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URBAN FUTURE 2011 -2013
URBAN FUTURE 1.1
March 2011 – February 2013
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NICK LAND
Urban Future 1.1
March 2011 – February 2013
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CONTENTS
Introducing Urban Future
1
Eternal Return, and After
5
Beyond Urbanization
10
Event Horizon
14
Implosion
20
Scaly Creatures
27
Perfect Storm
33
Moore and More
38
“2035. Probably earlier.”
43
Statistical Mentality
48
Peak People
54
Singlosphere
57
Connectivity
63
Chimerica
67
Nemesis
72
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Anthropocene
80
Hard Futurism
85
Can’t kick the habit …
90
Edward Glaeser on Triumph of the City
100
Bits and Pieces
106
Decelerando?
113
Radical Manufacturing
120
Time in Transition
127
The Ultimate Deal
135
A Time-Traveler’s Guide to Shanghai
140
Re-Animator
162
“Chiang Kai-shek of the Machine to Seek”
205
Kinds of Killing
209
Reign of the Tripod
216
Calendric Dominion
228
Suspended Animation
271
The God Confusion
312
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Political Humor
319
New Year Cheer
325
Signs of Progress
330
Bonfire of the Vanities
337
The Dark Enlightenment
345
Lure of the Void
495
Anarchy on the Old Right
539
Regime Redecoration Randoms
541
Forward!
544
What We Deserve
547
Reality Rules
553
Left Singularity
561
End Games
568
Quibbles with Moldbug
575
A Republic, If You Can Keep It
587
Twisted Times (Part 1)
598
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Introducing Urban Future
MARCH 29, 2011
What can readers expect from this blog? Since it promises to be
oriented towards the future, it makes sense to begin with some
preliminary forecasting about itself.
Most basically and predictably, Urban Future has been
programmed by its name. Its principal topic is the intersection
of cities with the future. It aims to foster discussion about cities
as engines of the future, and about futurism as a dynamic
influence on the shape, character, and development of cities.
More particularly, it scavenges for clues, and floats speculations,
about the Shanghai of tomorrow. It anticipates a global urban
future in which Shanghai features prominently, and a coming
Shanghai that expresses, both starkly and subtly, the
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transformative forces of global futurism. This is to get quite far
ahead of ourselves, which is where we shall typically be.
For some readers, ‘futurism’ will invoke the early 20th century
avant garde cultural movement crystallized by Filippo Tommaso
Marinetti’s 1909 Futurist Manifesto. Futurism, they might
reasonably object, has been defined and even closed by the
passage of time. Like modernism, it now belongs to the archive
of concluded history. What exists today, and in the days to
come, can only be a neo-futurism (and a neo-modernism): no
less retrospective than prospective, as much a repetition as a
speculation. Such considerations, corrections, and recollections,
with all their attendant perplexities, are extremely welcome. The
time to address them will soon come.
Since Shanghai is cross-hatched with the time-fractured indices
of historico-futuristic ambiguity, from paleo-modernism to neotraditionalism, the blog will have every opportunity to discuss
such things. For the moment, casual reference to the strangelytwinned architectural icons of such time-tangles, the Park Hotel
and the Jinmao Tower – each a retro-futurist or cybergothic
masterpiece – has to substitute as a mnemonic and promissory
note.
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Also, in time, the obstacles to forecasting need to be thoroughly
addressed: such topics as historical catastrophism, the efficientmarket hypothesis (EMH), Karl Popper’s critique of historicism,
Knightian uncertainty (or Rumsfeldian “unknown unknowns”)
and the Black Swan theory of Nassim Nicholas Taleb. In order
to get up and running, all these complicating thoughts have been
temporarily bracketed, like cunning and ferocious beasts, but
they will not remain caged forever, or even very long.
Because there’s something irresistibly twisted about starting with
the future, the first flurry of posts will head straight into
tomorrow, with topics becoming increasingly city- and
Shanghai-focused as things progress. An initial series of
interconnected posts will outline futuristic thinking in broad
terms, including preliminary sketches of principal way-stations
on the mainline techno-scientific tradition that supports it.
