking” and
of doing something that has been considered central to the
philosophical enterprise since its inception— the cultural
production of truth . Bitcoin establishes—and in fact ultimately is —an operational truth procedure. It is less a philosophical object, therefore, than a philosophical platform,
and even a philosophical automatism.
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§1.3 — Bitcoin is inextricable from a practical interrogation
of identity , in its social and psychological sense (as “personal
identity”), but also more fundamentally as that which makes
something such that it is not something else . The specific engagement with this concern under the name of the double-spending
problem need not distract from its extreme generality, and—
beyond generality—its transcendental implication. Bitcoin
realizes an experimental ontology and epistemology in the
course of a technical re-foundation of transactions (upon
the Internet), which involves an abstraction of (if not finally beyond ) money. The practical problematics of money and
identity, nudged together over the course of decades by cryptographic theorists, have arrived—in Bitcoin—at a stage
of radical fusion. For anything “simply” to be certified as that
which it is cannot any longer be confidently distinguished
from a monetary phenomenon. The new “-coin” suffix operates amphibiously between these previously distinct registers, as the index of an economic-ontological machine.
(Big-B) Bitcoin, the system , goes further still. If being able
to verifiably be itself makes of anything a unit in a currency system, the system itself is the Being of such beings—the
ultimate criterion of credible existence. In the end, the
blockchain cannot be subordinated to any principle of reality
(whatsoever) that it does not itself authorize.
§1.4 — Since money, even in its most primitive and concrete
forms, is already an abstraction—from the general commodity—its further mathematical virtualization tends naturally,
from the perspective of common intuition, to a certain opacity. To recognize the reality of the virtual stretches human
cognitive capabilities into stressed—and often distressing—
territory. In addition, money occupies a thematic cross-roads
of such diversity and density that its tangents can appear
overwhelming, touching upon everything of human relevance, even prior to the massive dilation of monetary generality that Bitcoin is currently driving, under the sign of the
new techonomic “coin”.
§1.5 — Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the lucid investigation of money, however, is presented by the fact that
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it occupies a nexus of extreme sensitivity within evolved
human psychology, lodged among our species’ most
emotionally-charged perceptions of social relations. Because money is inextricably entangled with questions
of reciprocity , it is tied-up intimately with such provocations to outrage as injustice, cheating, exploitation, and
unbounded inequality. Such sensitive moral trigger-zones
pose a formidable inhibition to dispassionate analysis.
Disciplined investigation of money threatens to arouse
sentiments of social alienation, and even desecration.
There is no theoretical conclusion about the nature
of money so cold that it does not appear burdened with
concrete socio-political implication. More specifically, the
mere conceptualization of money is grasped—once again,
with vivid archaic intuition—as inherently consequential
with respect to the social distribution of wealth. There
can be no valorization or devalorization of money in theory without an immediate adjustment of social balances,
or at least the widespread perception of such. It is only
natural, then, that the complement also holds. Even when
constrained by a spirit of disinterested empiricism, the
study of money is peculiarly vulnerable to ideological
temptations. The suspicion that monetary theory is politics in disguise tends towards a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Discussions of money drive social apes mad.
§1.6 — If money, nevertheless, demands to be discussed, now
more than ever, it is because something huge is happening. So, really, how big is Bitcoin? This question—however
awkwardly stammered—sets a backdrop to every discussion of the topic. If it could be answered exactly and
comprehensively, we would know everything—seriously,
everything —at least up to the epistemological horizon
of man. Since Gödel, we have known that whatever can
be known at all is precisely detailed in some yet-unknown
number. Because the blockchain is a transcendental
reality criterion, its ultimate summation is necessarily ontologically exhaustive. Whatever it doesn’t—in the
end—include, can only be nothing . That is, however,
to get ahead of ourselves.
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§1.7 — The size of Bitcoin lends itself not to one question, but
to several, and all tend to rapid complication. When posed
as a vague query regarding Bitcoin’s importance—or historical impact—the challenge posed is obviously daunting,
in the way of all futurology. This does not, however, mean
it can be long avoided. The question does not differ in principle from the kind of risk assessment speculative markets
are continuously compelled to make (with mixed success,
at best). It is, indeed, in large—and predominant—part
a bet on the future, of exactly this type. If it is ineluctable,
it is because the distribution of potential outcomes that
it involves allows of no neutral position. Whatever happens
to Bitcoin will matter to everything. Even the possibility
that it might not matter much matters enormously. Shorting the Bitcoin future already offers enough space to thrive
within—or in which to die.
§1.8 — A more highly-restricted—and (at least superficially)
simplistically quantitative—version of the question is easier
to answer with facile confidence. No more than 21 million
bitcoins will ever exist. The scale of Bitcoin is therefore
intrinsic to its identity, and inseparable from its value.
To purchase a bitcoin is to acquire one 21-millionth (and
in fact a little more) of some as-yet incompletely determined “X”. On this basis, the immediate value of Bitcoin is analytical , which is to say, an exact re-statement
of a quantity already given in its issuance. How much
is a stock of 21,000,000 bitcoins worth? Of course, BTC
21,000,000. Naturally, a tautology this crude can at first
only appear as nonsense, or—at best—as a semantic evasion. There is, however, nothing trivial about the disturbance it insinuates.
§1.9 — Instead, and especially in the early stages of the currency, a synthetic valuation is called for, as determined
by exchange rates. Typically, this will reference the
world’s principal reserve currency, the US dollar, as a unit
of account. At any point in time, therefore, the entire
bitcoin stock has a determinate market value. Estimated
in this way, the “scale” of bitcoin approached one hundred
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billion dollars by early 2018. The complex equivalence
between this—comparatively paltry—financial evaluation
and the appeal of the Bitcoin business as a venture capital
opportunity, let alone as the core technology of an industrial revolution, presents a challenge of commensuration
for which no existing road-map is even approximately
adequate. It is unprecedented for the principal infrastructural innovation of a techonomic long-wave to take the
immediate form of an investment vehicle. Extraordinary
nonlinearity results.
§2.0 — When viewed as an episode within a panoramic sweep,
the history of Bitcoin almost writes itself. The crisis it inaugurates within political economy appears to have been
dramatically predictable. Yet, when the Bitcoin protocol
is examined more narrowly, its history—especially its early
history—is notoriously puzzling. Fittingly, the story of Bitcoin—in its details—is profoundly cryptic. When scaled
to tidal global processes, it appears to arise—as if inevitably—out of the Internet, which itself arose in conformity
with the deepest trends of industrial capitalism. Upon
finely-grained inspection, however, where the perturbations of contingency are most starkly evident, it emerged
from the work of “Satoshi Nakamoto”, about whom scarcely
anything is known with confidence. The obscurity concentrated in this name cannot be considered coincidental.
§2.1 — While sweeping analogies reasonably invite suspicion,
it is nevertheless tempting to compare Satoshi Nakamoto’s place in the history of money to Gödel’s in formal
logic. In both cases a tradition accumulated over millennia
through systematic consolidation and refinement of primitive intuition crosses a threshold of positive catastrophe, induced by a technical innovation that overthrows previously
unquestioned assumptions. Once this passage has been
made, what came before acquires the features of a prolonged childhood—an age of innocence and immaturity
to which no return is possible. Logicians remained within
an Aristotelian outer orbit, dreaming of an analytically
grounded mathematics into the early 20th century, before
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Gödel awakened them.3 Prior to Bitcoin, the foundations
of monetary theory remained similarly enmired in legacy
conceptions, stemming from the concrete history of property representation.4 Bitcoin produces credibility, rather
than consuming it. In this way it departs radically from the
entirety of previous monetary history—or pre-history —while
completing it. The word “epoch” is available for the historical periods initiated by such decisive switch-points which—
in Nietzsche’s appropriately grandiloquent words—“break
history in two halves”. The discovery, or invention, of transcendental arithmetic (Gödel), asymmetric cryptography
(PKC), and trustless money (Bitcoin) are all structurally
comparable ruptures.
§2.2 — Ruptures are irreversibilities. They are thresholds
from which there is no going back . Every rupture is thus
a locking, a lock in , or trap-door. The secret of time finds
in rupture its principle of integrity, or redundancy. There
is no puzzle beyond this (which is merely transcendental
philosophy restated).
§2.3 — Secrecy has been an under-developed topic in philosophy. The reasons for this are arguably indistinct from reason
itself, as such, and in general. “As we shall see,” we might
add, insofar as humor is our object. In any case, a story
3
Gödelian incompleteness is logically isomorphic with the halting problem in the
(Church-Turing) theory of computation, and thus translatable after rigorous transformation into the uncomputable. It establishes a basic principle of unbounded application
within the electronic epoch. As a corrective to the extravagant conclusions sometimes
drawn from this conceptual complex, in relation to the limits of machine intelligence,
the work of Jürgen Schmidhuber is of special importance.
4
It should be noted, in clarification of this analogy, that the conceptual foundations of political economy (pre-Bitcoin) were far inferior to those of mathematical logic
(pre-Gödel). The logicism of the Hilbert Program, and of primitive analytical philosophy, while ultimately untenable, at least provided an exact formal basis for its own
theoretical elimination. The concept of property, in marked contrast, remains opaque
to an almost comical degree. Its dependence upon a legal decision process invoking
discretionary judgment essentially resistant to formalization, while convenient—almost
by definition—to those wielding political influence, is a stark indication of its radical conceptual insufficiency. Property is reducible neither to legal title, or physical
possession of precious substance. The former is a bad abstraction (to political dispensation), the latter an inadequate one (to a crudely naturalized relation). Another basic
conception of property is now undergoing consolidation. Property is crypto-security.
It consists of keys.
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of at least minimal plausibility is not difficult to muster.
Secrecy is that which, as a matter of internal necessity,
can only ever be under-emphasized, but in the case of philosophy there is immediately more to say. Since its birth
in ancient Greece, philosophy has been drawn to the public
square, and—according to some historical constructions—
even arose there. It tends, strongly and stubbornly, to identify itself as the most elevated form of public reason . Since
it is by way of a departure from the Hermeticism of the ancient mysteries that philosophy originated, it is a discipline
bound by primordial vocation to exotericism. This cultural
ancestry resonates profoundly with the archaic Occidental
apprehension of truth as aletheia (or “unconcealedness”),
and thus as an emergence or extraction from secrecy. In the
words of Herakleitos (“the dark”)—invoking a primordial entanglement between what would become the cultural
lineages of philosophy and cryptography— Φύσις κρύπτεσθαι
φιλεῖ (“nature loves to hide”).
§2.4 — Within the late-Enlightenment consolidation phase
of modern philosophy, whose capstone is the Kantian critical system, the public sphere of intelligence is thematized
as objectivity . This is the realm of common understanding,
accessibly shared—as a matter of necessary principle—by all
rational beings. For instance, there cannot, according to the
Kantian construction, ever be a secret about space as such .
Space understood transcendentally, as a pure form of objective intuition, rather than as an object itself, cannot contribute to the content of a private experience. A secret geometry
is unthinkable, in this sense .5
5
There has been no cultural event more wounding to the persistence of a Kantian
fundamentalism than the revolution in geometry attending the rigorous demotion of
the Euclidean fifth (or “parallel”) postulate, as privately envisaged in unpublished work
by Gauss (1813) and Schweikart (1818), mathematically publicized by Bolyai and by
Lobachevsky in subsequent decades, generalized to higher dimensions by Reimann
(1854), and then cemented into place by its empirical application to the cosmo-physics
of general relativity. Kant’s conspicuous deference to Newtonian mechanics, understood
as an apodictic (and essentially mathematical) intellectual revolution, sets the stage for
the apparent vulnerability of his own position. The critical edifice seemed to have been
built upon insecure “Euclidean” foundations. It is proposed here, however, that the retrospective attribution of embarrassment in this case is exaggerated, and follows from a
profound misconception concerning the status of the Kantian transcendental aesthetic.
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§2.5 — Bitcoin is an open secret . Despite belonging unambiguously to the history of cryptography, nothing at all about
it is hidden (except what lies beyond it). Its basic innovation—the blockchain—is a (decentralized) public ledger, and
this now widely accepted explanatory term is not remotely
misleading. In any case, the crucial terminological decision
preceded Bitcoin, and was settled decades earlier with the
introduction of public key—or “asymmetric”—cryptography
(PKC). It is, precisely, cryptographic sophistication that
makes the public sharing of critical information (prudently)
practicable. This is exemplified by the blockchain, in which
the details of every transaction are open to general inspection. Furthermore, full exposure extends beyond the (empirical) content of the blockchain, to its (transcendental) fabric .
The Bitcoin protocol is open-source software, its entire code
unrestrictedly available for inspection. Such radical openness is only distinguished practically from a comprehensive
annihilation of privacy because the access to accounts is securely crypto-restricted, enabling digital “wallets” to function as disguises. The paradoxical culmination—now exhibited—is a cryptographic system without secrets.
§2.6 — The basic current inherited by the Internet tends with
irresistible momentum towards the open secret. The system
of disguises is, ever increasingly, fully exposed. The Internet
epoch, we learn, is the Golden Age of masks. Masks are not
designed to be hidden, but rather the contrary. They are
exceptionally conspicuous attire, meant for public exposure,
to facilitate hiding in plain sight . Privacy turns out to be the
reciprocal of an artificial face.
§2.7 — It is only in superficial appearance that publicity and
privacy can be simply opposed, which is not at all to suggest that the distinction can be integrated, or that either
pole is soluble within the other. PKC definitively settles the
relation . The real bond—or synthetic principle—connecting
Newtonian space provides only an occasion, not a strict model. The Kantian formalization of sensible intuition is less descriptive than telic, or retrochronic. It is the draft for
an engineering project. The Gibsonian Cyberspace “Matrix”—in its resilient (because
synthetic) Euclideanism—corresponds to a more rigorously Kantian conception.
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the public to the private is not a generic logical relation,
but a cryptographic singularity. There is only privacy at all
because this distinction is opaque to public reason. Philosophy—as it has traditionally understood itself—is asymmetrically related to cryptography, from which it is locked out
by its (publically) unquestionable commitment to a principle of boundless publicity. The relation is poorly modeled
by a tension between the public square and the inner circle—or between a commons, and a myriad vaults—and would
still be even had it not been known since the late 19th century that squaring the circle is impossible.6 Already in the
Kantian formulation of the transcendental philosophy the
secret was distinguished from any type of concealed object.
Its redoubt is not to be found in a transcendent mystery.
It is located, rather, in the difference between the object and its
principle . The secret of objectivity is itself concealed by the
feint that leads to its misidentification with a hidden thing.
§2.8 — The philosophy of secrecy fuses with definite practical
realities. Bitcoin approaches the model of an ideal agora ,
at once commercially open and politically closed. It epitomizes the arena of “free trade” in all its innovative radicality and (from the perspective of the left) social aggression.
Bitcoin is closed by its intrinsic protection against discretionary modification, and opened by its commercial function.
Implicit in the circulation of bitcoins—or any other medium
of exchange—is a process of commercial synthesis , latching
the crypto-currency system on to something beyond itself.
Anybody transferring bitcoins out of their own account, and
therefore necessarily into someone else’s, is presumably engaged in an exchange which—since it cannot be realistically
imagined as economically tautological (directly swapping
bitcoins for bitcoins)—has to swap bitcoins for an extraneous commercial object. Clearly, whatever is exchanged for
bitcoins, is priced in bitcoins. When it operates as a cur6
From the mid-19th century, it was understood that the possibility of squaring
the circle depended upon the nature of pi (π). The Lindemann-Weierstrass theorem
(1882) proves that pi (π) is a transcendental number, confirming the insolubility of the
problem. It can be seen from this example how serendipitous the name transcendental
number turns out to be.
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rency, Bitcoin is a synthesizer. It cannot propagate without
connecting itself to a wider world. The cryptic principle
of openness projects a diagonal line.
§2.9 — Since the origins of modernity, a specter has been haunting the world—that of the autonomous industrial economy.
This is the same emergent order that has acquired the name
“capitalism” in the abstract, tendential, or teleological sense
of the word, and—still more importantly—in accordance with
its usage as a designation for an always only partially-defined
real individual, or terrestrial event. Its signature is a regenerative, or self-reinforcing, intensification of socio-economic
disequilibrium, “governed”—or, more strictly, made radically
ungovernable—by a fundamental positive-feedback dynamic.
“Capitalism” then, as a singular (or “proper”) rather than
generic (or typological) name, designates the sovereign
self-escalation of an innovative entity, defined only by the
practical relation of auto-promotion it establishes with—
and through—itself. What it is, in itself, is more than itself.
Growth is its essence. This is easily said, but—as an irreducible logical anomaly—it is far less easily understood. This
does not, however, obstruct its being named. Fernand Braudel writes of “the passionate disputes the explosive word capitalism always arouses.”7 Its would-be defenders, typically,
are those least inclined to acknowledge its real (and thus autonomous) singularity. Business requires no such awkward
admission. This, too, is a crypsis. By inevitable—if often awkward—irony, a species of “Marxism” tends to be regenerated
in any systematic promotion of Capital. Even were this not
the case, those who consider themselves befriended by Capital would rarely be motivated to pronounce upon the fact.
§3.0 — According to the crudest—and perhaps also most plausible—account of Bitcoin’s inherent political philosophy,
it implements a project of algorithmic governance that
conforms to the deepest and most essential agenda of modernity, which is to say, of emergent capitalism, in its search
for a definitive securitization of commerce against poli7
BRAUDEL, Fernand, Civilization & Capitalism, Volume I, p. 25.
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tics. It thus expresses—in contemporary techno-libertarian
or crypto-anarchist guise—the primal impulse of liberalism (in its classical sense). As already noted implicitly,
it is something most easily seen from outside.
