Synthetic Fabrication: The Myth of the Politics-to-Come (Part 1: The
Generative Myth)
Part of the series Synthetic Fabrication: The Myth of the Politics-to-Come
Previously: Synthetic Fabrication Part 0
Mysticism and Mechanization
Towards the end of his book on Henri Bergson, Deleuze mined from the philosopher’s work a
spectral prefiguration of the people-to-come: the faint traces of an emergent and enigmatic open
society, a “society of creators” and ‘privileged’ souls connected together by an imperceptible
circuitry. Standing atop a grand, abstract summit, the open society derives its name not only from
its differentiation to the closed society, but through that which it opens onto. The open society
moves in the direction of what Bergson had called the élan vital, the impulse or force that compels
self-organization in matter and morphogenesis through time. Such a movement is an affair of life
itself, the sifting apart of the organic from the inorganic, organization from base matter. By
ascending up a cosmological hierarchy in order to enter into unending engagement with this force,
the mark of the open society is life at its most creative.
The “creative emotion” that defines this society is the “embodiment of cosmic Memory”, one that
cuts across “all levels at the same time” and “liberates man from the… level that is proper to him.”1
The citizen of the open society is a new type who gives themselves to “open creative totality”.
Bergson, Deleuze points out, sees in the figures of the artist and the mystic, each of which
fabricates new things from past forms and raw matter, the avatars that best capture the nature of
this type:
…the great souls — to a greater extent than philosophers — are those of
artists and mystics (at least those of a Christian mysticism that Bergson
describes as being completely superabundant activity, action, creation). At
the limit, it is the mystic who plays with the whole of creation, who invents
an expression of it whose adequacy increases its dynamism. Servant of an
open and finite God (such are the characterisics of the élan vital), the
mystical soul actively plays the whole of the universe in which there is
nothing to see or to contemplate.2
Bergson himself intuits, at some undetermined level, a connection between the mystical experience
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Synthetic Fabrication: The Myth of the Politics-to-Come (Part 1: The
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and the processes of industrialization that define modernity.3 In his book The Two Sources of
Morality and Religion, the experience of the dark night of the soul, that sacred passage privileged
by the Christian mystics of the apophatic theological current, becomes imbued with mechanical
analogies that seem to transcend mere literary flourish. In the final stages of the experience the
mystic becomes akin to a “machine of wonderfully tempered steel” that has “became conscious of
itself being put together.” This machine is subjected to stress tests and other trials to assess its
durability and functioning; it undergoes the feeling of distress and lack. But this rigorous ordeal is
precisely what must be passed through to reach a higher state. “The mystic soul yearns to be this
instrument. It throws off everything in its substance that is not pure enough, not flexible enough, to
be turned to some use by God.”4 To be a creator, then, is to be properly created, and to be used to
create, in turn.
This encounter with the creative, unfolding totality returns again and again in the pages of A
Thousand Plateaus, particularly in the 11th plateau, titled “1837: Of the Refrain”. Here Deleuze and
Guattari describe the already-underway arrival of the “age of the Machine, the immense
mechanosphere, the plane of the cosmicization of forces to be harnessed”. 5 In this age, the
molecular moves to the fore, and the creative act that cascades across all the levels of the totality
is revealed as the penetration of these forces and flows in order to unleash the production of the
new. The figure of the artist-mystic is resurrected in these pages, but wears a new face: that of the
“cosmic artisan” capable of taking leave from the earth. This artisan (alternatively referred to as
the “artist-artisan”) helps realize, through the forces of deterritorialization and decoding, a “cosmic
people” and a “cosmic earth” — the people-to-come and the New Earth across which they move.
Thus the plateau on the refrain, which charts (among other things) a movement of territorial
formation, stability, and exit across a tripartite schema of Classical, Romantic, and Modern ages,
provides a highly abstract prism that allows Bergson’s depictions of closed societies and open
societies to be read historically. This, admittedly, is the purpose of The Two Sources of Morality and
Religion, a work that Ernst Bloch described as “very Marxist”.6 Others who followed Bergson and his
work closely, however, might have found much to disagree with in this overstatement. Such was
the case of Georges Sorel, engineer turned political radical, who expressed in an otherwisesympathetic review of the philosopher’s work a “wish that Bergson would abandon the largely
infantile applications of his philosophy to the natural sciences and instead apply this to the
problems raised by the great social movements.”7 In Sorel’s hands, the vision of the élan vital is not
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one of a metaphysical system to be perceived as operating at a cosmological level, but the very
force that can be found at each moment in the cascading development of industrial forces:
“Bergson’s creative evolution simply imitates the history of human industry… The true place for
Bergson’s philosophy is in social studies, especially those concerning the present day.”