Ultimately, nothing relevant to the future of Shanghai is alien to
this blog’s purpose. It will draw upon Shanghai history,
geography, and culture, traditional Chinese philosophies of time
(Yijing and Daoism), theories of modernity and urbanism,
evolutionary
biology,
science
fiction,
techno-scientific
discussions of complex systems and emergence, the economics
of spontaneous order, long waves, technological trends, robotics
research and developments, models of accelerating change, and
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anticipations of Technological Singularity. Things should get
continuously weirder.
Tomorrow, it begins.
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Eternal Return, and After
MARCH 31, 2011
If occult knowledge is unavailable, futurology must rely upon
historical patterns. Ultimately, some variant of extrapolation is
its only resource.
The hazards of extrapolation are manifold, and frequently
discussed. A seemingly robust trend can be illusory, the shape of
its curve can be misrecognized, and coincidental processes can
disrupt it. Even more insidiously, the recognition of a trend can
lead to responses that transform or nullify it.
Yet, since governments, businesses, and individuals necessarily
act in accordance with models of the future, forecasting is an
incessant, inevitable, and often automatic feature of social
existence. Whatever the complexities of prediction, survival
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depends upon future-adapted decision-making. A base-level
futurism is simply unavoidable. Radical skepticism – irrespective
of its intellectual merits — does not offer a practical alternative.
There are only four fundamental ways things can go: they can
remain the same, they can cycle, they can shrink, or they can
grow. In reality these trend-lines are usually inter-tangled.
Among complex systems, stability is typically meta-stability,
which is preserved through cycling, whilst growth and shrinkage
are often components of a larger-scale, cyclic wave.
The historical imagination of all ancient cultures was dominated
by great cycles. In the Vedic culture of India, time unfolded as
regular, degenerative epochs (yugas) that subdivided each ‘Day
of Brahma’ (4.1 billion years in length). Chinese time was shaped
by the metabolism of Imperial dynasties. “Long united, the
empire must divide. Long divided, it must unite,” begins the
Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Mesoamerican civilizations
envisaged world history as a succession of creations and
destructions. In the West, Plato described the history of the city
as a great cycle, degenerating through phases of Timocracy (or
rule by the virtuous), Oligarchy, Democracy, and Tyranny.
The ages of mankind described by Hesiod, and later Ovid, are
less obviously cyclical, as is the eschatological time inherited
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from ancient Judaism by the Abrahamic faiths. In these cases
too, however, the course of history is understood as
fundamentally degenerative, and guided to the restoration of a
sacred origin (as described by Mircea Eliade in his analysis of the
myth of Eternal Return).
Even Karl Marx remains captivated by this mythic historical
pattern, in its Abrahamic variant. His epic of human social
development begins with an Edenic ‘primitive communism’ that
falls into the alienated degeneracy of class society, subdivided
into a series of ages. The eschatological culmination of history in
communist revolution thus completes a great cycle, sealed by a
moment of sacred restoration (of authentic ‘species being’). It is
no coincidence that this mytho-religious ‘big-picture’ aspect of
Marxism has impinged far more deeply upon popular
consciousness than its intricate mathematical model of technoeconomic dynamics within ‘the capitalist mode of production’,
despite the fact that Marx’s writings are overwhelmingly focused
upon the latter. A great cycle feels like home.
In modern times, the clearest example of history in the ancient,
great cycle mode, is found in the work of another German
socialist philosopher: Oswald Spengler. Modeling civilizations
on the life-cycles of organic beings, he plotted their rise and
inevitable decay through predictable phases. For the West,
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firmly locked into the downside of the wave, relentless,
accelerating degeneration can be confidently anticipated.
Spengler’s withering pessimism seems not to have detracted
significantly from the cultural comfort derived from his
archetypal historical scheme.
Eliade describes the myth of Eternal Return as a refuge from the
“terror of history.” Firmly rooted in familiar organic patterns
and the cycle of the seasons, it sets the basic template for
traditional cultures. By identifying what is yet to come with what
has already been timelessly commemorated, it promises the preadaptation of existing social arrangements and patterns of
behavior to unencountered things, psychologically neutralizing
the threat of radically unprecedented eventualities. We have
been here before, and somehow we survived. Winter does not
last forever.
It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that the conception of
progressive historical time has been so slow to consolidate itself.