§3.1 — When captured at its zenith of abstraction and technical
rigor, the defining proposition of the left is that depoliticization is still politics (and more specifically, a politics ). This
is not a proposition that can be limited to theoretical clarification. It is a project, and even a prophecy. The anti-political
will be re-absorbed into the political, according to this fundamental formula. The whole of “class war” is contained
within it. Its complement, on the side of capital, is an equally practical —and no less antagonistic—commitment to escape. The left thus recognizes its enemy, with striking realism, as an emergent—and intrinsically fractured—agent
of social dissolidarity . A crucial asymmetry has to be immediately noted. The “struggle” here is not even imaginably
one-on-one . Capital is essentially capitals , at war among
themselves. It advances only through disintegration. If—not
at all unreasonably—the basic vector of capital is identified
with a tendency to social abandonment, what it abandons
most originally is itself.8 That is why the left finds itself
so commonly locked in a fight to defend what capital is from
what it threatens to become. Bitcoin tells us—more clearly
8
Marx is not blind to any of this, although he tends to complacently bracket it as
a self-destructive contradiction. The Communist Manifesto is especially stark in this
regard. Continuous auto-liquidation of the establishment is modernity’s installed
regulative idea. Recent history has only confirmed the insight. Capital revolutionizes harder, deeper, and faster than “the Revolution”. Its lack of attachment to itself
exceeds anything the left has been able to consistently match. Capital’s scandalous
immortality is derived solely from its inventiveness in ways to kill itself. There is no
serious way in which it could die that is not more intensely effectuated as a functional
innovation within itself. Revolutionary capital proceeds through disintermediation. It
bypasses what it marks for extinction. Morgen E. Peck reports on a conversation with
Ethereum entrepreneur Joseph Lubin: “‘We will replace insurance companies. We will
replace Wall Street,’ he told me. […] Then the list kept growing. Online movie distribution houses like Netflix and Hulu. Gaming platforms like Xbox and Sega Genesis.
Messaging services like Twitter. Add to that retirement plans, currency exchanges,
voting, intellectual-property managers, and trust-fund disbursers. According to Lubin,
everything—really everything—we do on the Internet or via any kind of digital channel
is about to undergo a radical change.” http://spectrum.ieee.org/computing/networks/
the-future-of-the-web-looks-a-lot-like-bitcoin
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than any other innovation—what it is becoming next, by escaping transcendent governance in principle . Consistent “right
wing-extremism”,9 automated governance, and unflinching
critical philosophy are inter-translatable without significant
discrepancy. The crypto-current is a nightmare for the left
(rigorously conceived).10 It is other things, but that is the
main one. Philosophical phase change doesn’t happen without a fight, least of all when attempting to route around one.
9
The coinage comes from David Golumbia: https://news.vcu.edu/article/VCU_
professor_discusses_The_Politics_of_Bitcoin_Software_as_RightWing.
10 Bitcoin was invoked on Halloween (2008/10/31) in a research paper published
under the cryptic name Satoshi Nakamoto. It had the time format of a horror story.
This is not the place to follow the Gothic roads thus opened, however suggestive they
initially appear. Most notable, at this point, are the shadow undercurrents to questions
about whether Bitcoin can ever die (or be stopped). Upon intense examination, neither
possibility seems to be coherently thinkable.
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Waveforms: Art
and Revolutionary
Transformation in the
Age of Blockchain
Edmund Berger
1. Split Futures
“Crypto is libertarian, AI is communist” was the declaration uttered by venture capitalist and PayPal founder Peter in an early
2018 debate between him and LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman.
In this statement, Thiel mapped the two major fixations of Silicon Valley capitalism—cryptocurrencies and artificial intelligence—along a political axis stretching from the left to the right.
He continued suggesting that crypto contains an inherently
decentralizing tendency; after all, they are designed to escape the
grasp of state management of monetary flows, and are capable
of undergoing forks and other transformations as the designers and holders of the currencies see fit. Artificial intelligence
by contrast, Thiel suggested, moved in a centralizing direction.
AI is an affair of big data, itself a byproduct of all-pervasive
surveillance technologies and techniques to capture imperceptible information flows. It is stored and analyzed by big corporations and big states, and allows them an unprecedented degree
of control in any otherwise overly complex, rapidly changing
environment. By using AI, a state planner could conceivably de-
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termine and fix prices in accordance with accurate information
of prevailing market conditions. Crypto, meanwhile, pries open
escape valves and renders these planner’s operations moot.
Is this an accurate picture of these two emergent technological forces? There can be no doubt that there is a reciprocal relationship between technics and politics, as illustrated by innumerable philosophers, theorists, and political economists. Many
of these thinkers—including Karl Marx and Carlota Perez, two
thinkers we will consider in depth—go further to suggest that
the political is in fact produced by the relations that arise from
technical relations and is thus conditioned by them. For Marx,
this is the interaction of the class struggle with the development
of productive forces, both internally to a stage of history (i.e.
feudalism or capitalism) and externally as the force that drives
movement from one stage to the next. With some augmentation,
Perez’s approach is compatible with Marx’s theory;1 for her,
development is characterized by repetitive rhythms produced
by the “shock” of a new radical innovation that transforms the
whole of the economic system and, by extension, the entirety
of social and political relations. From either of these points
of view, Thiel’s comments could be read this way: the inevitable
political outcome of crypto, by want of both its intended and
unintended logic, is libertarian, just as it is communist for AI.
What appears at first glance as an ideologically loaded declaration is thus transposed into the productive matrix that seethes
beneath ideology itself.
In a response to Thiel’s comments, Benjamin Bratton has
offered the counterpoint that the connection between crypto
and libertarianism on the one hand, and AI and communism
on the other, is not nearly as straightforward as the venture
capitalist would like them to be. Bratton moves from the crypto
itself (in this case, the example of Bitcoin) to the technological
system that upholds it, that is, the blockchain, a distributed,
digitized public ledger system that allows the direct exchange
of different kinds of value between different parties, freed
from mediation by some sort of third party mechanism. While
this seems to immediately signal inherently libertarian affin1
For an attempt to read Marx and Perez together, see my book Uncertain Futures:
An Assessment of the Conditions of the Present (London: Zero Books, 2016).
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ities—one can quickly see how the direct exchange without
mediation conforms to the vision of smooth, frictionless market
activity—Bratton hints that the outcome of this contemporary
technological innovation might cut in a different direction, and
fall closer to what is expected from AI (which, ironically, might
be veering in a more decentralizating direction). Taking communism to mean “something like the centralized management
of a holistically owned commons, structured teleologically [and]
without transactional profit as the animating force” and libertarian as “something like ‘the whole is the emergent result of the
self-interested interplay of monadic, individuated units in which
full sovereignty resides’”, Bratton argues:
As thought experiment I would argue that we can just as easily
argue that AI is libertarian […] in that […] many of the technical trends in AI are moving away from centralized, cloud-based
models and more towards on-device AI by which we have lots
of little things that are sensing and making sense of the world
in a lot of different kinds of ways. AI becomes less of a big brain
in the sky, [and now] we think of it more as a kind of generalized
cognitive matter […] The blockchain is libertarian seems almost
like a self-affirming proposition, both as a pronouncement of its
validity and as an accusation […] The converse argument is equally plausible to consider, that blockchain is communist […] blockchains allow for the possibility of de facto, if not de jure economic
actors that are not Lockean individuals, but which are other
value-producing, storing, or circulating entities in the world.
They imply forms, whether they are simply ideas like the ‘social
wallet’, of social plurality of agencies that may suggest something more like a commons of value rather than a kind of reified
monadic hoarding. 2
He continues to add that this left–right axis itself may
be ill-equipped to handle the complexity of the world that
is coming into view, a statement in line with his observation
elsewhere that a new “understanding of the political and
economic philosophy of platforms demands its own Hobbes,
2
BRATTON, Benjamin, “(In)Humanism Rising”, talk given to trust.video,
https://trust.video/.
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Marx, Hayek, and Keynes”.3 As long as communist currents
maintain an analysis locked in at the level of the development
in the 1890s and the broader left is swept up in nostalgia for the
1950s dream (not to mention the flattened, ahistorical position
adopted by so many of the right), Bratton’s comments here are
undoubtedly true. Just as the advent of ‘monopoly capitalism’
and the later arrival of so-called ‘post-industrialization’ required a retooling of Marxist theory, the emergence of a ‘platform capitalism’ and the dual development of super-fast, liquid,
autonomy-producing systems alongside widening capacities for
absolute command-and-control calls for a theory and practice
adequate to it. That said, the what better way to approach the
onslaught of a truly alien futurity than with Marx and Engels’
powerful provocation concerning the position of communism
within history: “Communism for us is not a state of affairs which
is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust
itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the
present state of things. The conditions of this movement result
from the premise now in existence”.4 We could say that measured
against the conditions of the present, communism itself embodies
the most alien of all possible futures.
What this paper will argue is not that blockchain is intrinsically communist rather than libertarian, but that there is a proliferation of potential futures that stretch out from our contemporary
historical moment, which itself is characterized by an all-pervasive
decadence. This is not decadence understood first and foremost
as a moral stagnation or reactionary theory of civilizational decay, nor as any sort of absolute law; instead, decadence is a kind
of aberrant moment in which the development of productive forces
is tossed out of joint from the creative turbulence that typifies the
long-range evolution of industrial systems.5 This manifests polit3
BRATTON, Benjamin, The Stack, Cambridge: MIT Press, 2015, p. 528.
4
MARX, Karl, ENGELS, Friedrich, The German Ideology, New York: Progress Publishers, 1968, https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/Marx_The_
German_Ideology.pdf.
5
This definition of decadence is based on the theories of Georges Sorel. For Sorel,
decadence constituted an entropic phase in industrial development that broke with the
theories of orthodox Marxism. Because development was deviating from its course, the
anticipated outcome of the real movement—communism—was a fading possibility. A
return to the capitalism that Marx had analyzed was thus the key revolutionary task. See
SOREL, Georges, Reflections on Violence, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
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ically, culturally, and economically as the loss of any sort of positive future, the settling-in of a foggy blanket of gloom that veers
from quietist despair (“things are always going to be like this”)
to a sour apocalypticism (“there is no choice but doom”). As Mark
Fisher has posited in his meditations on “designer communism”,
the rekindling of the ability to articulate potential futures
is intrinsic to the communist project. This is a proposition that
is in no way contradictory to Marx’s argument that communism
is not an ideal towards which history must be steered. Thinking
possible futures is not something that emerges in a void; it begins
from the prevalent material conditions—the organization of industry, the composition of classes, the infrastructures that uphold
these things, the various technical systems and the logic they
carry with them, on and on—and proceeds out from there.
Here, we will argue that this thinking, while being an essential political task, is approached through the aesthetic dimension, particularly where the experimentation with beauty
and form intersects design-thinking concerned with contemporary techno-scientific objects and systems. What this calls for
is the opening of a dialogue between aesthetic expression and
techno-economic development, to show how the former seizes
upon the latter to explore a wider possibility space than that
which seems economically possible. This isn’t to put the aesthetic
ahead of the political, or a suggestion that the aesthetic operates
at the same level as the political; it posits, following Herbert Marcuse, an undeniable relationship between the two, a recursivity
that is not founded on a formal equality.
To put this in proper context, however, we must first begin
with an analysis of the structure of techno-economic development across the span of the development of capitalist production,
in order to best identify periods of sweeping transformation with
corresponding aesthetic and design experimentation. The respective work of and intersections between Marx and Perez become
instructive on this point, with the mutually reinforcing emphasis
on socio-technical systems that operate above and beyond the flat
ontology of the reified market. Diving into the interstices between
their positions unveils the architecture of history itself: a rhythmic, pulsing development drive that oscillates through constant
revolutions haunted by the fanged specter of crisis. It is to this
architecture that we now turn.
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2. The Structure of Development
2.1. Paradigms and Waves
Carlota Perez’s work on the techno-economic draws on a host
of different theories of economic and technological change. Two
names that stand out in particular are those of Joseph Schumpeter, the Austrian-born theorist of creative destruction, and
Christopher Freeman, a leading light in the field of industrial
economics. Besides these two, however, as the ones that we are
going to focus on here, there are the Soviet economist Nikolai
Kondratiev (whose theories were popularized, albeit in modified form, by Schumpeter and later adopted by Freeman), and
Giovanni Dosi, a specialist in innovation economics and industrial organization theory. From Dosi comes the nature of development’s rhythm, its rises and falls through innovative breaks
and the totalizing nature of these phases, and from Kondratiev
a quasi-Marxist structure of how these rhythms unfold.
Kondratiev’s career in economics, which ended tragically before a firing squad during the Stalinist purges, began
under the tutelage of Mikhail Tugan-Baranovsky, who had
been a leading proponent of the now largely forgotten Russian movement known as “Legal Marxism”. Taking aim at the
populist narodniks, who advocated a form of socialism based
on the Russian peasant commune, the Legal Marxists advocated the development of capitalism as a precondition to realizing
a communist society. Before ultimately abandoning Marxism
altogether, the Legal Marxists were widely influential on a number of anti-Tsarist revolutionaries, including a young Vladimir
Lenin, who adopted many of their positions when carrying out
his own critique of the narodniks and other “economic romanticists”.6 It is unsurprising, then, that when Lenin introduced
“state capitalism” into post-revolutionary Russia through the
New Economic Policy, Kondratiev was one of the largest supporters of the program, and carried out much work in developing industrial strategies that balanced the demands of state
planning with the growth of semi-autonomous markets.
6
See LENIN, Vladimir, A Characterization of Economic Romanticism, 1897, https://
www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1897/econroman/index.htm.
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At the same time that he was working on developing
five-year plans, Kondratiev was studying the phenomenon
of long-term economic cycles that could be found when studying the movement of empirical data across decades. He was
by no means the first to perceive these cycles: the writings of the
classical economists, as well as those of Marx and Engels, were
peppered with cycles and recurrent patterns that rolled through
the time of development. These tended to be smaller business
cycles and inventory whose patterns and turnings generally
took around a decade to shake out; where Kondratiev differed,
by contrast, was the duration of the cycles he was finding. Rummaging through dense reams of statistical data on commodity
prices, interest rate movement, wage fluctuation, trade volumes,
heavy industrial output and other aggregates, he found that
there appeared to be multiple “waves”, roughly forty to seventy
years in duration, based on alternating periods of prosperity
and growth followed by stagnation and slowdown. Even within
these alternations, however, internal cycles—or “intermediate
cycles”—of growth and decline could be found:
The long waves really belong to the same complex dynamic process
in which the intermediate cycles of the capitalistic economy with
their principal phases of upswing and depression run their course.
These intermediate cycles, however, secure a certain stamp from
the very existence of the long waves. Our investigation demonstrates that during the rise of the long waves years of prosperity are
more numerous, whereas years of depression predominate during
the downswing.7
Importantly, for Kondratiev, innovation played a fundamental role, though he did not necessarily view it as the primary
causal factor in driving the rise, peak, and fall of the wave.
Such a perspective was picked and emphasized later by Schumpeter, though even for this economist it was the turbulence
of investment behavior that served as the motive force for the
half-century plus cycling. To fully appreciate the nature of the
Kondratiev wave, however, the role played by the innovation
7
KONDRATIEV, N. D., “The Long Waves in Economic Life”, in: The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 17, No. 6, November, 1935, pp. 105–-15.
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must be foregrounded. This is where the work of Giovanni
Dosi becomes vitally important, which in the hands of Perez
will recast the nature of the wave as the temporal frame of the
technological paradigm .
For Dosi, the concept of the technological paradigm was
intended to resolve the issue of “continuous change and discontinuous technological innovation”, or, in other words, the
apparent paradox between long-range development of productive forces on the one hand, and the historical repetition of hard
breaks that characterize the inner nature of this development.
A resolution, Dosi reasoned, required the overcoming of two
contradictory theories—demand-pull and technological-push—
of how technological development under capitalism occurs.
The first of these, demand-pull, is first and foremost a theory
of market-driven innovation, in which the introduction of new
technologies and techniques occurs as a result of rising demand
in the marketplace. Technological-push, on the other hand,
places ahead of consumer demand the question of “scientific
inputs in the production process” and the “increased complexity
of R&D activities”.8 In light of these factors, technology is not
to be seen as something that is produced by aggregate demand,
but should be viewed as a force that rips markets along in their
wake. If the former approach, demand-pull, points towards the
privileging of self-organizing processes governing economic
behavior—thus making it amendable to so-called “neoliberal” discourses surrounding economic development—the latter technological-push model points towards the importance
of long-term planning on behalf of firms and governments.
Dosi critiques the demand-pull model on the grounds that
it can only ever produce an overly mechanical and ultimately
crude account of innovation, unable to account for “why and
when certain technological changes vis-à-vis market conditions” occur.9 Flattening reality into the ontology of the marketplace, it exhibits a “neglect of changes over time in the
inventive capability which does not bear any direct relationship
8
DOSI, Giovanni, “Technological Paradigms and Technological Trajectories: A
Suggested Interpretation of the Determinants and Directions of Technical Change”, in:
Research Policy, Vol. 11, Issue 3, 1982, p. 151.
9
Ibid.
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Šum #10.2
with changing market conditions”.10 This isn’t to say, however,
that technological-push gets the final word in either (though
it is clear that of the two, Dosi leans more towards this second
position): with its heavy focus on what J. K. Galbraith once
described as the industrial “technostructure”—the technocratic and bureaucratic elements within the corporation that
had allegedly superseded the figure of the entrepreneur11—
technological-push fails to account precisely for the elements
that demand-pull highlights. Between the two, we can glimpse
lines running towards the major ideological impasses of both
demand-side economics, as privileged by those such as Galbraith, Keynes, Stiglitz and others, and supply-side economics,
that of the Chicago school and other neoliberal factions. Dosi,
by contrast, is seeking the diagonal that evades the captures
that both sides bring with them.
The solution to this problem, the technological paradigm ,
is rooted in Thomas Kuhn’s concept of the scientific paradigm.
These paradigms are bundles, existing in specific frames
of time, that consist of a “disciplinary matrix” and a variety
of elements that compose it: value-systems, “symbolic generalizations”, particular modeling formats, and practices that
correspond with these.12 The scientific paradigm, in other
words, serves as a machine of sorts that produces not only
methodological frameworks governing scientific processes,
but the manner in which the products of these methodologies
are articulated—in short, it fashions both the epistemic and
ontological lenses through which reality is viewed, assessed,
and molded. The technological paradigm, likewise, constitutes
a temporally-specific (that is, bound to a particular “location”
in historical time) generative matrix. Dosi:
As “normal science” is the “actualization of a promise” contained in a scientific paradigm, so is “technical progress” defined
by a certain “technological paradigm” […] if the hypothesis of technological paradigm is to be of some use, one must be able to assess
also in the field of technology the existence of something similar
10 Ibid., p. 150.
11 See GALBRAITH, J. K., The New Industrial State, Boston: Houston Mifflin
Company, 1967.