Sorel’s reconfiguration and deployment of Bergson’s philosophies in the service of such a pursuit is
of immediate interest to elucidating Deleuze’s perspective on fabulation, and the role that it plays
in the overall architecture of his philosophy. In Sorel’s works, particularly the 1908 book Reflections
on Violence, Bergsonian thought undergoes a mutation by way of a creative encounter with
Marxism and revolutionary syndicalism. This mutation helps provide the backbone of an escape
route from what Sorel describes as decadence — that is, a wide-ranging slowdown in the forces of
industrial development, economic competition, and class struggle that occurs when the bourgeoisie
and and proletariat deviate from the historical paths identified by Marx.
“[I]t has been suggested”, writes Jeffrey Mehlman, “that ‘entropy’ is perhaps the dominant
institution of Sorel’s thought.” 8 The second law of thermodynamics, as articulated by Rudolf
Clausius in the early 1850s, had by the time Sorel was writing exploded over the socio-cultural
landscape. The realization that force forever dissipates made shockingly clear that disorder in a
given system builds over time and that, at the horizon, a grand extinguishing looms. The euphoria
of the earlier industrial era, swept up in the dream of Newtonian balance and universal harmony,
dissolved into a fog of cosmic ennui. Fatigue, dissatisfaction, and a generalized weariness with
things radiated through society, matched by an intensified focus on maintenance, regulation, and
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fitness as a means of holding these forces at bay. Entropy was civilization’s grand enemy. To see it
rushing over the gates meant that civilization was splitting apart, teetering at the edge of a grand
abyss. For Sorel, writing during a time which we can identify as the eclipsing of early, competitive
capitalism by monopoly capitalism, the dimming of modernity’s flames under the conjoined
complacency of reform-minded parliamentary socialists and a bourgeoisie that had become an
“ultra-civilized aristocracy” heralded the threat of decay and degradation.
The question of entropy also played a major, if often overlooked, role in Bergson’s work, particular
where the notion of the élan vital is concerned. In the latter half of the 1800s, the recognition of the
doom wrought by entropy triggered oscillations between a world-weary acceptance of the
conditions and attempts to forestall it wherever possible. It wouldn’t be until the 1940s when
negentropy (negative entropy) would come to be known. Erwin Schrödinger, for example, wrote in
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his 1944 book What is Life? that a living thing “can only be kept aloof from [entropy], i.e. alive, by
continually drawing from its environment negative entropy.”10 In order to explain the apparent
paradox between constant, localized producing of living order and cosmic decay, Schrödinger’s
suggestion was that living organism is imbued with an “astonishing gift of concentrating a ‘stream
of order’… of ‘drinking orderliness’ from a suitable environment.” Such a concept was precisely
what Bergson was trying to strive towards with the élan vital, defined as it was by a capacity for
spontaneous organization and self-regeneration through time.