John M. Smart summarizes the conclusions reached by historian
J. D. Bury in his The Idea of Progress (1920), noting: “… the
idea of progress in the material realm was missed, amazingly,
even for most of the European Renaissance (…14th-17th
century). Only by the 1650s, near the end of this cultural
explosion, did the idea of an unstoppable force of progress
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finally begin to emerge as a possibility to the average literate
mind.” The idea of progress, as continuous, innovative growth,
is unique to modernity, and provides its defining cultural
characteristic.
Moderns found themselves, for the first time, cast outside the
cosmic nursery of Eternal Return. A strange new world awaited
them.
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Beyond Urbanization
APRIL 15, 2011
‘Urbanization’ doesn’t capture very much of what cities are up
to. (This post is basically a pre-emptive footnote. Please feel
even freer to ignore it than you usually would.)
The principal topic of Urban Future is the development of cities
(with Shanghai as exemplary case). It is peculiarly frustrating,
therefore, to find that no single term exists to describe a process
that is arguably the most important of all social phenomena, and
even the key to whatever meaning might be discoverable in
human history.
One thing, at least, is clear (or should be): urban development is
not urbanization.
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‘Urbanization’ is a comparatively rigorous and well-defined
demographic concept, referring to the dynamic re-distribution
of populations from non-urban to urban existence. Because it
describes the proportion of city-dwellers within a population, it
can be quantified by a percentage, which sets a strict
mathematical limit to the process (asymptotic to 100%
urbanized). When plotted historically, the approach to this limit
follows a steep curve, echoing the (open-ended) exponential or
super-exponential trends of modernization and industrialization.
Whilst theoretically indispensable, clear, meaningful, and
informative, the concept of urbanization is inadequate to the
phenomenon of urban development. Cities are essentially
concentrational, or intensive. They are defined by social density,
uneven
distribution,
or
demographic
negative
entropy.
Urbanization describes only a part of this.
Within the entire demographic system, urbanization provides a
measure of the urban fraction (based on an at least semiarbitrary definition of a city, by size and by boundary). It says
nothing about the pattern of cities: how numerous they are, how
they differ in relative scale, how fast larger cities grow compared
to smaller ones, or in general whether the urbanized population
is becoming more or less homogeneously distributed between
cities. In fact, it tells us nothing at all about the distribution of
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the urbanized population, except that it is somehow clumped
into ‘city-scale’ agglomerations.
Once ‘clumped’ – or drawn within the spatial threshold of a citysized cloud – a demographic particle switches binary identity,
from non-urbanized to urbanized. Registered as a city-dweller,
there is no more to be said about it. Yet the city is itself a
distribution, of variable density, or heterogeneous concentration.
Within each city, urban intensity can rise or fall, irrespective of
the overall level of urbanization. The limit of urbanization sets
no restriction upon trends to urban intensification, as
exemplified by high-rise architecture.
Urbanization is a proportional concept, indifferent to absolute
demographic scale. In contrast, measuring intensity, or negative
entropy, provides fine-grained information that rises with the
size of the system considered (since the entropy measure is a
logarithmic function of system scale, defined by the totality of
possible
distributions,
which
rises
exponentially
with
population). Whilst social scientific or demographic phenomena
are highly intractable to quantitative intensive analysis, their
reality is nevertheless intensive, which is to say: determined by
distributive variation of absolute magnitudes. The measure of
urbanization is not affected by the doubling of a city’s
population unless the overall population grows at a lower rate.
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Urban intensity, in contrast, is highly sensitive to absolute
demographic fluctuation (and not uncommonly hyper-sensitive).
Intensities are characterized by transition thresholds. As they
rise and fall, they cross ‘singularities’ or ‘phase transitions’ that
mark a change in nature. A small change in intensive magnitude
can trigger a catastrophic change in system behavior, with the
emergence
of
previously
undisclosed
properties.
When
measuring urbanization, a city is a city is a city. As an intensive
concentration, however, a city is an essentially variable real
individual, passing through thresholds as it grows, innovating
unprecedented behaviors, and thus becoming something
‘qualitatively’ new.
Whilst summoning the courage to float an adequate neologism
(‘urbanomy’?), Urban Future will stumble onwards with
awkward compounds such as ‘urban development’, ‘urban
intensification’, ‘urban condensation’, or whatever seems least
painful at the time (whilst meaning, in each case, what
‘urbanization’ would describe if urbanists had managed to grab it
before the demographers did).