12 DOSI, “Technological Paradigms and Technology Trajectories”, pp. 152–153.
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Šum #10.2
to a “positive heuristic” and a “negative heuristic”. In other words
a technological paradigm (or research programme) embodies
strong prescriptions on the directions of technical change to pursue and those to neglect. Given some generic technological tasks
(one could call them generic “needs”) such as, for example, those
of transporting commodities and passengers, producing chemical
compounds with certain properties or switching and amplifying
electrical signals, certain specific technologies emerged, with
their own “solutions” to those problems and the exclusion of other
notionally possible ones: in our three examples, historically these
technologies were the internal combustion engine, petrochemical processes and semiconductors, respectively. Technological
paradigms have a powerful exclusion effect: the efforts and the
technological imagination of engineers and of the organizations
they are in are focused in rather precise directions while they are,
so to speak, “blind” with respect to other technological possibilities. At the same time, technological paradigms define also some
idea of “progress”.
The direction of technological change—the “idea of progress”—
constitutes the technological trajectory , which in turn dictates
the manner in which “problem-solving” processes are executed.
It is here that we can begin to glimpse how this model escapes
both the demand-pull and technological-push models: the
bottom-up meshwork of market activity persists in playing a vital
role in eking out solutions to both locally-bound and macro-scale
problems, driving innovation through competitive pressures,
and exacting both punishments and rewards on populations,
governments, so on and so forth. At the same time, the market
cannot be considered an autonomous entity in its own right, but
something regulated, both formally and informally, by a ground
composed of institutions public and private. These institutions,
however, are themselves neither organic nor autonomous, but
are subjected, much like the market, to a great composition
of forces—the “big bang” that sets off a given technological paradigm. This evolutionary spin on institutional economics provided by Dosi, his predecessors like Christopher Freeman, and those
that followed in his wake is thus reminiscent of Marx’s staunch
critique of the liberal economists who held that it was the mode
of distribution—the market—that was the primary character-
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istic of capitalist societies. Just as these later scholars looked
instead to the evolution of paradigms, Marx insisted that it was
the mode of production, as a technologically advanced, industrial that produced idiosyncratic relations adjacent to it, that
took precedence.
Perez runs Dosi’s technological paradigm together with the
curve of Kondratiev’s wave, thus making the ups and downs
of the technological trajectory account for the different runs and
twists that each wave seems to exhibit. This, as she points out,
alters both Kondratiev and Schumpeter’s interpretation of the
wave. For these two predecessors, the emphasis on the movement of economic growth, charted through the rise and fall and
rise again of GDP or whatever other economic metric is being
used. In the unification of the technological paradigm with the
K-Wave—henceforth to be referred to as a techno-economic
paradigm—the movement of these sorts of aggregates can only
be considered as an outward expression of this internal “rhythm”
of development. In this rhythm, Perez identifies two primary
movements that compose the majority of the wave’s duration: the
installation phase , which composes roughly the first half of the
wave, and the deployment period , the latter half. The installation phase and the deployment period are in turn separated
by a turning point , which is typified by an economic crisis and its
subsequent resolution.
Within this architecture, however, one finds additional
movements. The installation period begins, in fact, during the
downswing of the deployment period of the preceding wave;
as the deployment period begins to slow down, investment capital begins to flow towards a cluster of accumulating innovations.
With the realization of a lead technology , the big bang: the installation period sweeps up a wild eruption, as capital abandons the
old systems and objects and floods this new, dynamic possibility
space. The eruption soon becomes a frenzy. A veritable euphoria
moves across the business world, as mini-booms and busts oscillate. Wealth expands and investment opportunities multiply. Underneath it all, a great bubble builds. To quote Perez at length:
It seems astonishing that people could believe that such extreme
acceleration in the number of companies entering the race, counting on equally exaggerated growth in market value could be any-
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thing but a process of overinvestment and a bubble destined to collapse. Yet every time the notion of a “new economy” seems to take
hold, to spread and be held by serious people. This is, in a sense,
understandable because technological revolutions do revive the
economy across the board (after years of stagnation) and give
a sense of new power for modernising production and life as well
as for fantastic profit making. In addition, they all seem to experience significant mini-booms, which are alarming at the time.
However, since the recovery after these sorts of “precursor bubbles”
is relatively swift, the experience actually serves to strengthen confidence for when the real bubble builds up.13
As with all bubbles, a burst will sooner or later occur. The
business euphoria has become detached entirely from the
conditions of the real economy, which exists out of joint from
the true potentials and institutional demands of the new paradigm. Yet the crisis that explodes from the bursting of the
bubble is not solely destructive. It liquidates capital that has
been poorly invested and forces the movement of it towards
productive ends while also highlighting the various institutional contradictions, taking place across not only the private
and public sectors, but in civil society as well, that had been
neglected in the build-up. Resolution of the crisis is not only
dependent upon the reconstruction of capital flows and investment patterns, but on an institutional recomposition that spans
firm organization, class composition, governmental regulation and structure, as well as all sorts of formal and informal
practices, norms, and protocols unique to the demands of the
paradigm in question.
If successfully carried out, the institutional recomposition
or adaptation heralds the coming of the deployment period,
as the rebound from the crisis sets into synergetic moment typified by stable growth, increased employment, and an overall
vibrancy in the economy—the dawning of an all-too-temporary
golden age . And after synergy, maturity, is “reached when the
innovative possibilities of the whole system begin to wane and
13 PEREZ, Carlota, “The Double Bubble at the Turns of the Century: Technological
Roots and Structural Implications”, in: Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 33, 2009,
p. 784.
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Šum #10.2
the corresponding markets to saturate”.14 The accelerating
returns and prosperity of the synergetic phase begins to slow
down and decline, and the deployment period as a whole
moves out of its golden age into a period of stagnation. The
limits and inflexibilities of the institutional recomposition
begin to exhibit themselves, holding the entirety of society
in its fragile sway. Somewhere, far below, the movement of innovations swirls about, and ever so gradually capital begins
to trickle down to them. The next installation phase then rises
on the horizon.
Through this model, we can glimpse how certain technological systems stand apart from others in that they act not
as auxiliary or components to some abstract economic machinery, but “activate” the clusters of innovations so as to transform
the entirety of economic, political, and social life. “History”,
in a sense, is produced through the technologies, or more
properly in the interactions between agents in an environment
set and conditioned by the objects and systems that impart the
paradigm shift. In Perez’s work, five major waves or paradigms
are identified, each centered on a radical innovation. Across
these five unfolds modernity, understood as the development
of the capitalist mode of production since the explosion of the
industrial revolution. This revolution, kicking off in the early
1770s and ending in the 1820s, experienced its turning point
in the crisis of the mid-1790s, while the successor wave, organized around the steam power, began in the 1820s, experienced
a crisis in 1848, and wound down in the mid-1870s.
The K-Wave based on electrification picked up in the 1870s
and persisted until the 1920s, with a kind of long and turbulent crisis beginning in the late 1890s and ending in the early
1900s. The following wave, that of mass production—which
we might also call the Fordist era, as we will address shortly—
began rather early in the downswing of the previous way, picking up around 1910. This wave would go into stagnation in the
late 1960s and formally breakdown in the long-term crisis
of the 1970s, but it experienced the intense turning point of the
Great Depression as well as the concurrent Second World War.
14 PEREZ, Carlota, “Technological Revolutions and Techno-Economic Paradigms”,
in: Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 34, 2009.
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Šum #10.2
The current K-Wave, put into motion by information communication technology, can be equated with the “post-Fordist”
epoch (the ideological packages of “neoliberalism” are also
unique to this time). While some date the beginning of this
wave in the early 1970s, given that computers and other cybernetic technologies began to accumulate during the Second
World War, it is best understood as only having begun after
the stagnation period of the 1970s, in the midst of the Reaganite and Thatcherite 1980s. This adds a variable time element
to dating this wave, adding to what appears to be a generalized
“wobble” in the predictability of these functions (something
we will return to in the final section of this paper, when discussing the relation of the blockchain to this schematism).
Another instance of this is the presence of not one but two crises that have destabilized this wave. The first of these was the
bursting of the dot-com bubble, which lasted between March
of 2000 and October 2002 after having escalated for some five
years of euphoric growth. The second, meanwhile, was the
Great Recession, which erupted in 2007 and formally ended
in 2009, though long-range stagnation and general instability
seem to have been the result of what may have been a failure
to undergo institutional recomposition.
Laid out, the history of the capitalist mode of production in terms of the K-Wave model appears as follows:
Techno-Economic Paradigm
Installation Phase
Industrial Revolution
Early 1770s–1790s
Age of Steam Power
1829–1840s
Age of Electricity
1875–mid-1890s
Age of Mass Production (Fordism)
1910–late 1920s
Age of Information
Communication Technology
1980s–2000
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Šum #10.2
2.2. Symp toms of Passage
The movement upwards through the oscillations of the
K-Waves is a passage through the spinal column of modernity, which refracts through two different—yet interwoven
to the point of inseparability—trendlines: 1) the approaching
planterization of a shared techno-economic macrostructure;
and 2) the increasing mechanization of productive forces
that engenders a series of radiating effects (speeding up pace
of production, modulation of the human labor relations adjacent to production, advancing magnitudes of productive
output, so on and so forth). In the wave, these two lines deepen and widen. From the marshaling of the labor-force in the
steam-powered plant in the wake of the industrial revolution
to the augmentation of this labor through the gradual introduction of time- and energy-saving techniques to the full
mobilization of the population under the logic of the assembly
line and beyond, an escalating process can be glimpsed: the
elusive notion of progress as a march, fraught with contradictions and shot-through with factors both repressive (the subordination of labor and the looming specter of immiseration)
and liberatory (freedom from toil, the just-out-of-reach realization of true abundance).
The nature of these lines and the ambiguous, dialectical character of this advance can be analyzed by pulling to-
Crisis/Turning Point
Deployment Phase
1793–1797
1798–1820s
1848–1856
1857–1874
mid-1890s–1902
1903–1920
1930s–early 1940s
1945–1968/74
2001, 2008
x
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gether, in the manner of Carlo Vercellone and Paulo Virno,15
Marx’s theory of the passage from formal subsumption to real
subsumption (as detailed in the first volume of Capital and elsewhere) with his theory of the general intellect (treated briefly
in the famed “Fragment on Machines” in the Grundrisse ). For
both Vercellone and Virno, the general intellect—the social development of technical and scientific knowledge —is a dynamic,
yet problematic, element in Marxian theory. On the one hand,
it constitutes a rupture with the process of real subsumption
by emerging from within it while opening up a space beyond
domination by the capitalist mode of production, but on the other hand the most contemporary developmental trends (namely:
the reformatting of productive forces and social relations by information communication technology) illustrate how capitalism
can come to dominate this space. To get a handle on how these
series of maneuvers unfold between Marx’s theory and recent
appraisals of it, we must first turn to the question of formal and
real subsumption.
Progress between stages of social development is typified,
wrote Marcuse, by “‘determinate negation’ of the proceeding
stage—that is, the new stage is determined by the social structure which prevailed as the preceding age”.16 This phenomenon
can clearly be glimpsed in Marx’s discussion of the “lower” and
“higher” stages of communism in his Critique of the Gotha Program. The lower stage will continue to exhibit distinctive traits
of the capitalist mode of production, imprinted so by having
“emerged after prolonged birth pains capitalist society”.17
Yet this dynamic is not solely a developmental characteristic
of a post-capitalist civilization; it is also at play within the historical emergence of capitalist production and labor relations.
Hence the necessity of formal subsumption, which indexes the
way in which the early stages of capitalism exhibited every15 The following discussion of these two Autonomous Marxists is heavily influenced by Tony Smith’s discussion in his “The ‘General Intellect’ in the Grundrisse and
Beyond”, in: BELLOFIORE, Riccardo, STAROSTA, Guido, THOMAS, Peter D. (ed.),
In Marx’sLaboratory: Critical Interpretations of the Grundrisse, Boston: Brill Academic
Publishers, 2013, pp. 213–232.
16 MARCUSE, Herbert, Soviet Marxism: A Critical Analysis, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1958, p. 19.
17 MARX, Karl, Critique of the Gotha Program, 1875, https://www.marxists.org/
archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/.
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where traces and reminders of the dominance of craft production in the pre-capitalist epoch. In this primary phase, workers
generally commanded their own labor as autonomous agents operating on the market, while the capitalist, who made use of this
labor, was detached from the production process. He commanded the capital at his disposal, buying and selling in accordance with his needs, while the laborer commanded production
through his expenditure of energy and usage of tools.
On the surface this appears as the flat, utopic rendering
of the market economy praised by the classical liberal economists and the various bourgeois ideologues that followed
in their wake. It is, however, anything but; piercing the veil
of image and looking at it from the position of systems unfolding in time, formal subsumption is a point in the longer march
of capital’s valorization. Before labor is reshaped, it is seized,
and formal subsumption is that seizure. It thus implies the
resultant movement, the phase of real subsumption, in which
capital remaps—or, in the parlance of Deleuze and Guattari,
“overcodes”—labor, production, and even class relations. The
residue of craft production and its logical processes are expunged and a profound transformation of agency is exacted
as capital moves from its position as a means to an end to an end
in itself. This subordinates the capitalist to capital and dispossesses him, reducing him to a competitive node in an immense
web of economic relations that exist beyond his control. For the
laborer, this mastery of the tool is undercut through the increasingly economized nature of production, which not only comes
to directly and indirectly regulate it (e.g. management and the
pace of production), but opens up the possibility for domination
by the machine—and it is this domination that takes central
focus on the “Fragment on Machines” in the Grundrisse .
When formal subsumption was inaugurated in the shell
of the old society, “the compulsion to perform surplus labor,
and to create leisure time necessary for development independent of material production” became a sweeping, social force.
It is this phantasm of free time , time apart from but upheld
by the progressive development of productivity, that Marx and
Engels beheld in the spectral outline of communism. While the
movement to the higher stage of real subsumption marked the
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annihilation of particular forms of political agency and possible expressions of resistance to this system, the potentialities
that laced leisure time constituted the arrival of a new possibility space in which the class struggle could insert itself. In the
“Fragment”, this Janus face is displayed in full and attached
to the mechanical mutations that shape labor relations within
the sphere of production. “Once adapted into the production
processes of capital”, Marx writes, “the means of labor passes
through different metamorphoses, whose culmination is the
machine, or rather, an automatic system of machinery […] set
in motion by an automaton, a moving power that moves itself.”18
He goes on:
The worker’s activity, reduced to a mere abstraction of activity, is determined and regulated on all sides by the movement
of machinery, and not the opposite. The science which compels
inanimate limbs of the machinery, by their construction, to act
purposefully, as an automaton, does not exist in the worker’s consciousness, but rather acts upon him through the machine as an alien power, as the power of the machine itself […] Labor appears […]
merely as a conscious organ, scattered among the individual living
workers at numerous points of the mechanical system; subsumed
under the total process of machinery itself, as itself only as a link
of the system, whose unity exists not in the living workers, but
rather in the living (active) machinery, which confronts his individual, insignificant doings as a mighty organism.19
The “science which compels” this process, acting upon the
worker as an “alien power”, is the germ of the general intellect,
an understanding of the forward-advance of techno-science
as a sort of distributed, emergent force not reducible to any one
point or node in the grand machinic organism. This historical
ascent of Reason confronts the human agent at every moment
with a forked path. In one direction, the leveling of the worker,
its body bent, shifted, sped up and slowed down in accordance
with the pace of the machinery that comes to surround the en18 MARX, Karl, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough
Draft), London: Penguin Books, 1973, p. 692.
19 Ibid.
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tirety of the body. As the penetration of all industrial processes
by scientific advancement soars, the dispossession of the laborer’s traditional agency reaches its climax: robbed of the tool,
stripped of free movement. In the other direction, meanwhile,
a new space opens up, that of a free time that stands apart
from the time of production and perpetual dispossession—and
it is here that the aforementioned germ flourishes, the general
intellect rising issuing forth from the “development of the general powers of the human head”, and thus compelling this entire
mechanism to higher heights.20
Writing as he was in the 1850s, Marx’s anticipations here
were of a future disjunction in the evolution of the capitalist
mode of production—and it was in the dialectical nature of this
forking path that the ultimate overcoming of capital could
be glimpsed:
Capital itself is moving contradiction, [in] that it presses to reduce labor time to a minimum, while it posits labor time, on the
other side, as sole measure and source of wealth. Hence it diminishes labor time in the necessary form so as to increase it in the
superfluous form; hence posits the superfluous in growing measure
as condition—question of life or death—for the necessary. On the
one side, then, it calls to life all the powers of science and nature, as of social combination and of social intercourse, in order
to make the creation of wealth independently (relatively) of the
labor time employed on it. On the other side, it wants to use labor
time as the measuring rod for the gigantic social forces thereby created, and to confine them within the limits required to maintain
the already created value as value. Forces production and social
relations—two different sides of the development of the social individual—appear to capital as mere means, and are merely means
for it to produce on its limited foundation. In fact, however, they
are the material conditions to blow this foundation sky-high.21
Marx concludes this paragraph by citing from The Source and
the Remedy of the National Difficulties, an anonymously authored
1821 economic pamphlet that argued that, left to its own devic20
21
Ibid, p. 705.
Ibid., p. 706.
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es (that is, without interference from the moneyed class), the
natural course of increasingly mechanized industrial production
was towards a shortening of the working day: “‘Wealth is not
command over surplus labor’ (real wealth), ‘but rather, disposable time outside that needed in direct production, for every
individual and the whole society’”.22 So as machinic systems,
semi-autonomous in character, come to bear on production,
not only does this wealth (at odds with the common, bourgeois
understanding of wealth) increase; the degree to which “general social knowledge has become a direct force of production”.
The two are, in fact, faces of one and the same movement. The
imploding horizon of capitalism, rolling across the landscape
in the wake an inexorable industrial march, is the specter
of a social order based around creativity, open association and
free development, organized via the higher order of philosophical reason and scientific rationality.