The second law of thermodynamics, Bergson argued, was nothing short of a metaphysical principle:
physics, without the aid of “interposed symbols and… artificial devices and instruments” now
“discloses the direction in which evolution is going.”11 The direction, in its most generalized and
cosmological form, appears in the work of physicists like Clausius to be a descent down the
hierarchy, into the baseness of unformed, unorganized matter. But this is countered by another
tendency, an “an effort to re-mount the incline that matter descends.”12 This counter-tendency is
the struggle against entropy, seen as necessary by Bergson to explain the existence of life and its
prolonged development in the face of the irresistible tug downwards. It is not life itself, but a vital
force that runs through the living in their onward evolution — the élan vital. It is the ascent up the
hierarchy, characterized by an increase of organization in both social and individual senses, as well
as the blurring between the two senses. The élan vital thus appears as a progenitor of the concept
of negative entropy. Speaking of the second law of thermodynamics, Bergson wrote that
…everything happens as if it were doing its utmost to set itself free from
these laws. It has not the power to reverse the direction of physical
changes, such as the principle of Carnot determines it. It does, however,
behave absolutely as a force would behave which, left to itself, would work
in the inverse direction. Incapable of stopping the course of material
changes downwards, it succeeds in retarding it. The evolution of life really
continues … [as] an initial implusion: this impulsion… brings life to more
and more efficient acts by the fabrication and use of more and more
powerful explosives.13
From this perspective, it isn’t hard to see why somebody like Sorel, concerned about entropic
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decadence derailing the progress of modernity into the upward momentum that Marx had
identified, was attracted to such ways of thinking. If the the élan vital was an early attempt to
elucidate negentropic tendencies, and was also that which the open society moved towards, then
the affinity of the open society with negentropic organization becomes clear. By bringing into play
Bergson’s own hints at a link between the mystic and the mechanical where the ascension to this
morphogenicc force is concerned (not to mention Deleuze and Guattari’s own quasi-historicization
of these processes), the theory is already moving in the direction that Sorel had wished for it to go
— to assessing the development of industrial forces through capitalism.
The question becomes, then, how to translate this movement across a rough and complicated
philosophical terrain, into something that counteracts decadence. The answer for Sorel is in
precisely a function found in Bergson, albeit one that he disdained: the fabulatory function.
Building the Social Myth
In Bergson’s philosophy, both scientific knowledge and symbolic knowledge, insofar as they stamp
nature with the “general bent of the human intellect” in order to bring it in line with a “geometrical
and static order”, belong to the domain of relative knowledge.14 The borderlands of this knowledge
demarcate the very interior limits of the knowable, with its lines separating the faculty of the
intellect from that which is beyond it — that is, the unrepresentable realm of continual change,
crystallizing organization, and open systems unfolding through real duration. The intellect, in other
words, is encased within the limit that prevents direct encounter with the élan vital, sheared off
from access to the absolute.
This sifting-apart of the relative forms of knowledge from the absolute occurs along a fault-line of
the temporal. “We do not think in real time”, Bergson suggested, adding that “but we live in it,
because life transcends intellect.”15 Thus the phenomenon of life, as an affair of particular and
durable types of organization, moves through what cannot be grasped by the intellect — yet for
Bergson it is a mistake to suggest that the position of the absolute beyond the grasp of the intellect
means that it is fundamentally off-limits to thought. Such was his critique of Kant who, he argued,
encased the mind permanently within the borderlands of the intellect. Against this approach,
Bergson suggested that another, more subtle and intangible faculty is actually capable of
transgressing these limits in order to explore the absolute directly: intuition. This is a faculty that
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‘envelopes’ the intellect, and “may enable us to grasp what it is that intelligence fails to give us,
and indeed the means of supplementing it.”16 Intuition and intellect, taken together, are the two
ways of knowing a thing, with each correlated to the absolute and relative forms, respectively. They
mark the two sides of human consciousness.
Bergson saw the human as holding a particularly unique position in that it stands at the endpoint of
the chain of natural evolution. The development of the intellect was vital in maintaining this
trajectory, having endowed the human with the capacity to choose between various options at a
given time and to navigate the situations that it found itself within. Yet the intellect itself comes to
be a double-edged sword: as it enables choice and increased mobility, the possibly for a dangerous
egosim haunts it. The intelligent self can continually act in its own interests alone, even at the
expense of the society to which it is fundamentally bound. For Bergson, if the active threat of this
egoism is not tapered, it will harm the interdependence of sociability, and with it the very possibility
of longevity and survival.