Yet, despite this linguistic obstacle, a surprising amount can be
said about the urban process in general. Making a start on that
comes next.
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Event Horizon
APRIL 15, 2011
People gravitate to cities, but what are cities gravitating into?
Some strange possibilities suggest themselves.
Cities are defined by social density. This simple but hugely
consequential insight provides the central thesis of Edward
Glaeser’s Triumph of the City: How our Greatest Invention
Makes us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier and Happier
(2011), where it is framed as both an analytical tool and a
political project.
“Cities are the absence of physical space between people and
companies. They enable us to work and play together, and their
success depends on the demand for physical connection,”
Glaeser remarks.
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High-density urban life approaches a tautology, and it is one that
Glaeser not only observes, but also celebrates. Closely-packed
people are more productive. As Alfred Marshall noted in 1920,
‘agglomeration economies’ feed a self-reinforcing process of
social compression that systematically out-competes diffuse
populations in all fields of industrial activity. In addition,
urbanites are also happier, longer-living, and their ecological
footprint is smaller, Glaeser insists, drawing upon a variety of
social scientific evidence to make his case. Whether social
problems are articulated in economic, hedonic, or environmental
terms, (dense) urbanism offers the most practical solution.
The conclusion Glaeser draws, logically enough, is that
densification should be encouraged, rather than inhibited. He
interprets sprawl as a reflection of perverse incentives, whilst
systematically contesting the policy choices that restrain the
trend to continuous urban compression. His most determined
line of argumentation is directed in favor of high-rise
development, and against the planning restrictions that keep
cities stunted. A city that is prevented from soaring will be overexpensive and under-excited, inflexible, inefficient, dirty,
backward-looking, and peripherally sprawl- or slum-cluttered.
Onwards and upwards is the way.
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Urban planning has its own measure for density: the FAR (or
Floor-to-Area Ratio), typically determined as a limit set upon
permitted concentration. An FAR of 2, for instance, allows a
developer to build a two-story building over an entire area, a
four-story building on half the area, or an eight-story building on
a quarter of the area. An FAR sets an average ceiling on urban
development. It is essentially a bureaucratic device for
deliberately stunting vertical growth.
As Glaeser shows, Mumbai’s urban development problems have
been all-but-inevitable given the quite ludicrous FAR of 1.33
that was set for India’s commercial capital in 1964. Sprawling
slum development has been the entirely predictable outcome.
Whilst sparring with Jane Jacobs over the impact of high-rise
construction on urban life, Glaeser is ultimately in agreement on
the importance of organic development, based on spontaneous
patterns of growth. Both attribute the most ruinous urban
problems to policy errors, most obviously the attempt to
channel – and in fact deform – the urban process through
arrogant bureaucratic fiat. When cities fail to do what comes
naturally, they fail, and what comes naturally, Glaeser argues, is
densification.
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It would be elegant to refer to this deep trend towards social
compression, the emergence, growth, and intensification of
urban settlement, as urbanization, but we can’t do that. Even
when awkwardly named, however, it exposes a profound social
and historical reality, with striking implications, amounting
almost to a specifically social law of gravitation. As with physical
gravity, an understanding of the forces of social attraction
support predictions, or at least the broad outlines of futuristic
anticipation,
since
these
forces
of
agglomeration
and
intensification manifestly shape the future.
John M. Smart makes only passing references to cities, but his
Developmental Singularity (DS) hypothesis is especially relevant
to urban theory because it focuses upon the topic of density. He
argues that acceleration, or time-compression, is only one aspect
of a general evolutionary (more precisely, evolutionarydevelopmental, or ‘evo devo’) trend that envelops space, time,
energy, and mass. This ‘STEM-compression’ is identified with
ascending intelligence (and negative entropy). It reflects a deep
cosmic-historical drive to the augmentation of computational
capacity that marries “evolutionary processes that are stochastic,
creative, and divergent [with] developmental processes that
produce statistically predictable, robust, conservative, and
convergent structures and trajectories.”