For Vercellone, the tendencies outlined by Marx in the
“Fragment” reached an intensive peak in the Fordist epoch. The
various tendencies put forward—“the progressive separation
of intellectual and manual labor, the separation of conceptual
and material tasks, and the polarization of knowledges and the
parcelization of labor”, so on and so forth—produced a series
of managerial programs, perhaps most notably Taylorist scientific management, with its sensitive, all-encompassing effort
to bring the motion of the body laboring in time into alignment
with the motion and time of the machine.23 While Ford’s techniques are not the direct successor to Taylor’s in any straightforward sense, Fordism nonetheless constituted the expansion
of Taylorist principles to society as a whole—a testament to the
manner in which technical systems and techniques cannot
be attributed solely to the activities of individuals, but to the
social machine in which they are embedded. It is no surprise,
then, that the Fordist pop imaginary was haunted by the now
retro-futurist dream of unbridled automation and unlimited
free time.
22 Ibid., p. 707.
23 VERCELLONE, Carlo, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in: Historical Materialism,
Boston: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007, p. 23.
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In the 1950s, the peak of the “golden age” of the Fordist
K-Wave, the coming world of information communication technology was presented as the culmination of Fordist utopia—
yet what arrived in its stead, the post-Fordist long wave, was
anything but. The challenge posed by this sudden mutation
to Marx’s theories, particularly those sketched in the “Fragment”, is immense: instead of being a signal of liberation, the
freed general intellect becomes the locus of domination itself. The laboring body might be released from the bondage
of the industrial machine (it has not disappeared, but moved
out of sight), but the development of intellectual and creative
faculties is immediately captured within post-industrialization.
As Virno writes:
In Postfordism, the tendency described by Marx is actually realized but surprisingly with no revolutionary or even conflictual
implication. Rather than a plethora of crises, the disproportion
between the role of knowledge objectified in machines and the decreasing relevance of labor time gave rise to new and stable forms
of domination. Disposable time, a potential wealth, is manifested
as poverty: forced redundancy, early retirement, structural unemployment, and the proliferation of hierarchies. The radical metamorphosis of the concept of production itself is still tied down to the
idea of working for a boss […] In Postfordism, conceptual and logical schema play a decisive role and cannot be reduced to fixed capital in so far as they are inseparable from the interaction of a plurality of living subjects. The “general intellect” includes formal and
informal knowledge, imagination, ethical tendencies, mentalities
and “language games”. Thoughts and discourses function in themselves as productive “machines” in contemporary labor and do not
need to take on a mechanical body or an electronic soul.24
The post-Fordist condition therefore presents not simply a challenge to Marxist theory, but to the very capacity of a politics that
seeks to go beyond the historical confines of the capitalist mode
of production. If free time, automation and scientific progress
24 VIRNO, Paolo, “General Intellect”, translated by Arianna Bove, originally published in: ZANINI, Adelino Zad FADINI, Ubaldo, Lessico Postfordista, Milan: Feltrinelli,
2001, http://www.generation-online.org/p/fpvirno10.htm.
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are the cornerstones of a post-capitalist society, then the absolute capture of the things by capitalism dims, if not outright
liquidates, the revolutionary possibilities that Marx had anticipated. This crisis of the left finds its compliment in the failure
of capitalism itself to achieve its projected future: leisure time
has been eliminated outright, and what remains is colonized
by the frantic pace of the ‘attention economy’, constantly advancing automation has done little to alleviate the degradation
of labor (much less shorten the working week and working day),
and scientific progress appears to be compounding these conditions instead of illuminating alternative pathways.
In the face of this breakdown, what is the adequate response?
It is the contention here that despite the apparent impossibility
of escaping the shambolic state of the global post-Fordist economy, the technologies, tools, and techniques coming into view
perhaps hold the possibility to overcome this phase of apparent
decadence. The problem, however, is that these innovations—
which either present the possibility of an entirely new K-Wave
opening up, or the delayed arrival of the means to an institutional recomposition—are firmly locked in to a performance
principle promoted by and imperceptibly reinforced by the capitalist mode of production. The alternative uses of these things
must be explored and grand visions of infrastructures for a new
earth must be engendered. We now turn to one of the means
through which this speculative exploration can take place: the
aesthetic dimension.
3. The Aesthetic Dimension
3.1. The Reality Principle and Its Discontents
While developing outside the critical tradition that Vercellone
and Virno call their home, the analysis and diagnosis of the
historical situation carried out by Herbert Marcuse both deepens and expands both of their perspectives. In many regards, the
pessimistic assessment (Marcuse was a member of the Frankfurt School of critical theory, after all) offered in books like One
Dimensional Man seemed to anticipate the crisis engendered
by post-Fordist capitalism—despite the fact this work was a child
of the 1960s, and thus was written in the midst of the downswing
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phase of the Fordist K-Wave. For Marcuse, the historical movement that was supposed to make possible the abolition of capitalism had seemingly stalled out under the domination of a new
industrial rationality that encompassed capitalist and socialist
societies alike. Having not yet entered the world of flexible
organizations, hyper-mobile networks and dizzying informatic
flux, Marcuse’s portrait is one of the Fordist society at its peak,
as he recounts in the work’s opening paragraph:
A comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democratic unfreedom prevails in advanced industrial civilization, a token of technical
progress. Indeed, what could be more rational than the suppression of individuality in the mechanization of socially necessary but
painful performances; the concentration of individual enterprises
in more effective, more productive corporations; the regulation
of free competition among unequally equipped economic subjects;
the curtailing of prerogatives and national sovereignties which
impede the international organization of resources.25
In this moment of stasis, where historical progress builds while
also hanging suspended in a vertigo-less vacuum, capitalist
domination advances through the apparent niceties of the consumer society. “The people recognize themselves in their commodities,” writes Marcuse. He continues: “They find their soul
in their automobile, hi-fi set, split level home, kitchen equipment. The very mechanism which ties the individual to his
society has changed, and social control is anchored in the new
needs it has produced.”26 Such is the pinnacle of industrial
development: a pleasant, comfortable society to obscure the
continuity of exploitation roaring beneath, the careful management of contradictions by way of the most advanced scientific tools, and the bringing of the working class itself into
the logic of capitalist power by way of a labor union system
that compliments, rather than antagonizes, the leadership
of the capitalist class.
25 MARCUSE, Herbert, One Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society, Boston: Beacon Press, 1994, p. 1.
26 Ibid., p. 9.
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At the same time, however, there is another side to Marcuse, one that can be felt most strongly in his earlier work
Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry Into Freud. 27 This
is a Marcuse who critically apprehends the infrastructures
of the capitalist world and sees in them the possibility for
something else. As we will see shortly, Marcuse’s central concern in this work is the question of how the “toil and trouble”
of labor (be it the self-exploitation of the independent worker
or the organizational domination of the industrial proletariat) can be translated into the joy of free association and open,
unending creation—or, in other words, the alchemical transmutation of the means of despotism into the means of freedom,
which, as indicated by the whole of the Marxist tradition,
cannot be understood ideally. It must take place through the
mediation and mutation of the existing structures of the world,
the “huge industrial apparatus” that draws together the masses
into an involuntary cooperation and channels libidinal energy
to its own ends.
Marcuse draws this out with reference to Fourier:
The transformation of labor into pleasure is the central idea Fourier’s giant socialist utopia […] Fourier insists that this transformation requires a complete change in social institutions: distribution of social product according to need, assignment of functions
according to individual faculties and inclinations, constant mutation of functions, short work periods and so on. But the possibility
of “attractive labor” (travail attrayant) derives above all from the
release of libidinal forces. Fourier assumes the existence of an attraction industrielle which makes for pleasurable co-operation.
It is based on the attraction passionnée in the nature of man,
which persists despite the opposition of reason, duty, prejudice.
This attraction passionnée tends toward three principal objectives:
the creation of “luxury, or the pleasure of the five senses”; the formation of libidinal groups (of friendship and love); and the establishment of a harmonious order, organizing these groups for work
27 MARCUSE, Herbert, Eros and Civilization: A Philosophical Inquiry Into Freud, Boston: Beacon Press, 1966.
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in accordance with the development of the individual “passions”
(internal and external “play” of faculties).28
Marxist thinkers have often disparaged the fantastical landscapes offered by the likes of Fourier, following in the footsteps
of Marx and Engels themselves in their critique of the so-called
utopian socialists. Indeed, much like the Owenists, to whom
they were closely related, Fourierists were committed to active
experimentation to bring about their ideal social formation—
and, as to be expected, these experiments more often than not
ended in the dissolution of the communities in question. Nevertheless, Marcuse, as the above illustrates, found utility in the
writings of Fourier and other utopians like the proto-technocrat
and Christian socialist Henri de Saint-Simon. This interest
long predated the libidinal visions brought into relief by Eros
and Civilization, with the earliest iteration being found in Marcuse’s 1922 doctoral dissertation on the German novel, which
contains within it the seed of the various philosophies of radical
art that he would deploy. At the core of all of these is, on the
one hand, the position of art within a historical context, and the
liberatory possibilities contained in art on the other.
Even in the dissertation, however, art is not depicted
as equivalent to the revolution itself, or as something that exhibits an inherently revolutionary quality. While art—even the
classic, bourgeois form—had been liberating in an earlier epoch, this capacity was damped through the further development
of capitalism. Whereas the bourgeoisie had, in the words of the
Communist Manifesto, played a most revolutionary role in history, tearing apart the old feudal world and putting into motion
a world of speed, discovery and progress, so too had they settled
into the inevitable position of reaction. “At a certain stage,”
Harold Rosenberg wrote, “the revolution caused the bourgeoisie
to cease to be Romans, and to ‘beget’ themselves.”29 The masks
that they had donned during their overturning of the old world,
fashioned in the manner of revolutionaries dead since antiquity, fell away—“these heroes were not Roman, but disguised
28 Ibid., p. 218.
29 ROSENBERG, Harold, The Tradition of the New, New York: McGraw-Hill,
1960, p. 158.
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businessmen.”30 If the mythic function collapsed into the daily rhythms of the market and the heavy industry, art tracked
a different path into the deeper recesses of idealism, which
manifested itself in two modes. The first of these was the flight
inwards in the celebration of the solitary, bourgeois subject,
whose experience of the world was mediated through passive
contemplation, while the second was an external flight towards
the heroic figure, the master of forces and, quite frequently, the
emblem of the nation.
Even if the slippage into idealism, captured at its peak
by Romanticism, constituted the reactionary turn, the radical flame could not be wholly extinguished. The paradoxical
nature of art, the different sides of which Marcuse privileged
at different points of his life, is that it is at once autonomous
from its time (without such a capacity, there would never
be an avant-garde), but it cannot truly supersede its time; there
is no absolute break or cleavage in which the escape to a future
can be found through the artistic object alone. Despite this, orientation, which derives the capacity for autonomy, matters: the
Romantic flight is a pivot that turns towards the past, while the
liberatory art turns to the future. It would be unfair to attribute
to Marcuse this specific set of temporal maneuvers; in his late
work, for example, he defends the classic form from the destructive impulses of anti-art on the grounds that, unlike those who
wish to dispense with aesthetic categorization in full, the beauty of form presents an opening unto a world yet to be realized.
Is this not precisely the orientation to the future? From this
ground, two vital lessons emerge. The first is that even forms
of art that are ostensibly reactionary can hold a revolutionary line that must be extracted from them. The second, which
emerges from this first and in turn conditions the application
of that principle, is that art cannot take precedence over the
political in terms of articulating revolutionary potential.
The future-oriented, revolutionary art is described in Eros
and Civilization as an art that serves as the “negation of unfreedom” by embodying the “Great Refusal”, Marcuse’s term for the
sort of absolute revolution necessary to abolish the capitalist
mode of production and actualize a different world. He quotes
30
Ibid.
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Whitehead here, invoking the “protest against unnecessary repression, the struggle for the ultimate form of freedom, ‘to live
without anxiety’.”31 Such a life is one in which the restraints
that subjugate lived experience and desire to some external,
transcendent factor are exploded. For Marcuse, following
Freud, these blocks and stoppages compose the order of the
reality principle. In Freud’s taxonomy of the psychic apparatus
and the drives, the reality principle, which works to defer the
immediate realization of pleasure, is lorded over by the ego; the
target of this apparatus, in turn, is the id, driven as it is by the
pleasure principle . The id “is the dark, inaccessible part of our
personality […] It is filled with an energy reaching it from the
instincts, but it has no organization, produces no collective will,
but only a striving to bring about the satisfaction of the instinctual needs subject to observance of the pleasure principle.”32
Liberation is precisely the releasing of this libidinal charge from
its repression, and it is by way of this unshackling of the pleasure principle that the despotism of the reality principle comes
to be abolished.
The nature of this despotism is what Marcuse describes
as the performance principle , that is, the instantiation of the
reality principle under the capitalist mode of production. Thus,
in stark anticipation of the later works of Deleuze and Guattari, Marcuse navigates the pitfalls of the Marx-Freud encounter
by slotting the categorizations of the latter into the historic
framework of the former. Civilization, Freud argues, exists insofar as the reality principle is to inflect itself, with the repression
the primal energetics of the id being precisely the “civilizing
force” that makes dominant social organization possible. Under
capitalism, this proceeds through the enforced competitiveness of the members composing the social body, through the
progressive rationalization of this body’s organizational as the
macrosocial scale, and by way of the increasingly mechanized
character of the productive forces that constitute both the alpha
and omega of this mode of civilization. The result is alienation:
the individual is choked off from itself, the split between the
31 MARCUSE, Eros and Civilization, pp. 149–-10.
32 FREUD, Sigmund, New Introductory Letters on Psychoanalysis, New York: Norton &
Norton Company, 1965, p. 92.
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performative nature of the reality principle and the wild drift
of the pleasure principle reverberating through the divisions
of the capitalist world and the so-called solutions it gives to the
social problem.
At this point Marcuse’s discussion seems posed to lend itself
to the sort of praxis lauded by the neo-anarchists, with their
appeals to the immediacy of desire and the swift flight from the
world—and indeed, the language of a “Great Refusal” capable
of subverting the most hallowed mores and mechanical and grim
of capitalist machinations is something that, at first blush, lends
itself to this read. Marcuse’s argument, however, is anything
but, appealing instead to the proper Marxian treatment of historical development. The escalation of alienation is tracked
through the widening industrial logic and leveling of the laborer, folded into the inexorable pull of the great machinic organism towards its tipping point and irreconcilable contradictions.
That which produces alienation, in other works, is also which
pries open that possibility space for historical escape. Marcuse,
sounding more than a little like the Marx of the “Fragment
of Machines”, writes:
No matter how justly and rationally the material production may
be organized, it can never be a realm of freedom and gratification; but it can release time and energy for the free play of human
faculties outside the realm of alienated labor. The more complete
the alienation of labor, the greater the potential of freedom: total
automation would be the optimum. It is the sphere outside labor
which defines freedom and fulfillment, and it is the definition
of the human existence in terms of this sphere which constitutes the
negation of the performance principle. This negation cancels the
rationality of domination and consciously “de-realizes” the world
shaped by the rationality of gratification.33
This sentiment was further reiterated by Marx in his exchange
with Raya Dunayevskaya, where he explicitly invoked the Grundrisse to argue that “arrested, restricted automation saves the
capitalist system, while consummated automation would explode it […] [The] humanization of labor, its connection with
33
MARCUSE, Eros and Civilization, p. 156.
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life etc. is only possible through complete automation, because
such humanization is correctly relegated by Marx to the realm
of freedom beyond the realm of necessity, i.e. beyond the entire
realm of socially necessary labor in the material production. Total de-humanization of the latter is the prerequisite.”34 By drawing this out, Marcuse slips outside the usual historical taxonomy
of Marx’s intellectual trajectory; from this foundation, one can
no longer speak of the outlook of the older, “scientific” Marx
as a criteria for rejecting the younger, humanist Marx—it is the
deeply inhuman elements in the latter that provide the causal
scaffolding towards the realization of the former’s dreams. It follows, then, that the contemporary split between what we may
call the “political Marx” and “accelerationist Marx” is unfounded from either direction, and that one not must think both—and
their respective positions on praxis—together, but beyond the
turbulence engendered by this fragile unity.
The question of the aesthetic returns on this point. The
internal pulsions and contradictions of developmental pathways carries with them the seeds of a future world governed
by a different sort of psychologizing principle, one that reconciles the domination of reality with the freedom sought by the
drive to maximize pleasures. Yet it is precisely due to the domination of the reality principle that we will always continue
to fail, as the utopians always did, to both articulate this future
world in accordance with a plan and to execute it as such. The
processes that bloom into the new earth find themselves at work
in empirical reality, but a wall closes the would-be agent from
seizing it directly. The advancement of alienation is at once the
advance of reason; under the sway of capital, reason can only
appear as repression. That which is beyond capital must, therefore, must present itself outside of reason, which for Marcuse
is the realm of phantasy, that is, imagination—and the vantage
point from which to explore this domain is through aesthetic registers. Marcuse privileges in particular the great works
of the surrealists, suggesting that they found the spirit of the
Great Refusal by recognizing “the revolutionary implications
of Freud’s discoveries: ‘Imagination is perhaps about to re34 MARCUSE, Herbert, KELLNER, Douglas (ed.), Towards a Critical Theory of Society: Collected Papers of Herbert Marcuse Volume 2, London: Routledge, 2001, p. 26.
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claim its rights.’ But when they asked, ‘Cannot the dream also
be applied to the solution of the fundamental problems of life?’
they went beyond psychoanalysis in demanding that the dream
be made into reality without compromising its content.”35
The real movement now passes in its ascent by way of the
Kantian account of the imagination and the way that it connects to the broader question of cognition and the more specific
case of creativity. We thus begin with sensibility , which for Kant
is one of two powers of cognition (the other being understanding, or intelligence ). While sensibility for pre-Kantian thinkers
such as Leibniz was folded within the capacity for intelligence,
Kant posited that the faculty produced sensory or intuitive representations that it grappled within through two fundamental,
yet differing, powers: that of sense and that of imagination . “The
first,” wrote Kant, “is the faculty of intuition in the presence
of an object, the second is intuition even without the presence
of an object.” What this means is that imagination can manifest itself in a productive mode, which is to say that it produces
an “original presentation of the object”, or a reproductive mode,
as in a reiterative presentation of the object. Together these
form the “transcendental function of the imagination”, which
allows the imagination to plays its role in the process of cognition: it comes to mediate between sensibility and understanding
through, on the one hand, the production of representations,
and on the other by drawing together multiple representations
as a means of actively processing the experience of the world
in order to understand and operate within it.