How does egoism of the intellect become blunted, if the intellect is simultaneously the means to
achieving survival? Here, a critical intervention is staged not by the faculties of the intellect, but by
instinct under the guise of habits, or, more properly, the “habit of contracting habits”. 17 As the
intellect operates in an environment, dotted with encounters and obstacles and problems to solve,
these habits come to compile and reinforce one another, forming into a memory that serves as the
foundation for a social morality. The accumulation of habits becomes an order that aims at
balancing freedom of choice with collective interest. The question then becomes one of compulsion:
given the supposed capacity for free choice (intellect), what obligates the individual to follow this
instinctual order of habit-memory? The answer is the story-telling function, fabulation, the
formation of essential myths capable of unpinning society. Bergson:
It must be noted that fiction, when it has the power to move us, resembles
an incipient hallucination: it can thwart our judgment and reason, which
are strictly intellectual faculties. Now what would nature have done, if she
wanted to guard against certain dangers of intellectual activity without
compromising the future of intelligence? … if intelligence was to be kept at
the outset from sliding down a slope which was dangerous to the individual
and society, it could only be by the statement of apparent facts, by ghosts
of facts; failing real experience, a counterfeit of experience had to be
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conjured up. A fiction, if it is vivid and insistent, may indeed masquerade
as perception and in that way prevent or modify action.18
Bergson’s historical assessment was that the fabulatory function first arose in early societies
through the attribution of forceful will and what could be regarded as a distinctly human agency to
natural events. He padded this thesis out by drawing on William James’s experience of the San
Francisco earthquake of 1906. James had written of the incident that he had “personified the
earthquake as a permanent individual entity”, a force imbued with an “[a]nimus and intent” like
that exercised by “a living agent”.19 He quickly discovered that he was not alone in registering the
disaster as an encounter with an uncanny intelligence: many in the midst of the event felt that the
Final Judgment was at hand, and that the shaking of the earth was the presence of a “vague
daemonic power” moving through the world. In one case, the earthquake was read not as
something produced by the tensions of the earth’s crusts and disequilibrium among strata; it was
the very thing, some abstract motive agent, that was producing the tensions and disequilibrium. “I
realize now much better than ever how inevitable were men’s earlier mythological versions of such
catastrophes,” James wrote, “and how artificial and against the grain of our spontaneous perceiving
are the later habits into which science educates us.”20
Extrapolating from these insights, Bergson put forward the argument that the genesis of fabulation
occurred via the exploration of natural phenomenon through the lenses of a perceived non-human
agency, which quickly became assimilated into the expressions of magical ritual and religious
fervor. It becomes a machine for producing fictions that are so livid, so life-like that they come to
haunt those who speak of it, the color of perception itself for the members of society. Through the
regulatory mechanism of religion, fabulation became that which effectively transformed the
compulsion to maintain society into cosmological dramas that imposed firm rules and punishment
for transgressions. This dynamic, however, did not end in the passage from the ancient to the
modern, as “a society without a religion” has never existed as such. Thus even societies that are
ostensibly built upon a foundation of reason have, at their very core, a profound unreason, a
hallucination or fiction that serves as the a priori for the deployment of the faculty of the intellect
for the purpose of obtaining relative knowledge.
And yet the society bound to the fabulatory function will never escape the circular interiority of the
closed society. Fabulation, in Bergson’s reading, does not simply produce a counterbalance against
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the individual’s intellectual egoism, but constitutes a mechanism for determining inclusion and
exclusion in accordance with a given society’s mythic underpinning. In other words, fabulation itself
is the very function that makes a closed society closed, producing in turn a singular and static order
that in the long-term will begin that inexorable descent into entropy. The open society then, for
Bergson, is a society that relinquishes itself from the fabulatory function, and trades the myth for
the dynamic intuition that moves with the élan vital.
In his appropriation of the theory of the social myth, Sorel — much to Bergson’s criticism —
fundamentally transformed this dire outlook on the ultimate nature of fabulation.21 No longer was
the myth the indirect adversary of negentropic amplification, but the very force necessary to
undermine the grip of decadence on society. Bergson might have posed the faculty of intuition as a
rising divergence from the social myth, but for Sorel the myth becomes the medium for intuition
itself, the prism through which passes that which cannot be known directly by the intellect. It even
holds the capacity to power vast movements in the direction of the unknowable. Taking socialism,
as a futurity that lay beyond the capacity to think-through it, as his chief concern, he wrote that
Ordinary language could not produce these results in any very certain
manner; appeal must be made to collections of images which, taken
together and through intuition alone, before any considered analyses are
made, are capable of invoking the mass of sentiments which correspond to
the different manifestations of the war taken by social against modern
society… This method has all the advantages that integral knowledge has
over analysis, according to the doctrine of Bergson; and perhaps it might
be possible to cite many other examples which would demonstrate equally
well the worth of the famous professor’s doctrines.22
Reversal
“Myths must be judged as a means of acting on the present,” wrote Sorel in Reflections on
Violence. “[A]ll discussion of the method of applying them as future history is devoid of sense. It is
the myth in its entirety which is alone important: its parts are only of interest in so far as they bring
out the main idea.”23 The myth is thus divorced from the expected outcome that it angles itself
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toward; what emerges as the important factor is what happens in the present as a result of the
myth. The future remains utterly indeterminate — and this is in no small part thanks to the function
of the myth itself. Expectations derived from the myth — say, the push towards towards socialism
— entail a grand preparation, an immense mobilization even, that will produce effects which will
themselves radiate into the indeterminacy of the future, if not ensure it outright. What is most
important for Sorel is that mobilization under the directive of the myth breaks apart the static
destruction of decadence and helps achieve a renewed sense of real progression.