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Smart notes that “the leading edge of structural complexity in
our universe has apparently transitioned from universally
distributed early matter, to galaxies, to replicating stars within
galaxies, to solar systems in galactic habitable zones, to life on
special planets in those zones, to higher life within the surface
biomass, to cities, and soon, to intelligent technology, which will
be a vastly more local subset of Earth’s city space.”
Audaciously, Smart projects this trend to its limit: “Current
research (Aaronson 2006, 2008) now suggests that building
future computers based on quantum theory, one of the two
great theories of 20th century physics, will not yield
exponentially, but only quadratically growing computational
capacity over today’s classical computing. In the search for truly
disruptive future computational capacity emergence, we can
therefore look to the second great physical theory of the last
century, relativity. If the DS hypothesis is correct, what we can
call
relativistic
computing
(a
black-hole-approximating
computing substrate) will be the final common attractor for all
successfully developing universal civilizations.”
Conceive the histories of cities, therefore, as the initial segments
of trajectories that curve asymptotically to infinite density, at the
ultimate event horizon of the physical universe. The beginning is
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recorded fact and the end is quite literally ‘gone’, but what lies in
between, i.e. next?
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Implosion
APRIL 29, 2011
We could be on the brink of a catastrophic implosion – but
that’s OK.
Science fiction has tended to extroversion. In America
especially, where it found a natural home among an unusually
future-oriented people, the iconic SF object was indisputably the
space ship, departing the confines of Earth for untrammeled
frontiers. The future was measured by the weakening of the
terrestrial gravity well.
Cyberpunk, arriving in the mid-1980s, delivered a cultural shock.
William Gibson’s Neuromancer still included some (Earthorbital) space activity – and even a communication from Alpha
Centauri — but its voyages now curved into the inner space of
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computer systems, projected through the starless tracts of
Cyberspace. Interstellar communication bypassed biological
species, and took place between planetary artificial intelligences.
The United States of America seemed to have disappeared.
Space and time had collapsed, into the ‘cyberspace matrix’ and
the near-future. Even the abstract distances of social utopianism
had been incinerated in the processing cores of microelectronics. Judged by the criteria of mainstream science fiction,
everything cyberpunk touched upon was gratingly close, and still
closing in. The future had become imminent, and skin-tight.
Gibson’s cities had not kept up with his wider – or narrower –
vision. The urban spaces of his East Coast North America were
still described as ‘The Sprawl’, as if stranded in a rapidlyobsolescing state of extension. The crushing forces of
technological compression had leapt beyond social geography,
sucking all historical animation from the decaying husks of ‘meat
space’. Buildings were relics, bypassed by the leading edge of
change.
(Gibson’s Asian city-references are, however, far more intense,
inspired by such innovations in urban compression as the
Kowloon Walled City, and Japanese ‘coffin hotels’. In addition,
Urbanists disappointed by first-wave cyberpunk have every
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reason to continue on into Spook Country, where the influence
of GPS-technology on the re-animation of urban space
nourishes highly fertile speculations.)
Star cruisers and alien civilizations belong to the same science
fiction constellation, brought together by the assumption of
expansionism. Just as, in the realm of fiction, this ‘space opera’
future collapsed into cyberpunk, in (more or less) mainstream
science – represented by SETI programs – it perished in the
desert of the Fermi Paradox. (OK, it’s true, Urban Future has a
bizarrely nerdish obsession with this topic.)
John M. Smart’s solution to the Fermi Paradox is integral to his
broader ‘Speculations on Cosmic Culture’ and emerges naturally
from compressive development. Advanced intelligences do not
expand into space, colonizing vast galactic tracts or dispersing
self-replicating robot probes in a program of exploration.
Instead, they implode, in a process of ‘transcension’ —
resourcing themselves primarily through the hyper-exponential
efficiency gains of extreme miniaturization (through micro- and
nano- to femto-scale engineering, of subatomic functional
components). Such cultures or civilizations, nucleated upon selfaugmenting technological intelligence, emigrate from the
extensive universe in the direction of abysmal intensity, crushing
themselves to near-black-hole densities at the edge of physical
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possibility. Through transcension, they withdraw from extensive
communication (whilst, perhaps, leaving ‘radio fossils’ behind,
before these blink-out into the silence of cosmic escape).
If Smart’s speculations capture the basic outlines of a densityattracted developmental system, then cities should be expected
to follow a comparable path, characterized by an escape into
inwardness, an interior voyage, involution, or implosion.