Imagination also unfolds through the capacity for creativity, which as Marcuse highlights is bound to what he describes
as the Kantian aesthetic dimension . This is the space that “occupies the central position between sensuousness [i.e. passive
or receptive sensory experience] and morality—the two poles
of human existence.”36 He continues:
As imagination, the aesthetic perception is both sensuousness and
at the same time more than sensuousness (the “third” basic faculty): it gives pleasure and is therefore essentially subjective; but
35
36
MARCUSE, Eros and Civilization, p. 149.
Ibid., p. 176.
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insofar as this pleasure is constituted by the pure form of the object
itself, it accompanies the aesthetic perception universally and
necessarily—for any perceiving subject. Although sensuous and
therefore receptive, the aesthetic imagination is creative: in a free
synthesis of its own, it constitutes beauty. In the aesthetic imagination, sensuousness generates universally valid principles for
an objective order.37
These “universally valid principles”, says Marcuse, are “purposiveness without purpose” and “lawfulness without law”.
These “circumscribe, beyond the Kantian context, the essence
of a truly non-repressive order. The first defines the structure
of beauty, the second that of freedom; their common character is gratification in the free play of the released potentialities of man and nature.”38 Marcuse here moves from Kant,
for whom this system denotes internal, cognitive function,
to Schiller, who takes this structure and finds it the blueprint
for a truly freedom organization of society. “Schiller’s Letters
on Aesthetic Education on the Aesthetic Education of Man (1795),
written largely under the influence of the Critique of Judgment , aim at remaking civilization by virtue of liberating the
force of the aesthetic function: it is envisaged as containing
the possibility of a new reality principle.”39 In other words,
moving beyond the performance principle, to the realignment
of the libido with expenditure and reason with flourishing,
instinctively elevates civilization into the aesthetic dimension. The role of technical systems is clear as well: how could
one hope to realize, without abandoning oneself the idle
masturbation of idealism, a “purposiveness without purpose”
and a “lawfulness without law” without finding optimal state
of “total automation”?
The problem of articulating the nature of this transformation, or how to begin to approach this possibility of considering this transformation, still remains, serving as a large blind
spot within the pages of Eros and Civilization —a blind spot that
grows into the pessimistic vision laid forth in One Dimensional
Man . Similarly, when Marcuse returns to the question of the
37
38
39
Ibid., p. 177.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 180.
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aesthetic dimension in the 1970s, his tone has changed more
than a little, emphasizing the importance of not mistaking art
as revolutionary-in-itself, and insisting on the preservation
of classical artist values in the face of late capitalist nihilism. By the same token, however, he would also insist that his
views were in continuity, and that his work of the 1970s was
an extension, and not a repudiation, of his earlier explorations in this strange realm. Either way, what is missing from
the account in Eros and Civilization is the problem diagnostic
implements and tools for hacking the structures of the reality
principle. To try and solve this impasse, we turn now to the intersection of Gilles Deleuze and Mark Fisher, where, as we will
see, the outline of this future reason, a psychedelic reason ,
can already be glimpsed.
3.2. Against Nihilism
Deleuze’s account of art, which spans nearly the entirety of his
five-decade-long oeuvre, is at the core a profoundly Nietzschean
account. Its powers draw not from the path of the negative,
as with the Hegelian trajectory of Marx and Marcuse—it instead partakes the voyage of affirmation. One affirms, says yes
to the things that exist and occur in the great flux of becoming,
but it is by no means a blind affirmation or passive acceptance
of everything that is, as so many critics of Deleuze so messily
charge. Such an affirmation is the “yes of the ass”, and as such
is nothing more than a “caricature of affirmation” that ultimately only serves to affirm the condition of nihilism.40 Against
this is the real affirmation, the “Dionysian yes”, that “knows
how to say no”: a “pure affirmation” that has “conquered nihilism and divested all negation of autonomous power.”41 If the
negative is no longer autonomous, it is because its direction
has undergone an immense reorientation. It no longer stands
in relation to nihilism, as Nietzsche and Deleuze initially find it.
It is now a force of affirmation unto itself.
The annihilation of the yes of the ass by the Dionysian yes
and the transformation of the negative into a power of affir40 DELEUZE, Gilles, Nietzsche and Philosophy, New York: Columbia University Press,
2006, p. 185.
41 Ibid.
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mation constitutes, Deleuze argues, the nature of critique .
I no longer passively absorb that which is all around me, I deploy the combined forces of the affirmative and the negative
to extract something from these forces while halting others:
I have thus carried out a critique, and in doing so produced the
new . Positive or Dionysian affirmation, critique, these things are
intimately bound together; in their unity, one traces out the act
of creation. If it is to be said this process constitutes the overcoming of nihilism, it is because the successful passage from
critique to creation steps from evaluation of values to the active
transvaluation of values .
Nietzsche famously described the overmen, those who
emerge in the overcoming of nihilism, as “artist-tyrants”, whose
rule is characterized by the blossoming of a new, vibrant culture—and by extension the ascent of great and powerful philosophies. The artist-tyrant is himself a philosopher; art, for
Nietzsche, is therefore intimately connected to the practice
of philosophy, as Deleuze draws out by noting that the philosopher “integrates within philosophy two means of expression, the
aphorism and the poem. These forms imply a new conception
of philosophy, a new image of the thinker and of thought.”42
Both of these means, in turn, reflect distinct operations: “The
aphorism is capable of articulating sense, the aphorism is interpretation and the art of interpreting. In the same way the poem
is evaluation and the art of evaluating, it articulates values […]
The poem and aphorism are, themselves, objects of interpretation, an evaluation.”43 It is the through introduction of philosophy at this point that this interpretation evaluation is raised
to a higher power:
From the pluralist standpoint a sense is referred to the differential
element from which its significance is derived, just as values are referred to the differential element from which their value is derived.
This element which is always present, but also always implicit
and hidden in the poem or aphorism is like the second dimension
of sense and values. It is by developing this element and by developing itself in it that philosophy in its essential relation with the
42
43
BOGUE, Ronald, Deleuze on Literature, New York: Routledge, 2003, p. 14.
DELEUZE, Nietzsche and Philosophy, p. 31.
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poem and the aphorism constitutes complete interpretation and
evaluation, that is to say, the art of thinking, faculty of thought
or “faculty of rumination”. 44
A culture that is held under the sway of nihilism is a culture
moored in sickness, while the culture that is marked by the
overman or the artist-tyrant is full of health. There is a direct
correlation between the vitality of culture and the overcoming
of sickness; likewise, the deployment of the affirmative and the
negative together in the Dionysian yes constitutes something
of a cure. Interpretation and evaluation, art and philosophy,
these things now become something of a diagnostic apparatus
that recognizes the problem, and in doing so illuminates the
proper solution. That which is isn’t just the complex interplay
of forces and drives—it is also a grand tableau in which the
diagnostician goes to work. “A phenomenon,” Deleuze writes,
“is not an appearance or even an apparition but a sign, a symptom which finds its meaning in an existing force. The whole
of philosophy is a symptomatology, and a semeiology. The
sciences are a symptomatological and semeiological system.”
The philosopher-artist is also, then, a philosopher-physician,
tasked with delivering the cure to civilization.
There is, Deleuze argues, a connection between the clinical, understood in a medical sense of the word, and the critical,
as articulated by the loops between art and philosophy. Like
the artist and philosopher, the clinician interprets and evaluates arrays of symptom-signs in order to deduct from them
a cure. This allows Deleuze to read critique as a clinical process, a diagnostic machine that operates in a medicinal mode.
Such is the nature of his famous case studies of the writings
of de Sade and Sacher-Masoch, from whose writings—and very
names—the taxonomies of sadism and masochism are drawn.
“Artists are clinicians,” says Deleuze in an exquisitely Nietzschean passage in The Logic of Sense , “not of their individual cases nor even of a case in general, but clinicians of civilization.
In this regard we cannot follow those who think that de Sade
has nothing to say about sadism, or Masoch about maso-
44
Ibid.
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chism.”45 This artistic-clinical approach begins primarily in the
domain of phantasy (it may be prudent here to recall the discussion of phantasy in relation to the revolutionary role of the creative imagination in Marcuse’s work), for it is in this realm that
both “literary creation and the constitution of [psychological]
symptoms” emerges; it, in other words, emits the symptom-signs
that then must be interpreted and evaluated prior to the posing
of the cure. Deleuze:
Psychoanalytic diagnoses […] have very little interest, and it is well
known that the encounter between psychoanalysis and the work
of art (or the literary-speculative work) cannot be achieved in this
manner. It is not achieved certainly by treating authors, through
their work, as possible or real patients, even if they are accorded
the benefit of sublimation; it is not achieved by “psychoanalyzing” the work. For authors, if they are great, are more like doctors than patients. We mean that they are themselves astonishing
diagnosticians or symptomatologists. There is always a great
deal of art involved in the grouping of symptoms, in the organization of a table where the particular symptom is dissociated
from another, juxtaposed to a third, and forms the new figure
of a disorder or illness.46
As we saw in Marcuse, the aesthetic dimension emerges from
the sensuous arena of phantasy to open a lense through which
the future world beyond capital, in which the paradox between
reality and pleasure is resolved in a new mode of reason and
experience. For Deleuze, the interactions of the phantastic
and creativity open up a diagnostic plane in which problems
are posed through the interpretation of symptom-signs. At the
first instance, this may seem like a paradox in itself, a thrusting together of two contradictory philosophies (and indeed,
one would be hard-pressed to reconcile Marcuse and Deleuze
in their totality). Yet for Deleuze this clinical operation, by want
of the nature of critique—which, as the philosopher is always
ready to remind us, may have been “completed” in the work
45 DELEUZE, Gilles, The Logic of Sense, New York: Columbia University Press, 1990,
p. 237.
46 Ibid.
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of Nietzsche, but was started by Kant—also opens its way to the
future. It is clear that Deleuze’s reflections on art, philosophy, critique and the clinic immediately presaged his work
with Guattari, which pursued the revolutionary cure in the form
of schizoanalysis and proposed an ethics in the figure of the
plateau. This, too, is paralleled in Marcuse’s own work, taking
as it does the cognitive structure cultivated by Kant to deploy
in a way to grapple with the real movement.
There is no doubt on the relationship between the capitalist
mode of production and nihilism is understood not as a specific, individual condition, but as a historical process. One needs
to look no further than two points, one to be found in Marx,
the other in Nietzsche. The first is the dazzling, breathless description in the Communist Manifesto of the effects of bourgeois
civilization: “ All that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled
to face with sober senses his real conditions of life and his real relations with his kind. ” As Marshall Berman summarizes: “All the
anarchic, measureless, explosive drives that a later generation
will baptize in the name of ‘nihilism’—drives that Nietzsche and
his followers will ascribe to such cosmic traumas as the Death
of God—are located by Marx in the seemingly banal everyday
working of the market economy. He unveils the modern bourgeoisie as consummate nihilists on a far vaster scale than modern intellectuals can conceive.”47 Likewise, however, Nietzsche
carries out the same operation. Does the following fragment,
with its depiction of nihilism as a process of “leveling”, not form
the counterpart to Marx’s statements in the “Fragment on Machines” in Grundrisse ?
On that first road [the spread of industrial civilization] ,
which can now be completely surveyed, arise adaptation, leveling, higher Chinadom, modesty in instincts satisfaction in the
dwarfing of mankind—a kind of stationary level of mankind.
Once we possess that common economic management of earth will
soon be inevitable, mankind will be able to find its best meaning
as a machine in service of this economy—as a tremendous clockwork, composed of ever smaller, ever more subtly “adapted” gears;
47 BERMAN, Marshall, All That is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity,
New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982, p.100.
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as an ever-growing superfluity of all dominating and commanding
elements, as a whole of tremendous force, whose individual factors
represent minimal forces, minimal values.48
Just as the reduction of the laborer in the increasingly “autonomous” character of industrial systems brings to the surface
the elements vital to a post-capitalist civilization, so too does
this leveling engender the conditions for the overman, that
which overcomes nihilism. “A reverse movement is needed—
the production of a synthetic, summarizing, justifying man for
whose existence this transformation of mankind into a machine
is a precondition.”49 The unhealthiness of this nihilism becomes
rapidly apparent, as “man is diminished”, “no one knows what
aim this tremendous process has served”—and thus the importance of interpretation and evaluation, and indeed of a new
direction, is foregrounded. “An aim? A new aim?—that is what
humanity needs.” The artist-tyrant, the philosopher-physician,
collides with the revolutionary force, but here we must refrain
from going too far and take heed of Marx and Marcuse: philosopher and art, while in need holding a revolutionary potential,
cannot be revolutionary in and of themselves. They are but
(vital) aspects of the revolutionary machine, but are not capable
of being equated to it outright.
This dynamic can be explored deeper by stepping from
Deleuze’s Nietzschean philosophy to the Spinozist psychedelic
reason posited by Mark Fisher. There is no reason to find the
sudden arrival of Spinoza on this scene strange or out of place;
after all, Deleuze found in Spinoza a direct anticipation of the
Nietzschean critical apparatus, and it is in Deleuze that Fisher
finds many of the cues guiding his own system (“Deleuze […]
produced what is one of the strangest landmarks in psychedelic reason, The Logic of Sense ,” wrote Fisher).50 What constitutes
psychedelic reason, and what differentiates it from other forms
of reason? “The psychedelia of reason gives you greater control
48 NIETZSCHE, Friedrich, KAUFMANN, William (ed.), The Will to Power, New York:
Vintage Books, 1968, p. 463.
49 Ibid., p. 464.
50 FISHER, Mark, “Portmeirion: An Ideal For Living (What I Did On My Holiday, Part 2)”, in: K-Punk, 13/08/2004, http://k-punk.abstractdynamics.org/archives/004048.html.
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over your body and your brain (it is an instruction kit for how
to use both better).”51 This would be, then, a form of reason that
splits from the reason that dominates, that is, the reason that
is dominated by the performance principle.
Like Deleuze, Fisher finds in the artist an excellent clinician. In this case, it is William Burroughs, who diagnoses the
fundamental condition of the human through the exploration
of his own lifelong struggles with addiction. These “gave him
insight into ‘artificial need’ as the basic motor of the Human
Operating System. With Spinoza, Burroughs recognized that
the human organism has a marked […] tendency to seek out
and identify itself with parasites that debilitate but never quite
destroy it.”52 The fundamental condition of the human actor
is to toil in a profound unfreedom, and it is for this reason that
the flight of reason through the capitalist mode of production
is continually deferred into the consolidation of exploitative,
dominating structures. To be held under the sway of an alien
force, Fisher insists, is by no means a metaphorical occupation—and this had stark implications for any professed inflection of autonomy or freedom on behalf on the human within the
current world. Simply put, there can be no real autonomy or freedom until the constraints placed on the human subject are annihilated .
Fisher:
Human freedom consists in first of all enumerating and then eliminating these forces (i.e. in dealing with the causes of human servitude). Being free is not in the first instance about doing what you
“want” to do, since the human organism’s defaults tend towards
repetitious-compulsive controlled hedonic circuits (the penny
arcade picture show). For [William S. Burroughs], most sex was
indistinguishable from pornography, and both were induced in the
organism by Control (here Burroughs converges not only with Spinoza, but with Foucault […]). 53
51 FISHER, Mark, “Psychedelic Fascism”, in: K-Punk, 20/08/2004, http://k-punk.
org/psychedelic-fascism/.
52 FISHER, Mark, “Why Burroughs Is A Cold Rationalist”’, in: K-Punk, 29/08/2004,
http://k-punk.abstractdynamics.org/archives/004035.html.
53 Ibid.
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In the section of The Logic of Sense titled “Porcelain and Volcano”, Deleuze offers what he calls an “homage to psychedelia”.
The content of this homage is a reflection on how to get out
from within the subject, which foregrounds the natural impulse towards self-destruction. Drugs and alcohol here function as key examples of tools that accelerate this impulse, yet
at the same time carry with the promise of something else,
which Deleuze describes, in a return to his Nietzschean clinical
model, a “grand health” that is achieved by “taking risks and
endur[ing] for the longest time”.54 Just as with art, Deleuze
finds nothing intrinsically revolutionary in the altered states
that are given by drugs and alcohol; as Fisher will later write,
“drugs are like an escape kit without an instruction manual […]
using ecstasy will always fuck up in the end because the Human
[Operating System] has not been taken out and dismantled.”55
Similarly, Deleuze suggests that under the conditions of the current world (or reality principle, in Freudo-Marcusean parlance),
drugs and alcohol become “techniques of social alienation”—but
he holds out hope that perhaps the altered states of consciousness, indicative as they are of the impulse to dismantle the reality principle (the death drive is just as creative as it is destructive) and the will to active experimentation, can be “reversed
into revolutionary means of exploration”. Only then can the
future health, a health beyond nihilism, be realized. Presaging
Fisher, he writes:
Burroughs wrote some strange pages on this point which attest
to this quest for the great Health—our own manner of being pious:
“Imagine that everything that can be achieved by chemical means
is accessible by other paths […]” A strafing of the surface in order
to transmute the stabbing of bodies, oh psychedelia. 56
Getting out from the subject, Fisher realizes, following Spinoza,
entails the forging of a path that leaves the human itself behind,
understood as a unified, organic, whole Thing (that recognizes
itself as an I, that is, a subject-position with an ego). “Accord54 DELEUZE, The Logic of Sense, p. 161.
55 FISHER, Mark, “Psychedelic Reason”, in: K-Punk, 19/08/2004, http://k-punk.
abstractdynamics.org/archives/003926.html.
56 DELEUZE, The Logic of Sense, p. 161.
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ing to Spinoza, to be free is to act according to reason. To act
according to reason is to act according to your own interests.