Such an understanding cuts directly to the core of Sorel’s repurposing of Bergson. Sorel suggested
that there was a distinct correlation between socio-cultural (and even industrial) stasis and political
optimism. The parliamentary socialists that he so disdained, for instance, were optimists who
believed in the ability for “small reforms of the political system” and “governmental personnel” to
“direct the movement of society in such a way to mitigate those evils of the modern world which
seem so hideous to sensitive souls”.24 Optimism, correlated with humanist critique and piece-meal
solution, undermines radicalism and trades it for a neutered pacifism.
Standing in stark contrast to optimism was pessimism, understood as a “march towards
deliverance” that draws, on one hand, from an understanding of intrinsic weakness, and on the
other the accumulation of experimental knowledge generated by the continual encounters with
obstacles. Through each an understanding of how social order operates is derived. This
understanding leaves no space for the social reformist path:
The pessimist regards social conditions as forming a system bound
together by an iron law which cannot be evaded, as something in the form
of one block, and which can only disappear through a catastrophe that
involves the whole. If this theory is admitted, it then becomes absurd to
attribute the evils from which society suffers to a few wicked men.25
The individual’s will-to-deliverance, the path through pessimism, is consecrated in the form of the
social myth. Sorel used the history of Christianity to draw this out. The primitive Christian, for
example, found themselves born into a life of bondage, a slave to the earth of which Satan is the
prince. In order to survive in this world, the individual gives themselves over to the belief in the
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future eschatological conflict between God and these forces of darkness: the myth of war and the
realization of the New Jerusalem transforms one into something capable of truly existing. The
Calvinists took this even further with the added weight of the doctrines of predestination. In the
sixteenth century they were able to power an immense revolutionary machine, a “real catastrophic
revolution” that fundamentally transformed everything, shaking apart the power structures of
Catholicism and undermining its long-held stability.
If Catholicism could be broken apart by the Calvinist revolutionary force, it was because it had lost
its connection to the fire of the mythic through the disappearance of the “Church militant”.
Calvinism, likewise, suffered a similar fate in the wake of the Renaissance, which for Sorel has
ushered in a wave of humanistic thought that brought with it an unbridled optimism. Here, at this
point, society begin to run afoul, the groundwork laid for a “ridiculous social pacifism” that drowned
out vital, nourishing anger. The iron cage began receding into the background. Soon the
bourgeoisie, much like the parliamentary socialists with whom they linked arms, would cease to be
like Nietzsche’s ‘warrior types’26, and come to prefer the large, cumbersome industrial cartels and
rationalized industry to the competitive battlefield of the market.
This society, divorced from myth and swallowed by optimism, was (to use Bergson’s parlance) a
closed society. Yet it is clear how Sorel reverses Bergson’s schema: for the earlier philosopher, the
mythic society was the closed society, held under the sway of a ‘static religion’. In Sorel’s work,
decadence was marked by stasis, and it is no stretch to treat the decadent society as the
theoretical descendant of the closed society — except that the relationship to myth is
fundamentally different. For Bergson, the open society follows the faculty of intuition in a protonegentropic escape from the closed society’s mythic basis. For Sorel, a precise contrast: the
negentropic opening follows through the reinvigoration of the myth of deliverance.
The Revolutionary Myth
It’s important not to mistake Sorel’s myth for more basic forms of propaganda. Perhaps an apt way
to pull them apart is to compare each to Mark Fisher’s distinction between sorcery and magic.27 For
Fisher, magic, like propaganda, proceeds by operating within a given system, moving in line with its
despotic programming in order to ‘organize’ and ‘install’ words and languages with the goal of
capturing potentially divergent movement (and to ward off more powerful, threatening ones).