Approaching singularity on an accelerating trajectory, each city
becomes increasingly inwardly directed, as it falls prey to the
irresistible attraction of its own hyperbolic intensification, whilst
the outside world fades to irrelevant static. Things disappear into
cities, on a path of departure from the world. Their destination
cannot be described within the dimensions of the known – and,
indeed, tediously over-familiar – universe. Only in the deep
exploratory interior is innovation still occurring, but there it
takes place at an infernal, time-melting rate.
What might Smart-type urban development suggest?
(a) Devo Predictability. If urban development is neither
randomly generated by internal processes, nor arbitrarily
determined
by
external
decisions,
but
rather
guided
predominantly by a developmental attractor (defined primarily
by intensification), it follows that the future of cities is at least
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partially autonomous in regards to the national-political, globaleconomic, and cultural-architectural influences that are often
invoked as fundamentally explanatory. Urbanism can be
facilitated or frustrated, but its principal ‘goals’ and practical
development paths are, in each individual case, internally and
automatically generated. When a city ‘works’ it is not because it
conforms to an external, debatable ideal, but rather because it
has found a route to cumulative intensification that strongly
projects its ‘own’, singular and intrinsic, urban character. What a
city wants is to become itself, but more — taking itself further
and faster. That alone is urban flourishing, and understanding it
is the key that unlocks the shape of any city’s future.
(b) Metropolitanism. Methodological nationalism has been
systematically over-emphasized in the social sciences (and not
only at the expense of methodological individualism). A variety
of influential urban thinkers, from Jane Jacobs to Peter Hall,
have sought to correct this bias by focusing upon the
significance, and partial autonomy, of urban economies, urban
cultures, and municipal politics to aggregate prosperity,
civilization, and golden ages. They have been right to do so. City
growth is the basic socio-historical phenomenon.
(c) Cultural Introversion. John Smart argues that an intelligence
undergoing advanced relativistic development finds the external
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landscape increasingly uninformative and non-absorbing. The
search for cognitive stimulation draws it inwards. As urban
cultures evolve, through accelerating social complexity, they can
be expected to manifest exactly this pattern. Their internal
processes, of runaway intelligence implosion, become ever more
gripping, engaging, surprising, productive, and educational,
whilst the wider cultural landscape subsides into predictable
tedium, of merely ethnographic and historical relevance. Cultural
singularity becomes increasingly urban-futural (rather than
ethno-historical), to the predictable disgruntlement of traditional
nation
states.
Like
Gibson’s
Terrestrial
Cyberspace,
encountering another of its kind in orbit around Alpha Centauri,
cosmopolitan connectivity is made through inner voyage, rather
than expansionary outreach.
(d) Scale Resonance. At the most abstract level, the relation
between urbanism and microelectronics is scalar (fractal). The
coming computers are closer to miniature cities than to artificial
brains, dominated by traffic problems (congestion), migration /
communications, zoning issues (mixed use), the engineering
potential of new materials, questions of dimensionality (3D
solutions to density constraints), entropy or heat / waste
dissipation (recycling / reversible computation), and disease
control (new viruses). Because cities, like computers, exhibit
(accelerating phylogenetic) development within observable
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historical time, they provide a realistic model of improvement
for compact information-processing machinery, sedimented as a
series of practical solutions to the problem of relentless
intensification. Brain-emulation might be considered an
important computational goal, but it is near-useless as a
developmental model. Intelligent microelectronic technologies
contribute to the open-ended process of urban problem-solving,
but they also recapitulate it at a new level.
(e) Urban Matrix. Does urban development exhibit the real
embryogenesis of artificial intelligence? Rather than the global
Internet, military Skynet, or lab-based AI program, is it the path
of the city, based on accelerating intensification (STEM
compression), that best provides the conditions for emergent
super-human computation? Perhaps the main reason for
thinking so is that the problem of the city – density management
and accentuation – already commits it to computational
engineering, in advance of any deliberately guided research. The
city, by its very nature, compresses, or intensifies, towards
computronium. When the first AI speaks, it might be in the
name of the city that it identifies as its body, although even that
would be little more than a ‘radio fossil’ — a signal announcing
the brink of silence — as the path of implosion deepens, and
disappears into the alien interior.