Finally, we have to recognize that, on Spinoza’s account, the
best interests of the human species coincide with becoming
inhuman.”57 For Fisher, this constitutes the ability to go to work
on the very infrastructure that produces the human subject:
the architecture of the neural system, with all of its faults,
mind-boggling complexity, and, mostly importantly, its plasticity. Instead of bringing to bear the certainty of wholeness, contemporary understandings of this system bring the uncertainty
of the eternally incomplete, or, in the words of Fisher, the “cybernetics of organic disassembly”.
The relationship between this “neuropunk” neo-Spinozism
and Deleuze’s homage to psychedelia is quite clear. Both situate themselves in a drive to coming-apart, and both are
an affair of things that dismantle the identitarian fabric of the
consciously-constituted subject, but most importantly they both
deviate from the apparatuses and instrumentalization of “social
alienation” by looking for a continuity that stretches through
and beyond this dismantling, one that uses this dismantling
in accordance with a logic—a new reason—that builds a scaffolding to the new world. Perhaps the clinical here becomes
near-literal, or perhaps it is the clinic that is exploded through
this line of thought, but either way the unfolding of evaluation,
interpretation, diagnosis and critique is elevated here from the
aesthetic categories to explicitly political ones. In a later essay,
Fisher will draw upon the Autonomous Marxists by suggesting that while the technologies that let us go to work upon the
plastic architecture that produces the Thing we call the “I” are
in the clutches of capital, they can at some point be appropriated and used as the lodestar for the organization of a future
society: “Whether neuroscience’s practical will do more than
reinforce capital’s domination will ultimately depend on how far
the institutions of techno-science can be liberated from corporate control. Certainly, there are no a priori reasons why [Catherine] Malabou’s question ‘what should we do with our brain?’
57 FISHER, Mark, “Spinoza, K-Punk, Neuropunk”, in: K-Punk, 13/05/2004, http://
k-punk.org/spinoza-k-punk-neuropunk/.
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should not be answered collectively, by a General Intellect free
to experiment upon itself.”58
It is worth saying a few more words on Burroughs,
as his work spans Deleuze and Fisher’s work and does much
to connect them together, while also conforming to the
Deleuzian-Nietzschean picture of the artist-clinician. Burroughs
executes this role by advancing, as Fisher argues, a Spinozist
diagnosis of the human condition, as something held captive
by external forces that prevent it from truly acting in accordance with its own interests, and thus is incapable of exercising
real freedom and autonomy. At the same, however, Burroughs
is also a creature of his time, having weaved this picture—and
the potential escape path from its condition—by way of the
technologies, techniques, methodological practices, and avenues of scientific research that were then being introduced.
Take the importance of the audiotape for Burroughs, which
provided him with both an understanding of the human subject
(as recording apparatus) and a means of dismantling control
(tape manipulation, cut-ups etc). “The period when audiotape
played an important role in US and European consumer culture
may well be limited to the four decades of 1950–1990,” writes N.
Katherine Hayles.59 “Writing his cybernetic trilogy— The Ticket
That Exploded , The Soft Machine , and The Nova Express —in the late
1950s and early 1960s, William Burroughs was close enough
to the beginnings of audiotape to regard it as a technology
of revolutionary power.”
Burroughs “took seriously the possibilities for the metonymic equation between tape recorder and body. He reasoned that
if the body can become a tape recorder, the voice can be understood not as a naturalized union of voice and presence but
as a mechanical production with the frightening ability to appropriate the body’s vocal apparatus and use it for ends alien
to the self.”60 The human body becomes a sort of “inscribing
surface”, upon which external recordings are bound. Natural
plasticity serves as the zone in which conditioning goes to work,
58 FISHER, Mark, “A Critique of Practical Nihilism: Agency in Scott Bakker’s Neuropath”, in: Incognitum Hactenus, Vol. 2, March 2012, p. 11, https://incognitumhactenus.
files.wordpress.com/2012/03/incognitumhactenus-vol2.pdf.
59 HAYLES, N. Katherine, “How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics,
Literature, and Informatics, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999, p. 208.
60 Ibid., p. 211.
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Šum #10.2
but also the place where that conditioning can be broken:
through grappling with the tools that produce recordings, one
can return to the plastic (hence Burroughs brief, yet enthusiastic, acceptance of Scientology). The word may be a virus, but the
antidote is to cut the virus and scramble its functioning. In this
we can detect another influence moving under the surface: that
of William Grey Walter, the British neurophysiologist and cybernetician whose research on the human brain—and early robots,
as tools to assist in this research—was recorded in his 1953 book
The Living Brain . Burroughs enthusiastically read this book some
time after it was published, and there is every indication that
it had an intense impact on the author: not only did references
to Walter’s work begin to filter through to his own writings, but
he attended the doctor’s lectures and actively sought him out
for conversations on brain research, communication studies,
and the emergent interzone between technological development
and the penetration of the deeper recesses of the human mind.61
With this in mind, perhaps it is important to take the theory
of aesthetics offered by Marcuse (that the aesthetic dimension
allows a grappling with a future that cannot be approached
directly) and Deleuze’s schema connecting the philosopher, the
artist, and the clinician and slot their respective frameworks
in a historical space-time—that is, to bring them more in line
with a Marxist analysis of how a given level of techno-economic
development frames the execution of the artist’s work. A somewhat paradoxical picture: by opening unto the future, the aesthetic dimension exercises a degree of autonomy, but by being
embedded in this space-time, it is an autonomy in chains. From
a more positive direction, this supports the Deleuzian circuitry
between clinique and critique, as the clinical arena becomes
the historical space-time itself, and the critique that is carried
out entails putting into play a reworking of this space-time
with the tools and techniques that it already holds. Burroughs,
as we’ve just seen, does precisely this; he transforms the conditions of his present into a possibility space that is wider than the
actually prevailing conditions.
61 This is discussed at length in Andrew Pickering’s excellent The Cybernetic Brain:
Sketches of Another Future (Chicago: university of Chicago Press, 2010).
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3.3. Art and Scientific Management in the Soviet Union
Before exploring some of the different ways in which artists and
designers sought to leverage the new technologies and techniques of early Fordist industrialization, it is worth very briefly
summarizing the general structure governing the arts in the
earliest phase of the Bolshevik experiment. Just as there were
different factions not only among the revolutionaries but within
the Bolsheviks themselves, so too were there different perspectives on how art and design related to the revolution and to the
communist future. One pathway, for example, was that offered
by the nascent proletkult, or “proletarian culture” movement
spearheaded by Alexander Bogdanov, a rival to Lenin with ties
to the left-wing of the Bolsheviks. Proletkult placed a heavy
emphasis on proletarian autonomy; while Bogdanov and others,
as we will see shortly, supported the utilization of managerial
techniques developed within the capitalist mode of production,
the goal was to provide a dynamic infrastructure that allowed
for the flourishing of the common laborer. This would require,
in term, as little obstruction or top-down guidance from the
Party itself.
Nonetheless, within a few years of its founding in 1917,
proletkult lost its status as an independent body and was partially brought under the stewardship of Narkompros, or the
People’s Commissariat of Enlightenment—the Soviet administrative bureau tasked with handling matters relating to the
management and funding of educational and cultural affairs.
Narkompros was led by Anatoloy Lunacharksy, who was himself
a close ally with Bogdanov, having organized a cultural education school for proletarians with him and Maxim Gorky in 1909;
despite the early insistence on autonomy promoted by Bogdanov
and his fellow travels, the overall goal of Narkompros and its
initial phase of operations closely aligned with the ideals that
they had set forth.
In the early 1920s, two different art and design institutes
were established under the supervision of Narkompros. The
first of these was INKhUK, the Institute of Artistic Cultures,
formed at the directive of Lunarcharsky and led by the painter
and theorist Wassily Kandinsky. The second, meanwhile, was
VkhUTEMAS, the Higher Arts and Technical Studios. Established by official decree from Lenin, it was something of the
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Šum #10.2
Soviet counterpart to Bauhaus (with which the aforementioned
Kandinsky had been associated) and counted among its faculty members Kazimir Malevich (of Suprematism fame) and his
protege El Lissitzky. Between these two institutes, the seeds
of the early Soviet avant-garde were sewn—namely, the development of constructivism. This development was refracted
through the emergence of two rival schools of thought that cut
across both INKhUK and VkhUTEMAS: ASNOVA, the Association of New Architects founded by Nikolai Ladovsky, and
OSA, the Organization of Contemporary Architects, established
by VkhUTEMAS’s Moise Ginzburg. Despite there being extensive commonalities between the architectural output of both
groups (there’s a quip that, despite all their feuding, their
respective buildings are indistinguishable from one another),
the divide in philosophy and overall intent was stark. ASNOVA
is best understood as taking a formalist approach, which sought
to impinge upon the individual at the affective of the individual
through the encounter with alien shapes and immense scales,
while OSA was functionalist, looking to architecture—and later,
urban design—as a tool to transform the entirety of social life.
Most interestingly, for our purposes here, at least, each adopted
a different sort of managerial tool from the capitalist developmental toolkit. For ASNOVA, it was psychotechnics, and for
OSA, Taylorism.
Ironically, in the capitalist world these two managerial perspectives were not considered to be at odds with one another.
Whereas Taylorist techniques sought to manage the human body
through the regimentation of its operations in accordance with
the rhythm of the machine in order to optimize the use of time
and energy, psychotechnics attempted precisely this for the general behavior through the leveraging of various psychological
tools and techniques. It was the foundation of the then-nascent
field of industrial and organizational psychology, and while
in the longest run it would be this discipline that would win out
over Taylorism (finding its descendant in human resources practices and the like), the two marched in lockstep across the early
Fordist period.
Regardless, it’s impossible to address the division between
the two Soviet art movements without commenting first on yet
another organization that was deeply intertwined with both
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Šum #10.2
the world of the artists and designers and that of the planners
and technicians: the Central Institute of Labor (also known
by the far more unwieldy “Institute for the Scientific Organization of Work and the Mechanization of Man”, founded in 1921
by poet-turned-engineer Alexei Gastev. Gastev, who prior to establishing the Central Institute had been affiliated with proletkult and had served within Narkompros, was one of the foremost proponents of Taylorism in the revolutionary Russia. The
importing of these techniques had a long pedigree in Bolshevik
thought. In 1914, for example, Lenin had published an article
titled “The Taylor System—Man’s Enslavement by the Machine”;
decrying scientific management as a device transformed by “the
domination of capital” into an “instrument for the further exploitation of workers”, he anticipated (just as Marx had in the
“Fragment on Machines”) a period in which this would set the
stage for the proletarian seizure of “all social production”.62
In “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”, drafted
sometime in the spring of 1918, Lenin reiterated this position
by positing that “the Soviet Republic must at all costs adopt all
that is valuable in the achievements of science and technology
in this field [scientific management]. The possibility of building socialism depends exactly upon our success in combining
the Soviet power and the Soviet organization of administration
with up-to-date achievements of capitalism. We must organize
in Russia the study and teachings of the Taylor system and systematically try it out and adapt it to our own ends.”63
Gastev readily adopted this position, and argued in essays
such as “Marx and Ford” that the unification of Taylorist scientific management and Fordist industrial organization constituted the culmination of the Marxist system. Like the avant-gardes
with which he was closely associated, Gastev’s goal was the production of a New Man—and this New Man would itself be a production of an immense industrial system that had a logic and
agency all of its own.
62 LENIN, Vladimir, “The Taylor System: Man’s Enslavement by the Machine”,
in: Put Pravdy, No. 35, 13/03/ 1914), https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/
works/1914/mar/13.htm.
63 LENIN, Vladimir, “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”, March–April 1918, https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/mar/x03.htm.
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The modern machine […] possesses its own laws of pulsation,
functioning, and relaxation—laws that do not stand in conformity
with the rhythm of the human organism. The world of the machine, the world of mechanical equipment [oborudovaniia] and urbanized labor [trudnogo urbanizma] produces specially connected
collectives, begets certain types of people. There are people we must
accept, just as we accept the machine, though we must not smash
their head on its gears. We must bring some kind of equalizing coefficient into the machine’s iron disciplinary pressure, though history insistently demands we pose these not as petty problems of the
social protection of the individual personality [lichnosti], but
rather the bold engineering [proektirovaniia] of human psychology
according to such a historical factor as machinism.64
Techniques like Taylorism and psychotechnics were not, for
Gastev, merely instruments cultivated by the capitalists and the
managerial strata of the division of labor—they were the natural
conditions set by the direction of industrial development itself.
The “bold engineering of human psychology” spoke on above
was the bringing into alignment the human figure with an inevitable world. It was the success of this alignment that would
determine whether or not the form of this world was of a socialist character. Gastev, singing a hymn to Fordism: “The metallurgy of this new world, the motor car and the aeroplane factories
of America, and finally the arms industry of the whole world …
Whether we live in the age of super-imperialism or of world
socialism, the structure of the new industry will, in essence,
be one and the same.”65
Perhaps unsurprisingly, Gastev’s rather technocratic vision—
which culminated in the forecasting of “proletarian psychology”
becoming so homogeneous as to “[permit] the classification
of an individual proletarian unit as A, B, C, or 325, 0’075, 0, and
so on”—gained detractors.66 Among these was Bogdanov, who
assaulted Gastev’s enthusiasm at the loss of individuality and
64 Quoted in WOLFE, Ross, “The ultra-Taylorist Soviet Utopianism of Aleksei
Gastev”, in: Charnel House, 12/12/2011, htps://thecharnelhouse.org/2011/12/07/
the-ultra-taylorist-soviet-utopianism-of-aleksei-gastev-including-gastevs-landmark-book-how-to-work.
65 BAILES, Kendall E., “Alexei Gastev and the Soviet Controversy Over Taylorism,
1918–-124”, in: Soviet Studies, Vol. 39, No. 3, July, 1977, p. 377.
66 Ibid., p. 378.
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creativity. Gastev’s socialism was a bit akin to Nietzsche’s industrial leveling spoken of in the previous section: creativity,
expression, autonomy in action were all to be extinguished
through standardization, scientific management and regimentation. If there was a creativity, it was the creativity of the
machine itself, which could only be understood externally
as the “functions of planning and regulation”. Against this
barracks communism, Bogdanov’s proletarian future saw
the balance of human and machinic systems as being closer
to Nietzsche’s Overman, the Strong of the Future. With Gastev,
he “agreed that work in industry would tend to become more
and more of a single type”, but against the conclusions he suggested that “industrialism was producing ever more workers
of the highest type: the creative machinist who shares in the
planning, regulating, and fulfilling functions of industry”.67
The future of the worker was not the worker-number or the
worker-automaton; it was the worker-artist, the worker-scientist,
the worker-engineer.
In time, a split grew within the Central Institute between
those that advocated Taylorism (centered around Gastev) and
those that saw psychotechnics as the way forward—meanwhile,
of course, advocates of each in America and Europe saw no contradiction between the two systems. While debates would eventually win out in favor of Gastev, the psychotechnical faction
would soon come to establish its own institutional base in Moscow’s Psychological Institute, where a Laboratory of Industrial
Psychotechnics was erected. The driftwork of the avant-garde
didn’t map itself directly onto this divide, but took cues from
each as they imported the time-motion studies, standardization techniques, and related explorations from the work of the
Institute. Despite this, however, both ASNOVA and OSA took
their respective corners in the debate, as mentioned earlier.
Ladovsky, the chief organizer behind ASNOVA, set up a Psychotechnical Laboratory of Architecture within VkhUTEMAS, and
brought it in close alignment with the art association. “Psychotechnics cannot create artists,” he declared, “but it can give
them all a solid starting point from which they can achieve the
aims to which they aspire to the most by the most scientifically
67
Ibid., pp. 379–380.
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correct means.”68 The goal? “Instilling millions of shockworkers
of socialist construction with revolutionary enthusiasm.”69
OSA, positioned closer to the Taylorist side of the debate, viciously attacked the formalism of ASNOVA for what it perceived
as a lapse towards a romantic and metaphysical past, as opposed
to a scientific future: “[The formalist’s] pathetic ejaculations
about art are reminiscent of antediluvian searches for a god; for
we believe that what is needed is not the invention of an art […]
but work on the organization of architecture, proceeding from
the data of economics, science, and technology.”70 The ANSOVA line would, eventually, come to greatly influence the idiosyncratic architecture and so-called socialist-realist art of the
Stalinist period, but it would be the functionalists in OSA—who
would claim the title of “constructivist” for themselves—that
would provide that indelible stamp on the futuristic, alien bent
of Soviet experimentalism. It also maintained deep connections
with the avant-garde circles beyond the Soviet Union by way
of its institution membership in the Congres Internationaux
d’Architecture Moderne (the International Congress of Modern
Architecture, or CIAM); several OSA members were members
of CIAM’s primary organizing body.
As the aesthetic reinterpretation of Taylorist and Fordist
principles as a means to actualize the production of the new
socialist self and society expanded within the small bases like
OSA, its influence trickled across the governing structures
of the Soviet Union. Of particular interest here was how it was
received by Gosplan, the agency that was tasked with developing and administering central planning. The constructivists
came to speak of the “social condenser”, which was to be a “new
perspective” to govern Soviet architecture and urban design.
Promethean in scoop, the social condenser would marshal the
cutting edge of productive technology, managerial techniques,
and rational planning to execute a grand vision that would
transform the conditions of communal life by annihilating individualized, atomist experience of things. Indeed, even the term
68 GUILLEN, Mauro, Taylorized Beauty of the Mechanical: Scientific Management and
the Rise of Modernist Architecture, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006, p. 26.
69 HUDSON, Hugh D., Blueprints and Blood: The Stalinization of Soviet Architecture,
1917–1937, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 78.