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Sorcery, by contrast, operates at a much higher — or perhaps, more properly, lower — level. It
marks an opening to the Outside, the zone where the Outside pours into the interior. Instead of
organizing words into programs, sorcery entails “words melting into Things, and building sensitive
side-communication Meshworks that spread”.28 It is thus out of reach of human control, generative,
and radically open.
Indeed, as Bergson’s understanding of the myth entailed, it isn’t the product of any one person or
institution; it is something that organizes itself through time in the intersection of the individual
intellect and the wider congealing of habits into social memory. From there it’s only a small leap to
Sorel’s Marxist theoretical ground, where social institutions, norms, belief structures, etc., are
secondary formations relative to the primary generative processes. In his discussions concerning
both ‘primitive Christianity’ and ancient Greece this becomes particularly clear, with the doctrine of
original sin and the epic battles of the gods deriving their contexts from material conditions unique
to each social order.
This dynamic is in play with Sorel’s chief topic: the myth of the general strike advanced by the
revolutionary syndicalist movement of his time. Where did the myth come from? Not from any
singular source. It congealed from Proudhon and Bakunin’s anarchic vision of grand industrial
federations, and from the communist anticipation of the great revolution looming up on the horizon
— and behind each, the tumult of history. The preconditional ferment of this revolutionary
consciousness encompassed the eradication of the romantic pastoral under the gears of the dark
satanic mills, the dispossession of the agricultural laborer and its assimilation into the inorganic
army of the proletariat. Its logic derived from the regimentation of society by the temporal rhythm
of the machine, and the expansions and contractions that compose the spiraling, metabolic pulse of
industrialization itself. It patches itself together through the disparate strike activities and worker
agitations that quickly faded out of sight. Proudhon, Bakunin, Marx, and even Sorel appear from
here as speaking not in their own voices, but the voices of subterranean and imperceptible
movements taking place underneath the seemingly-stable organization of things. The same
dynamic is to be found in the myth of the general strike, as something that has self-organized from
below, and is rising up to be spoken by agents who think they are deploying it by their own volition.
As alluded to earlier, whether or not the myth triggers the anticipated catastrophic revolutionary
event is ultimately immaterial. As a myth of deliverance, Sorel argued, the specter of the general
strike would compel the proletariat to refuse the humanist comforts offered by the parliamentary
socialists. Instead, they would “repay with black ingratitude the benevolence of those who wish to
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protect the workers, to meet with insults the homilies of the defenders of human fraternity and to
respond by blows to the advances of the propagators of social peace”.29 This is the simultaneous
intensification of the class struggle and capitalism itself. Having been robbed of the peace
promoted by the parliamentary socialists, the ultra-civilized bourgeoisie will cast aside their
commitment to “works which promote social justice or [to] democracy”, and come to understand
that “they have been badly advised by the people who persuaded them to abandon their trade of
creators of productive forces…”.30 Thus the much-required negentropic force becomes identifiable
as “proletarian violence”, composing the
only means by which the European nations, stupefied by humanitarianism,
can recover their former energy. This violence compels capitalism to
restrict its attention solely to its material role and tends to restore it to its
warlike qualities it formerly possessed. A growing and solidly organized
working class can force the capitalist class to remain ardent in the
historical struggle; if a united and revolutionary proletariat confronts a rich
bourgeoisie ready for conquest, capitalist society will reach its historical
perfection.31
In the final stages of Sorel’s analysis, the very distinction between socialism (here only capable of
being glimpsed through the myth) and capitalism is thrown into disarray. In the forward push to
mobilize for the general strike, the whole of the proletarian class undergoes a kind of industrial
education. Like Bergson’s mechanical mystic, the individual worker, subjected to the gears of the
machine and the pace of production, becomes something different than it was before — in this
case, a soldier in an acephalic insurgency, an individual point in an anarchic swarm that
undermines the power of the state and the bourgeois opposition. 32 The historical perfection of
capitalist society locks into an upward, explosive thrust, and the combatants in this borderless war
are stamped with a new “morality of producers” that serves as a motive force for development of
industrial production to soar ever higher, towards an economic bridge that pulls together capitalism
and the historical stage that follows it.