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Scaly Creatures
MAY 5, 2011
Cities are accelerators and there are solid numbers to
demonstrate it.
Among the most memorable features of Shanghai’s 2010 World
Expo was the quintet of ‘Theme Pavilions’ designed to facilitate
exploration of the city in general (in keeping with the urbanoriented theme of the event: ‘Better City, Better Life’). Whilst
many international participants succumbed to facile populism in
their national pavilions, these Theme Pavilions maintained an
impressively high-minded tone.
Most remarkable of all for philosophical penetration was the
Urban Being Pavilion, with its exhibition devoted to the
question: what kind of thing is a city? Infrastructural networks
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received especially focused scrutiny. Pipes, cables, conduits, and
transport arteries compose intuitively identifiable systems –
higher-level wholes – that strongly indicate the existence of an
individualized, complex being. The conclusion was starkly
inescapable: a city is more than just an aggregated mass. It is a
singular, coherent entity, deserving of its proper – even personal
– name, and not unreasonably conceived as a composite ‘lifeform’ (if not exactly an ‘organism’).
Such intuitions, however plausible, do not suffice in themselves
to establish the city as a rigorously-defined scientific object.
“[D]espite much historical evidence that cities are the principle
engines of innovation and economic growth, a quantitative,
predictive theory for understanding their dynamics and
organization and estimating their future trajectory and stability
remains elusive,” remark Luís M. A. Bettencourt, José Lobo,
Dirk Helbing, Christian Kühnert, and Geoffrey B. West, in their
prelude to a 2007 paper that has done more than any other to
remedy the deficit: ‘Growth, innovation, scaling, and the pace of
life in cities‘.
In this paper, the authors identify mathematical patterns that are
at once distinctive to the urban phenomenon and generally
applicable to it. They thus isolate the object of an emerging
urban science, and outline its initial features, claiming that: “the
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social organization and dynamics relating urbanization to
economic development and knowledge creation, among other
social activities, are very general and appear as nontrivial
quantitative regularities common to all cities, across urban
systems.”
Noting that cities have often been analogized to biological
systems, the paper extracts the principle supporting the
comparison.
“Remarkably,
almost
all
physiological
characteristics of biological organisms scale with body mass …
as a power law whose exponent is typically a multiple of 1/4
(which generalizes to 1/(d +1) in d-dimensions).” These
relatively stable scaling relations allow biological features, such
as metabolic rates, life spans, and maturation periods, to be
anticipated with a high-level of confidence given body mass
alone. Furthermore, they conform to an elegant series of
theoretical expectations that draw upon nothing beyond the
abstract organizational constraints of n-dimensional space:
“Highly complex, self-sustaining structures, whether cells,
organisms, or cities, require close integration of
enormous numbers of constituent units that need
efficient servicing. To accomplish this integration, life at
all scales is sustained by optimized, space-filling,
hierarchical branching networks, which grow with the
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size of the organism as uniquely specified approximately
self-similar structures. Because these networks, e.g., the
vascular systems of animals and plants, determine the
rates at which energy is delivered to functional terminal
units (cells), they set the pace of physiological processes
as scaling functions of the size of the organism. Thus, the
self-similar nature of resource distribution networks,
common to all organisms, provides the basis for a
quantitative, predictive theory of biological structure and
dynamics, despite much external variation in appearance
and form.”
If cities are in certain respects meta- or super-organisms,
however, they are also the inverse. Metabolically, cities are antiorganisms. As biological systems scale up, they slow down, at a
mathematically predictable rate. Cities, in contrast, accelerate as
they grow. Something approximating to the fundamental law of
urban reality is thus exposed: larger is faster.
The paper quantifies its findings, based on a substantial base of
city data (with US cities over-represented), by specifying a
‘scaling exponent’ (or ‘ß‘, beta) that defines the regular
correlation between urban scale and the factor under
consideration.
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A beta of one corresponds to linear correlation (of a variable to
city size). For instance, housing supply, which remains
constantly proportional to population across all urban scales, is
found – unsurprisingly – to have ß = 1.00.
A beta of less than one indicates consistent economy to scale.