70 GUILLEN, Taylorized Beauty of the Mechanical, p. 77.
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“condenser” was a reference to the technology that was sweeping across and irreversibly mutating the landscape. To quote
Anatole Koppe: “Like electrical condensers that transform the
nature of current, the architects’ proposed ‘social condensers’
were to turn the self-centered individual of capitalist society into a whole man, the informed militant of socialist society
in which the interests of each merged with the interests of all.”71
Referencing the motion of the body in laboring mode, Gastev
declared that “the perfect mastery of a given movement implies
the maximum degree of automacity. If this maximum increases
[…] nervous energy would be freed for a new initiating stimuli,
and the power of an individual would grow indefinitely.”72 The
social condenser worked in a similar manner, maximizing the
rational management of a system—in this case, the social tapestry and its architecture contours—to produce a baseline for
the realization of a hitherto untapped energy. This reached its
fantastical peak in the grand, near-delirious vision proffered
by L. M. Sabsovich, an economist and planner at Gosplan, who
was more than just a little influenced by the spectacular socialist projects described by Bogdanov in his science-fiction novels.
In his mind, the industrial systems realized in the Fordist epoch
constituted the key to the actualization of utopia. One can feel
the same spirit that fueled Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization guiding Sabsovich, as Richard Stites describes:
Building on the whole tradition of socialist dreams of household
collectivisim, Sabsovich imagined the coordination of all food
producing operations in order to transform raw food products into
complete meals, deliverable to the population in urban cafeterias,
communal dining rooms, and the workplace in ready-to-eat form
by means of thermos containers. No food shopping, no cooking,
no home meals, no kitchens. Similar industrialization of laundering, tailoring, repair, and even house cleaning (with electrical appliances) would allow each person a sleeping-living room,
free of all maintenance cares. Russia would in fact become a vast
71 MURAWSKI, Michal, “Revolution and the Social Condenser: How Soviet Architects Sought a Radical New Society”, in: Strelka, 29/09/2017, https://strelka.com/en/
magazine/2017/09/26/architecture-revolution-social.
72 GEROVICH, Slava, “Love-Hate for Man-Machine Metaphors: From Pavlov to
‘Pysiological Cybernetics’”, in: Science in Context, No. 15, 2002, p. 344.
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free-of-charge hotel chain. In his cities of 50,000–70,000, Sabsovich suggested that 25–50 large residence buildings would accommodate the entire population—meaning 1,400–2,000 persons per
building (children being housed nearby)—or about the size of Fourier’s phalanstery (1,700).73
It may seem odd to compare the work carried out by utopian
visionaries like Gastev, Bogdanov, Sabsovich and others to far
more individualized experimentation of Burroughs, but there
are certain commonalities that make this juxtaposition instructive. While separated by time, space, and ideology, both the
Soviets and Burroughs tap into something beyond their political conditions and social settings, and draw from it a means
to transform these conditions and settings in a real and powerful
way. What is tapped into is the possibility space of the K-Wave.
For the Soviets, the actual machines of the mass production
systems and the rationalized mode of labor that was produced
by them held the elements vital for building the infrastructure of an entirely new mode of social life and of being; for
Burroughs, the emergent cybernetic technologies and systems
thinking allowed the individual experimental means of “unzipping” themselves from the reality system that governed them.
Each set, in other words, bridged the gap between the aesthetic
dimension and their historical conditions to widen the possibility space of operations.
Now, having traveled a winding road through K-Waves,
Marx’s machine fragments, the aesthetic theories of Marcuse,
Deleuze, and Fisher, and finally into the materialist manifestation of these theories within the historically-bound conditions
produced by distinct techno-economic paradigms, we arrive
once again where we set out from: the blockchain. We now have
two different perspectives with which to approach the technology: a techno-economic approach and an aesthetico-political
approach. By want of the terrain that has just been traced,
we know that these are one and the same. Nonetheless, they
must be dealt with in successive order.
73 STITES, Richard, Revolutionary Dreams: Utopian Vision and Experimental Life in the
Russian Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 12.
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4. Forked
4.1. The Political Economy of Blockhain
Where is the blockchain positioned in relation to the K-Wave
model? Within the blockchain community proper, its most enthusiast proponents see this technology as the evidence of an entirely new paradigm, and thus something that is in itself subjected to the curves and oscillations that run through each iteration
of a passing paradigm. John Saddington, for instance, declared
in December of 2017 that “we’re deep in the Perez Technological
Surge and it’s freaking awesome!”74 He continued by suggesting
that “specifically, we’re deep within zone #2, the ‘Frenzy’ stage,
where a ton of interest (and money) is flooding the market and
industry and people are getting excited about all of the possibilities.” Two years prior, Fred Wilson of Union Square Ventures
wrote that if bitcoin and blockchain constituted a Perezian
technological revolution, “then we are going to move from the
installation phase to the deployment phase at some point and
there will be a major financial break point that happens along
the way.”75 Come 2017, Wilson reiterated this point, but with
a bit more restraint that Saddington: if blockchain technology
and applications are the start of a new techno-economic paradigm, we’re not even in the overspeculation phase yet. Nevertheless, he still holds it as imminent: “By the end of this decade […]
we should start to see native blockchain applications receiving
massive adoption.”76
If people like Saddington and Wilson are correct, then
we are witnessing a massive shift in the temporal ordering of the
K-Wave model. The great financial crisis, as illustrated earlier, constituted the “turning point” of the K-Wave organized
around information communication technologies; if we’re well
into roll-out phase of an emergent new paradigm, then the
“deployment” phase of the ICT wave was severely truncated—
74 SADDINGTON, John, “Bitcoin and Blockchain: We’re Deep Within the Frenzy
Stage Folks”, in: John Saddington Blog, 31/12/2017, https://john.do/bitcoin-frenzy/.
75 WILSON, Fred, “The Carlota Perez Framework”, in: AVC, February 2015, htps://
avc.com/2015/02/the-carlota-perez-framework/.
76 CHENG, Evelyn, “Fred Wilson throws a little cold water on Bitcoin enthusiasts”,
in: CNBC, 25/05/2017, https://www.cnbc.com/2017/05/25/bitcoin-blockchain-tokensummit-union-square-ventures-fred-wilson.html.
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or, as perhaps indicated by incredibly long recovery from the
crisis, it simply didn’t happen. Assuming that the blockchain
is indeed as important as its proponents present it, there are
two potential solutions to the conundrum. The first possibility
is that the rate of technological change is compressing the duration of installation and deployment phases, while the second
possibility is that blockchain, while important, is not going
to mark the introduction of a new wave.
This first possibility, which we might call the temporal
compression hypothesis , would itself be rather uncontroversial.
Nailing down periodizations of K-Waves is an incredibly hazy
affair, and even in the schema that has been presented here the
dates operate as loose frameworks. As such, there is variation
internal to each paradigm: sometimes installation and deployment phases are longer and sometimes they are shorter, while
entire waves might stretch out beyond the length of both their
predecessor and successor waves. In would be questionable,
in fact, to assume that as technological development progressed
into faster, more integrated systems, the waves didn’t compress,
given the reoccurring tendency for certain developmental
trendlines to, by way of increasing returns, lock into accelerating rates of change and collapsing time horizons. By the same
token, as the infamous example of the so-called Moore’s Law
illustrates, these trendlines cannot be counted on as exhibiting any sort of absolute character. Just because an exponential
sequence can be glimpsed at one point, there is no guarantee that this will be achieved in the future. Through this sort
of variation, the reason for the elastic timescales of the K-Wave
can be properly contextualized, and for this reason the potential arrival of a new paradigm in the current moment does not
intrinsically break the Perezian model.
The second possibility can be described as the delayed
deployment hypothesis . Here, the blockchain is still an ultimate,
paradigm-shifting technology, but instead of serving as the
inauguration of a new wave, it poses solutions to the regulation crisis that was brought to bear on the entirety of the system by the turning point and crisis. Delayed deployment alludes
to the rather long time period that persisted between the crisis
and the growing popularity and usage of blockchain, though
one must consider the way that blockchain emerged not only
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immediately following the crisis, but perhaps because of it.
If this hypothesis is correct, then blockchain can be read as the
(temporary) resolution of the various contradictions eating
at the heart of the ICT K-Wave. It follows, by extension, that
if this hypothesis is true, then failure to adopt blockchain
technology will have catastrophic consequences in the very
near future.
Both hypotheses encompass economic and political concerns and raise important questions over the nature of future
governance. In the case of the delayed deployment hypothesis,
it could very well be that blockchain, or some blockchain successor technology, will become the governmental tool par excellence, allowing the state to standardize and automate a host
of administrative functions or open new forms of democratic
experience. It is the temporal compression hypothesis, however, that serves as the location for the far more common understanding of blockchain as the ideal weapon for those of a libertarian and/or anarcho-capitalist inclination. Blockchain
here still serves as a tool of governance and perhaps would
still be a key infrastructure in an administrative body; the
difference, however, is that it would engender a great crack—
or series of cracks—in the world, a widening rift through which
fragmentation freely flows as people gain the ability to choose
exit over voice .
In the most elaborate—and thus most interesting—iteration
of this perspective, bitcoin and blockchain are the initial shock
of a truly multipolar globe where the world-system is tossed into
a continual flux through the unending proliferation of trustless
peer-to-peer networks, decentralized autonomous organizations
(DAOs), and self-sufficient, independent corporate city states.
This latter element is the line picked and pursued by the various post-libertarian, post-anarcho-capitalist thinkers in the
neoreactionary camp, mostly notable Mencius Moldbug (the
nom de plume of computer scientist Curtis Yarvin) and the philosopher Nick Land. Both Moldbug and Land contextualize the
coming change as the creation of a global patchwork of competitive sovereign units, organized along neocameralist lines—that
is, a sort of mercantile joint-stock corporate structure that collapses together the economic and the political. To quote Moldbug, by way of Land:
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Let’s start with my ideal world—the world of thousands, preferably
even tens of thousands, of neocameralist city-states and ministates,
or neostates. The organizations which own and operate these neostates are for-profit sovereign corporations, or sovcorps. For the
moment, let’s assume a one-to-one mapping between sovcorp and
neostate. […] Let’s pin down the neocameralist dramatis personae
by identifying the people who work for a sovcorp as its agents, the
people or organizations which collectively own it as its subscribers, and the people who live in its neostate as its residents […]
Every patch of land on the planet has a primary owner, which is its
sovcorp. Typically, these owners will be large, impersonal corporations. We call them sovcorps because they’re sovereign. You are
sovereign if you have the power to render any plausible attack
on your primary property, by any other sovereign power, unprofitable. In other words, you maintain general deterrence. […] (Sovereignty is a flat, peer-to-peer relationship by definition. The concept
of hierarchical sovereignty is a contradiction in terms.)77
Despite the post-libertarian drift of Land’s thought, his neoreactionary philosophy has a kind of crypto-Marxist flavor to it that
Moldbug’s perspective lacks.78 If the patchwork future is something of an inevitability for Land, it is because fragmentation
is the inherent tendency of modernity, and is produced by capital’s ability to constantly expand regardless of political, cultural, or ideological boundaries. At the limit, even these progressively atomized political units are themselves destined to undo,
as the “human security system” will find itself “outmatched and
defeated” by an Entity—“capitalism ‘in-itself’” or “the ultimate
enemy”—“that will never know or need political representation”.79 The occulted telos of capital is one of constant escape;
while in the future this may take the form of some sort of absolute escape, a capital becoming some sort of synthetic life form,
closer to the present this manifests through the introduction
77 LAND, Nick, “Neocameralism”, in: Xenosystems, 29/06/2016, http://www.xenosystems.net/neocameralism-1/.
78 See Land’s various comments in his interview with Justin Murphy, “Ideology, Intelligence, and Capital”, in: Vast Abrupt, 15/08/2018, https://vastabrupt.
com/2018/08/15/ideology-intelligence-and-capital-nick-land/.
79 LAND, Nick, “Dark Techno-Commercialism”, in: Xenosystems, 13/10/2013, http://
www.xenosystems.net/dark-techno-commercialism/.
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of blockchain. “If capital is escaping,” writes Land, “the emergence of blockchain is an inevitable escalation of modernity,
with consequences too profound for easy summary. If it isn’t,
then macroeconomics might work.”80
The logic of the multipolar patchwork world, Land suggests, can be glimpsed through the diagonalization in the
following grid:
High Connectivity
High Integration
Low Connectivity
Low Integration
Connectivity denotes the sorts of flows that move across the
sovereign units: flows of capital, flows of people, flows of information, so on and so forth. Integration, meanwhile, designates
the degree to which the sovereign is related to wider institutional bodies that might exert some sort of restraint, however formal
or informal. Land suggests that technologies like blockchain,
which allow the elimination of third party figures, the creation
of alternative currencies, so on and so forth, make possible the
diagonal line of high connectivity, low integration. A given sovereign unit would thus be open to trade, the movement of people (dependent, of course, on the policies of the unit or patch
in question), and the flow of information, while also being autonomous from and unaffiliated with larger, multinational bodies. One might call this a kind of “globalization without neoliberalism”, if we take globalization to be the integration of trade,
supply, and labor chains at the world-system level, and neoliberalism to constitute a transnational political orders based
on shared institutions and the imposition of common norms.
A common counterpoint to theories of fragmentation and
atomization such as these is that while, yes, the latter is palpable on the individualized and affective level, overall the tendency is towards centralization and conglomeration and not the
reverse. One could point, for example, to the continuity of some
monopoly capitalism across time, or to the emergence of a “platform capitalism” as a successor stage to this. Capital itself may
80 LAND, Nick, “Capital Escapes”, in: Xenosystems, 21/11/2014, http://www.xenosystems.net/capital-escapes/.
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be autonomous from the nation state, but money too is held
by a progressively smaller number of individuals. And while the
leading lights of “empire”—the United States and the European
Union—are threatened both internally (runaway polarization
in the case of each, the active threat of secession and euroscepticism in the latter) and externally (the rise of Russia and China,
respectively), transnational institutions like NATO and mechanisms such as multinational free trade agreements seem capable
of weathering various storms.
A full treatment of this question is far beyond the scope
of the present essay, but it is vitally important to discussing the
role of blockchain in any kind of future governance, and thus
a few additional comments are in order. To start, a word of caution: we should not expect the trend towards centralization
and concentration to be universal, or to serve as the primary
drift of historical development. The existence of fragmentation is something that must be reckoned with, not only because
of the clear relationship between it and political polarization
(as illustrated brilliantly by Peter Turchin), but on account
of mounting knowledge problems and coordination issues that
are produced by rising complexity. Yet, by the same token, this
fragmentation must also not be taken as a universal inevitability
or even the key characteristic of the long arc of development—
the benefits of fragmentation collide messily with the advantages of scale, the necessity of bureaucracy, and the importance
of administration. For every form of connectivity, there must
be common protocols and infrastructures for the connected
to carry out their exchanges and their circulations—and how
does the need for these protocols and infrastructures manifest, if not by forms of integration? It could very well be that
integration and connectivity are not elements to be arranged
into an oppositional grid. Higher degrees of integration might
be the requirement for connectivity, which is a relationship
that has no truck with the number of potentially connected
sovereign units. Furthermore, it could be that forms of integration are the requirement for the relative autonomy and
self-sufficient stability of a given unit. From this point of view,
a flattened, two-dimensional picture such as patchwork begins to fray at the seams. Something at once more abstract and
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more concrete, deeper in line with emergent alien topologies,
is what is required.
Concerns of a similar sort have been raised in a recent essay
by Ash Milton on the topic of experimental government. While
his topic focuses on charter cities, it is easily applicable to the
discussion of patchwork and other proposed DAO systems. This
is because, after all, all these things are mingled at the genetic level; the charter city, as its original proponent Paul Romer
described it, is a “StartUp city” in which one “can propose
something entirely new and let people choose whether they want
to live under its rules, as embodied in the charter, the document that specifies its founding principles. People who want
to try to reform can go there, and people who don’t … don’t have
to. With a startup, you can have reform without coercion” (or,
in other words, exit over voice).81 One of Romer’s chief examples
is Deng Xiaoping’s transformation of Shenzhen into a special
economic zone, but as Milton points out, proponents of political decentralization have little to gain from relying on this and
other related examples:
This interest is counterintuitive when considering the inspirations
for charter cities. The strategic roles of Hong Kong, Macau, and
the SEZs for testing reforms are ultimately directed by the Chinese
Communist Party. The United Arab Emirates is a federation of Islamic monarchies. In this light, the tie between the charter city idea
and decentralized market liberalism is not at all obvious. A major feature in the success of each of these projects is the backing
by a single established host government, able to guarantee institutions and reap the strategic benefits of the project.
This should be significant for anyone thinking about global development. What if the control of these projects by strong host governments is an essential feature of their success, not just a historical
accident that can be abstracted out in the future? If so, this would
present a contradiction between the libertarian ideals of many
charter city advocates and the state power actually driving this
wave of city and economic zone construction. Charter cities would
81 Quoted in FULLER, Brandon, “Romer on Urbanization, Charter Cities, and
Growth Theory”, in: Marron Institute of Urban Management, 30/04/2015, https://marroninstitute.nyu.edu/blog/romer-on-urbanization-charter-cities-and-growth-theory.
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not weaken and decentralize nation-state governments, but in fact
secure and strengthen them. Charter cities and similar projects
provide platforms for policy and economic innovation with low political risk, among other benefits. This being so, it seems likely that
these projects will only be undertaken in cases where the controlling
state interest expects the project to strengthen its position.82
Considering the potential trajectory of blockchain technologies
in light of this brings us closer to the territory of the delayed
deployment hypothesis, in which blockchain, along with the
decentralizing possibilities inherent in it, is actualized in pursuit of an optimal mode of regulation. Further evidence for
this can be gleamed from the fact that while there are plenty
of divergent uses being developed for blockchain technology
(from the aforementioned DAOs to more left-wing experiments
such as Ethereum’s proposed “liquid democracy”), many of the
practical applications are being explored by currently existing
statist and corporate governing bodies.
Estonia, for example, is making blockchain a central figure
in its transformation into a “digital republican” in which the
lionshare of “normal services that the government is involved
in—legislation, voting, education, justice, healthcare, banking,
taxes, policing, and so on—have been digitally linked across
one platform, wiring up the nation.”83 In a 2017 post on Medium, Kaspar Korjus describes how distributed ledger technology
is woven into this impressive complex as a means of empowering
not only the state, but the citizenry:
Take the Healthcare Registry as just one example. Few people in the
world are able to say exactly where their medical records are located and who has looked at them. Estonians can log into their own
records using their digital identities and then see exactly which
medical professionals have done the same and when. Any govern-
82 MILTON, Ash, “Why Charter Cities Won’t Lead to Decentralized Government”,
in: Palladium Magazine, 08/10/2018, https://palladiummag.com/2018/10/08/
why-charter-cities-wont-lead-to-decentralized-government/.