…the idea of the general strike, constantly rejuvenated by the sentiments
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provoked by proletarian violence, produces an entirely epic state of mind
and, at the same time, bends all the energies of the mind towards the
conditions that allow the realization of a freely functioning and
prodigiously progressive workshop; we have thus recognized that there is
a strong relationship between the sentiments aroused by the general
strike and those which are necessary to bring about a continued progress
in production. We have then the right to maintain that the modern world
possesses the essential motivating power which can ensure the existence
of the morality of producers.33
Sorel’s understanding of the web of relationships between the proletariat, the generative myth of
deliverance, and the wider question of entropic and negentropic fluctuations in socio-economic
systems and technological development is one in which the proletariat and bourgeoisie alike are
but points in a vaster circuitry that cuts widely across historical development. Whether or not he
specifically articulated it as such is rather unimportant, as the movement of the theory of the myth
out from its Bergsonian roots makes it all abundantly clear. Social development remains inexorably
tied to a techno-industrial underpinning, and actualization of a revolutionary consciousness itself
remains fundamentally connected to these processes. The attempt to break out from these
conditions — absolute revolution against the process — all but guarantees the pushing of the
process to its higher stages. Such is the nature, perhaps paradoxically, of the movement from the
closed society to the open society.
Such insight foreshadows, in many respects, the assessments of Deleuze and Guattari, who noted
in A Thousand Plateaus that “[h]istory is made only by those who oppose history (not by those who
insert themselves into it, or even reshape it).”34 It may seem a bit of a stretch to juxtapose Sorel’s
work with Deleuze and Guattari, but under a closer inspection numerous similarities begin to
appear. Sorel’s strategic inversion of the Bergsonian perspective on the myth is isomorphic to
Deleuze’s own treatment of fabulation, which, as indicated in the introduction, is the conduit
through which new political formations and can identities emerge. Similarly, the emphasis on
closed and open systems returns again in the work of Deleuze, both with and without Guattari; as
with Sorel, the relationship between these sorts of systems and thermodynamically-charged
sciences is also highlighted. And finally, the intermingling of these forces in the production of the
new acts as a profound bridge between the two. Each heralds the emergence of mutant politics,
unique to the dynamics of modernity, that stretches itself towards the New People and the New
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Generative Myth)
Earth.
Nonetheless, it would be overstating matters to suggest a direct correlation between Sorel and
Deleuze (and Guattari), as each pursued divergent paths that overlapped only at points. The
following section will, with Sorel’s theories in mind, begin to unpack Deleuze’s own transfiguration
of the theory of the myth.
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1. Gilles Deleuze, Bergsonism (New York: Zone Books, 1988), 111.
2. Ibid., 112.
3. In his comparison of the dark night of the soul with the process of
industrial production, Bergson seems to be posing merely an analogy.
Later, however, he writes that “we had caught sight of a possible link
between the mysticism of the West and its industrial civilization.” See
Henri Bergson, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion (London:
Macmillian and Co., 1935), 251.
4. Ibid., 197-198.
5. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and
Schizophrenia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 334.
6. Hisashi Fujita “Anarchy and Analogy: The Violence of Language in
Bergson and Sorel”, in Alexander Lefebvre and Melanie White, Bergson,
Politics, and Religion (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012), 131.
7. Ibid., 132-133
8. Jeffrey Mehlman, “Georges Sorel and the ‘Dreyfusard Revolution’; in Gail
M. Schwab and John R. Jeanneney, The French Revolution of 1789 and Its
Impact (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 148.
9. For a discussion on the cultural impact of the second law of
thermodynamics, and its subsequent implications for industrial discipline,
managerialism, organizational theory and the like, see Anson Rabinbach,
The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (New
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Generative Myth)
York: Harper Collins, 1990).
10. Erwin Schrödinger, What Is Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1944), 76.
11. Keith Ansell Pearson, Germinal Life: The Difference and Repetition of
Deleuze (New York: Routledge, 1999), 60.
12. Henri Bergson, Creative Evolution (New York: Random House Inc., 1944),
268.
13. Ibid. (emphasis in original)
14. Ellis Sandoz “Myth and Society in the Philosophy of Bergson”, Social
Research, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Summer 1963), 173.
15. Bergson, Creative Evolution, 53.
16. Ibid., 195.
17. Bergson, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, 17.
18. Ibid., 109.
19. Ibid., 130
20. Ibid., 130-131
21. Bergson’s student Jacques Chevalier later recounted his mentor’s
thoughts on Sorel: “He’s a curious man, this old engineer, whose thought
had such an effect on Lenin and Mussolini. What he has tried to find in my
work is the idea of the generative myth. But he had his own ideas in mind
more than my own.” Fujita, “Anarchy and Analogy”, note 12, 124.
22. Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1999), 113 (emphasis in original).
23. Ibid., 116-117.
24. Ibid., 10.
25. Ibid., 11.
26. For Sorel, the Nietzschean ‘master type’ was based upon “ancient heroes
and the man who sets out to conquer the Far West” (Ibid., 232). The
European bourgeoisie, having slowly reclined into civilized comforts, had
fallen short of this idealized state — but for Sorel, it could still be found in
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Generative Myth)
the industrious spirit exhibited by capitalists in the United States: “I
believe that if Nietzsche had not been so dominated by his memories of
being a professor of philology, he would have perceived that the master
type still exists under our own eyes, and that it is this type which, at the
present time, creates the extraordinary greatness of the United States.”
Interestingly, Deleuze and Guattari also draw attention to the exceptional,
schizophrenizing nature of American capitalism in both volumes of
Capitalism and Schizophrenia, and even note in that “everything
important that has happened or is happening takes the route of the
American rhizome” (Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 19.). The
relationship between the “American rhizome” and the figure of the
people-to-come will be taken up again in a future section of this essay
series.
27. I owe this insight to Cockydooody. Check out his Totalitarian Collectivist
blog right now.
28. M a r k
Fisher,
“White
Magic”,
Virtual
Criminologies,
http://www.critcrim.org/redfeather/journal-pomocrim/vol-6-virtual/whitem
agic.htm. See also CCRU, “Cyberhype VI: The Darkside of the Wave”,
Mute,
March
10th,
2001,
http://www.metamute.org/editorial/articles/cyberhype-vi-darkside-wave.
Here, magic is the associated with the reformist gambit of Keynesian
economics, and sorcery with the entrepreneur and the rhythmic pulse of
creative destruction as identified by Joseph Schumpeter and his work on
wave dynamics in capitalism. It goes without saying something like
creative destruction is precisely what Sorel is hoping to win out over
highly reformed, stagnant capitalism.
29. Sorel, Reflections on Violence, 77.
30. Ibid., 77-78.
31. Ibid., 78-79.
32. Sorel here appears as an early progenitor of the “Insect Communism”
advanced by the likes of Eliphas Apis, among others. See Eliphas Apis,
The Insect Communist Manifesto (Terra Nova: Sov-Hive 325 Publishing,
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Synthetic Fabrication: The Myth of the Politics-to-Come (Part 1: The
Generative Myth)
2025). Directly presaging the concerns of Apis, Sorel himself describes
‘perfection in manufacturing’ as a factory or workshop capable of being
“considered as a machine whose parts are men.” The industrial education
of the workers here produces a “completely mindless life” based on
automatic behaviors in relation to the rhythms of production. Thus the
“skill the workers acquire can, in the long run, be compared reasonably to
the instinct of an insect.” See Georges Sorel, The Illusions of Progress
(Berkley: University of California Press, 1969), 195-196. It is also worth
noting that Sorel is invoking Bergson’s somnambulist theory of instinct.
For an overview of this controversial theory (and the influence of it on
Deleuze’s early work), see Christian Kerslake, “Insects and Incest: From
Bergson
and
Jung
to
Deleuze”,
Multitudes,
No.
25
(2006), http://www.multitudes.net/Insects-and-Incest-From-Bergson/.
33. Sorel, Reflections on Violence, 250. On the “economic bridge” between
socialism and capitalism, see The Illusions of Progress, 205-207. See also
Vince Garton, “Technoindustrial Capitalism and the Politics of
Catastrophic
Velocity”,
The
Cyclonograph,
June
23rd,
2017. https://vincentgarton.com/2017/06/23/technoindustrial-capitalism-a
nd-the-politics-of-catastrophic-velocity/
34. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 295
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