83 HELLER, Nathan, “Estonia: The Digital Republic”, in: The New Atlantic, 18 &
25/12/2017, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/12/18/estonia-the-digital-republic.
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ment official who accessed your data without a good reason can
be challenged and prosecuted.
The Healthcare Registry is by no means the only administrative
function that has been augmented through blockchain technologies; the KSI Blockchain also “protects Estonian e-services
such as the […] e-Prescription database, e-Law and e-Court
systems, e-Police data, e-Banking, e-Business Register, and the
e-Land registry.” The blockchain thus holds a central position
within Estonia’s exciting experiment in digital governance,
serving as a necessary tool in upholding and securing the integrity of these various governmental functions. It’s telling that
the KSI Blockchain isn’t limited to Estonia alone, with a white
paper bragging that it is also used by “the NATO Cooperative
Cyber Defense Centre of Excellence, European Union IT Agency,
US Defense Department, and also by Lockheed Martin, Ericsson,
and others.”
A recent study by the US Treasury Department’s Bureau
of Fiscal Service determined that blockchain technology could
be a key asset in the event that what is needed is a “structured
central repository of information”, multiple parties accessing the
database in the scenario of “less than total trust”, and the capacity for the automation of functions so as to eliminate unnecessary
figures in a given process (i.e. the introduction of self-executing
mechanisms to replace manual execution).84 These insights
arose from the introduction of two projects that utilized the
technology to assist both the private and public sector; overseen
by the Bureau’s Office of Financial Innovation and Transformation, the goal is to be able to successfully track both financial
and physical assets in real time in order to streamline and better
control various processes. This is similar, in turn, to the growing
interest in blockchain by the field of supply chain management.
According to Reid Williams of the design firm IDEO, blockchain
stands to become a “new supply chain operating system” due
to its ability to render visible the entirety of the chain—a problem that, despite the incredible advancements in logistical technology, has continued to persist: “As a shared, secured record
84 “Five Quick Takeaways on Blockchain”, in: US Treasury Bureau of Fiscal Services, no
date given, https://fiscal.treasury.gov/fsservices/gov/fit/blockchain.htm.
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of exchange, blockchains can track what went into a product and
who handled it along the way, breaking supply chain data out
of silos, and revealing the provenance of a product to everyone
involved from originator to end user.”85
There are countless other examples that could be put forth
in addition to the above: the transformation of Dubai into
a “blockchain city” as part of the UAE government’s “Emirates
Blockchain Strategy 2021; the studies of blockchain called for
by the Chinese Communist Party, Slovenia’s drive to become the
global “blockchain capital”, so on and so forth. In each of these
instances we might glimpse a bit of the libertarian impulse:
the general intent of the governmental blockchain experiments
is to empower various actors in the networks and to promote
stabilized growth while also eliminating unnecessary actors and
structures. At the same time, however, it is clear that they are
also being used to support the state as an administrative machine, and what is more is that it is removing the human element
from the state. In unity with other emergent technics—namely,
artificial intelligence and other modes of algorithmic governmentality—we could very well be seeing a new state-form, one
finally in alignment with the demands of the current K-Wave,
coming into view.
4.2. Return of the Artist-Engineer
In his essay “Post-Capitalist Desire”, Mark Fisher draws upon
two figures we’ve already discussed over the course of this
essay: Nick Land and L. M. Sabsovich. Land, Fisher argues,
might present a vision totally contrary to the goals and ambitions of the political left, but it is also a vision that this
left must engage with if it wants to stake any claim on the
world-system-to-come. “Land’s texts are worth reckoning with,”
writes Fisher, “because they assume a terrain that politics now
operates on, or must operate on, if it is to be effective —a terrain
in which technology is embedded in everyday life and the body;
design and PR are ubiquitous; financial abstraction enjoys
dominion over government; life and culture are subsumed into
85 WILLIAMS, Reid, “How Bitcoin’sTechnology Could Make Supply Chains More
Transparent”, in: Supply Chain 24/7, 31/05/2015, http://www.supplychain247.com/
article/how_bitcoins_technology_could_make_supply_chains_more_transparent.
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cyberspace; and data-hacking consequently assumes increasing
importance.”86 A gauntlet is thrown down:
Land’s texts […] expose an uncomfortable contradiction between
the radical left’s official commitment to revolution, and its actual tendency towards political and formal-aesthetic conservatism
[…] Where is the left that can speak as confidently in the name
of an alien future, that can openly celebrate, rather than mourn,
the disintegration of existing socialities and territorialities?87
In the great social condenser conceived by Sabsovich and his
cohort, Fisher finds the embodiment of a positive, left-wing
approach to alien futurity. He finds in common things that
haunt the landscape of capitalist postmodernity a sort of perversion of Soviet modernity’s wildest ambitions: in place of the
great, anonymous cafeterias that replace individualized kitchens and dining rooms, there are fast food restaurants, and
instead of huge, free-of-charge dwelling places there are innumerable for-profit hotel chains. In lieu of Gosplan, we have
the advanced, cybernetic control system deployed by Wal-Mart
(Fisher, however, cites Jameson’s famous reflection that perhaps
the evolution of Wal-Mart presents the sort of revolutionary
opportunity that the dialectical analysis of capitalism seeks
to reveal), or what Benjamin Bratton has cheekily called the
“Google Gosplan”, or “the convergence of planned and market
economies into computational platforms that share ideal and
practical characteristics.”88 At any rate, just because the Soviet
experiment was ultimately doomed to fail does not indicate the
poverty of their historical gambit. Fisher continues:
The Soviet system could not achieve this vision, but perhaps its realization still lies ahead of us, provided we accept that what we are
fighting for is not a “return” to the essentially reactionary conditions of face-to-face interaction, “a line of racially-pure peasants
digging the same patch of earth for eternity” […] [but] rather the
86 FISHER, Mark, “Post-Capitalist Desire”, in: CAMPAGNA, Federico, CAMPIGLIO,
Emanuele (ed.), What We Are Fighting For: A Radical Collective Manifesto, London: Pluto
Press, 2012, p. 180.
87 Ibid.
88 BRATTON, The Stack, p. 372.
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construction of an alternative modernity, in which technology,
mass production, and impersonal systems of management are
deployed as part of a refurbished public sphere. 89
What is called for, in other words, is an approach to the current
rule of life by abstraction, impersonal systems, and apparently
runaway techno-economic development the same way that the
various avant-gardes approached the technologies of Fordism
and even the nascent infrastructures of post-Fordism. This would
entail, on the one hand, the abandonment of anti-art pretenses,
and a return to a form and content seething with future-oriented
intensity, as well as the sifting through the systems that govern
the current world-system and the extraction of elements that
be pushed in new, divergent directions. That the outcome may
be different from the intention is by no means a reason to reject acting in this manner at all; instead, the flux and reversals
of means and ends, of goal and reality, and of sensuous rending
and physical outcome must be understood as the intrinsic—
and necessary—hazards that accompany experimental forms
of development.
In his description of the Google Gosplan, Bratton suggests
that the “future evolution of Cloud platforms that absorb traditional functions of the state (such as Google, to a degree)
may realize forms of effective governance that are recognizable as both minimal state and maximal state at once.”90 What
Bratton is referring to here is, of course, two-state forms posed
by the philosopher Robert Nozick.91 The maximal state is the
sort of state-form crafted in the Soviet Union and elsewhere
(in the United States during the New Deal era, to a much lesser
degree, for instance): it is large and all-encompassing, a “just
state” that provides an infrastructure for negative freedom, that
is freedom from external and internal restraints that prevent
one from fulfilling their goals. The minimal state, meanwhile,
is a minarchist or “night-watchman” state whose primary purpose is to provide an infrastructure for positive freedom, the freedom to act as one sees fit in the world. The minimal state is the
89
90
91
Ibid., p. 189.
Ibid., p. 372.
See NOZICK, Robert, Anarchy, State, and Utopia, New York: Basic Books, 1974.
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libertarian state-form, and indeed is frequently invoked by those
who advocate charter cities, sovereign “patch” units, and other
forms of DAOs. By suggesting that future governance might combine and eclipse both the minimal and maximal state at once,
Bratton converges with what we posited in the previous section:
that the trends of decentralization and fragmentation can easily
co-exist alongside trends towards centralization and integration,
and that these two directions may very well be contingent upon
one another.
This apparent paradox can be glimpsed even in the social
condenser model: liberated from grueling work (due to the end
of the capitalist division of labor), freed from clutches of private
property through the collectivization of domesticity, and liberated from material want, the individual is not truly liquidated,
but opened up to a world of drift. An alternative model was
posed by the disurbanists, whose dreams are temporarily infected by the Gosplan technocrats. For them, the urban form was
to be eliminated, and the key institutions—factories, the cafeterias and social centers etc.—were to be distributed across the
landscape alongside lengthy roads. Like the social condenser,
material necessity would be provided through this institutional
infrastructure, yet private homes persisted in the form of mobile,
nomadic dwelling places. As with models like Constant’s notorious New Babylon, the urban social condenser and the high-tech
caravan life of the disurbanists illustrated that far from rendering difference obsolete, the opportunities provided by standardization, rationalization, mechanization, so on and so forth, created the baseline for a true difference to emerge—a movement from
the material reality of Fordism to a world of difference-in-itself,
where transformation and flourishing is no longer mediated
by the universalist exchange of the general equivalence.
Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams refer to this paradigm as neither positive nor negative freedom, but
a to-be-constructed synthetic freedom , a “maximal provision
of basic resources needed for a meaningful life: things like
income, time, health, and education. Without these resources,
most people are left formally, but not really free.”92 The stag92 SRNICEK, Nick, WILLIAMS, Alex, Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and A
World Without Work, London: Verso Books, 2015.
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gering prometheanism of this goal, which truly entails nothing
less than the revolutionary transformation of everyday life in all
of its dimensions, appears at first to be doomed, ultimately
slated for being dashed apart upon the rocks of complexity.
A counterpoint arises, however, in a shift in the way that engagement with complexity is carried out. As James Scott and
others have described, traditional state-forms are reliant upon
seeing : to carry out administrative tasks, for good or for ill, is dependent upon the ability to visualize the entirety of the territory
in question in order to understand it and to intervene within
it.93 Scott finds this logic at work in early modern approaches to forestry and farming and in the industrial factory, and
Foucault’s “panopticon”, so characteristic of his disciplinary
society, marks its ascendancy. The problems tackled by Taylor
through his time-and-motion studies, likewise, are an expression
of the needs to see in order to inflect command—but in many
respects this is all over today. In a period of compounding
abstraction, speed, and complexification, governance by way
of visualization falls by the wayside as the territory itself becomes an intense fog.
This isn’t to say that administration declines. Instead, it reboots: the disciplinary society passes into the control society,
and visualization passes into a regime of haptic capture. State
and corporate governance now not only see, but feel by way
of the integration of sensor networks, linked to databases (analyzed and managed by algorithmic systems), into the totality
of an environment that is no longer treated as series of divided
spaces (molds), but understood as a modular, self-transforming
continuum. This stands to fundamentally change the very architecture of governance itself, as Bratton points out: “The work
of contemporary governance is transformed toward the management of multiple, irregular, asymmetric layers of Cloud platforms, and as the ‘eyes’ of the state evolve, its bones and blood
will follow.”94 Such systems are precisely what makes Wal-Mart
or the “Google Gosplan” possible, and if there is a possibility
for the production of a synthetic freedom, it too will require
93 SCOTT, James C., Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
Condition Have Failed, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.
94 BRATTON, The Stack, p. 120.
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the rigorous engagement with these technologies, as well as the
technologies-to-come (such as the widespread use of blockchain
and blockchain successor technologies) and the ways in which
these forces will both compliment and clash with one another.
It is in the gap between the real present and the possible (near-)future that a revival of the artist-engineer , the
worker-artist , the artist-scientist must insert itself. This entails
the rejection of design as a laboratory for the commodity, and
an abandonment of so-called “political” art’s position as a medium for piecemeal “critique” and commentary (a disastrous
reflection of the liberal ideal if there ever was one). It calls for
the rigorous engagement with the study of technical systems,
economic flux, administrative organization, and various patterns that link into one another across the various scales of our
turbulent world-system. It also means to not outright reject certain technical objects or systems for their perceived ideological
basis, for these things can never be reduced to what their most
stalwart proponents have in store for them. They have a productive logic of their own, and the law of unintended consequences
is only the tip of that iceberg.
To bring this a little more down to earth and more immediately to our purposes here, it is the blockchain that
stands as the excellent example of just this sort of technical object. Maligned by the left as a libertarian tool, praised
by the anarcho-capitalists as the means of progressing towards the minimal state, or to perhaps even more atomized
forms of politico-economic behavior, the blockchain appears
as something that has no place in the sort of future that is being discussed here (the remarkable and destructive arrogance
of thinking one can pick and pose technical systems for the
future is a discussion point for another time). Yet, as we’ve just
seen, the blockchain is not only the subject of inquiry by the
libertarians and the anarcho-capitalists; it has presented an array of options to the state as well, from the automation of daily
functions to the organization of welfare systems to advanced
record-keeping. Likewise, the blockchain has also attracted the
eye of those looking to optimize sensor systems, that largely imperceptible tool of twenty-first century governance. One example of this is Nokia’s recent proposal for a blockchain-powered
Internet of Things system that will monetize the analysis of date
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pulled from urban sensor networks, while another might be the
usage of smart sensors and blockchain to effectively manage decentralized, green energy power grids in an urban environment.
The difficulty is to avoid either pitfall, of either the libertarian or anarcho-capitalist—or, even further, the neoreactionary—
positions, or of the left-liberal, social-democratic-like solutions
to the developmental question, all of which sequester themselves under the rubric of the performance principle. The real
question: what could something like Nokia’s proposed system
do if freed from the impulse to monetize data? How could blockchain assist managing decentralized power systems in a situation in which the difference between town and country has
been torn asunder? Can the automation of state administration,
industrial processes, and logistical systems be deployed to bring
us into alignment with an unavoidable alien future? The questions are, ultimately, of a political nature, and can in no way
be reduced to the figure of the blockchain, for they are embedded in the matrices of centuries-long development, one that
weighs on the ability for us to act—but there is also an aesthetic component here, as we have seen. It is the component that
tries to articulate in advance a political vision that it can never
capture, but in doing so produces something essential for the
struggle to realize that vision: the reclamation of modernity, the
opening-up of an alternative modernity that executes the vital
task of breaking with the past with the goal of realizing a New
Reality Principle, a New Reason.
1438
Šum #10.2
Edmund Berger is an independent writer
and researcher based in Horse Cave, Kentucky. His writings and assorted scribblings can be found at DI-Subunit 22 and Vast
Abrupt, among other places. He can be
followed on Twitter @EBBerger.
1439
Šum #10.2
ISSN 2335-4232
Šum, revija za kritiko sodobne umetnosti
Št. 10.2
Cryptocene
november 2018
Izdajatelj
Društvo Galerija Boks
Marije Hvaličeve 14
1000 Ljubljana
Oblikovna zasnova
Ajdin Bašić
Oblikovna realizacija
Anja Delbello
& Aljaž Vesel / AA
Urednika številke
Marko Bauer
Andrej Škufca
lektoriranje
Miha Šuštar
Uredništvo revije
Izidor Barši
Robert Bobnič
Kaja Kraner
Voranc Kumar
Tjaša Pogačar
Andrej Škufca
Tisk
Demat, d. o. o.
Naklada
600 izvodov
avtorji besedil
Edmund Berger
PJ Ennis
Nick Land
sumrevija@gmail.com
www.sumrevija.si
ISSN spletne izdaje: 2536-2194
1441
Šum #10.2
NAVODILA in
TEHNIČNE SPECIFIKACIJE
Citiranje in navajanje virov
Viri citatov naj bodo enotni in navajani
po spodnjem modelu v opombah na dnu
posamezne strani.
Prispevki naj bodo napisani
v slovenščini ali angleščini.
Dolžina prispevkov naj bo od 20.000
do cca 40.000 znakov s presledki
(daljša besedila je mogoče objaviti v
nadaljevanjih) z razmakom med
vrsticami 1,5.
• Navajanje knjižnih virov:
PRIIMEK, Ime, Naslov knjige, Kraj, leto,
str. __.
• Navajanje člankov:
PRIIMEK, Ime, „Naslov članka“, v: Naslov
vira, Kraj, leto, str. __.
Slikovno gradivo naj bo primerno
podnaslovljeno in poslano v jpg formatu
skupaj z besedilom. Slikovno gradivo
bo tiskano črno-belo, po potrebi
izjemoma barvno.
V kolikor gre za formalno specifično
oblikovan prispevek, ki zahteva avtorsko
postavitev, naj avtor besedila uredništvo
o tem pravočasno obvesti.
Besedilom avtorji priložite še:
• kratek življenjepis
(max. 500 znakov s presledki);
• podatke za avtorsko pogodbo (ali
študentsko napotnico).
• Če je avtor članka različen od avtorja
vira:
PRIIMEK, Ime, „Naslov članka“, v: PRIIMEK, Ime avtorja vira, Naslov vira, Kraj,
leto, str. __.
• Ponovna navedba knjižnega vira:
ko se ponovi takoj: Ibid., str.__.;
ko se ponovi na nekem drugem mestu:
PRIIMEK, Ime, Naslov knjige, str. __.
• Ponovna navedba članka, če je avtor
članka različen od avtorja vira:
ko se ponovi takoj: PRIIMEK, Ime, „Naslov članka“, v: Ibid., str. __.;
Ko se ponovi kasneje: PRIIMEK, Ime,
„Naslov članka“, v: Priimek avtorja knjige,
nav. delo, str. __.
PODNAPISI SLIKOVNEGA GRADIVA
Če gre za umetniško delo (avtorsko delo):
Ime Priimek, Naslov dela, leto, tehnika,
dimenzije, vir:_______ .
Kadar gre za opise slikovnega gradiva:
Opis, Ime Priimek, fotografija: Ime in
Priimek.
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