Such economies are found systematically among urban resource
networks, exemplified by gasoline stations (ß = 0.77), gasoline
sales (ß = 0.79), length of electrical cables (ß = 0.87), and road
surface (ß = 0.83). The sub-linear correlation of resource costs
to urban scale makes city life increasingly efficient as
metropolitan intensity soars.
A beta of greater than one indicates increasing returns to scale.
Factors exhibiting this pattern include inventiveness (e.g. ‘new
patents’ß = 1.27, ‘inventors’ ß = 1.25), wealth creation (e.g.
‘GDP’ ß = 1.15, wages ß = 1.12), but also disease (‘new AIDS
cases’ ß = 1.23), and serious crimes (ß = 1.16). Urban growth is
accompanied by a super-linear rise in opportunity for social
interaction, whether productive, infectious, or malicious. More is
not only better, it’s much better (and, in some respects, worse).
“Our analysis suggests uniquely human social dynamics
that transcend biology and redefine metaphors of urban
‘metabolism’.
Open-ended
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creation require the pace of life to increase with
organization size and for individuals and institutions to
adapt at a continually accelerating rate to avoid stagnation
or potential crises. These conclusions very likely
generalize to other social organizations, such as
corporations and businesses, potentially explaining why
continuous growth necessitates an accelerating treadmill
of dynamical cycles of innovation.”
Bigger city, faster life.
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Perfect Storm
MAY 5, 2011
Weather forecasts for winter 2012 are getting wilder all the time.
Even before receiving the Hollywood treatment, the year 2012
was shaping up to be a uniquely potent ‘harmonic convergence’
of end times enthusiasm. Initially condensed out of the Mayan
calendar, the 2012 countdown was soon fizzed into a heady
cocktail by speculative interpretations of the Yijing, Aquarian
‘New Age’ paganism, Ufology, and mushroom mysticism. Once
critical mass was achieved, the 2012 became a gathering point
for free-floating Jewish, Christian, and Islamic eschatological
expectations (coming or return of the Messiah, advent of the
Antichrist, Armageddon, Rapture, emergence of the Twelfth
Imam from occultation, and others). Just about anything
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cosmically imaginable is now firmly expected – by somebody –
to arrive in late December, 2012.
Secular eschatology also has its dogs in the fight. From
reciprocally insulated enclaves of the Internet, apocalyptic
strains of Marxism (and libertarianism) joyfully anticipated the
imminent collapse of the global economy, fully confident that its
downfall would usher in a post-capitalist social order (or
untrammeled free-market societies). The boldest proponents of
impending Technological Singularity prepared to welcome
superhuman artificial intelligence (when Skynet would already be
five years overdue). Radical environmentalists, neo-Malthusians,
‘Peak Oil’ resource-crunchers, and Clash of Civilizations
theorists also contributed substantially to the atmosphere of
impending crisis. Irrespective of Anthropogenic Global
Warming, everything was heating up fast.
This climate proved highly receptive to the prophetic ideas of
William Strauss and Neil Howe, where it found a fresh and
evocative
self-description.
Beginning
with
their
book
Generations (1992), Strauss & Howe sought to explain the
rhythm of history through the pattern of generations, as they
succeeded each other in four-phase cycles. Their cyclic unit or
‘saeculum’ lasts 80-100 years and consists of generational
‘seasons’ or ‘turnings’, each characterized by a distinctive
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archetype. The Fourth Turning, starting early in the new
millennium, is ‘winter’ and ‘crisis’. They remark: “Today’s older
Americans recognize this as the mood of the Great Depression
and World War II, but a similar mood has been present in all the
other great gates of our history, from the Civil War and
Revolution back into colonial and English history.”
Jim Quinn’s discussion of the Fourth Turning at Zero Hedge
anticipates the winter storms: “Based upon a review of the
foreseeable issues confronting our society it is clear to me that a
worse financial implosion will strike before the 2012 presidential
election. It may be triggered by a debt ceiling confrontation, the
ending of QE2, a panic out of the USD, hyperinflation, a surge
in oil prices, or some combination of these possibilities. The
ensuing collapse of the stock and bond markets will remove the
last vestiges of trust in the existing financial system and the
government bureaucrats who have taken taxpayer dollars and
funneled them to these Wall Street oligarchs.”
More ominously still, Quinn concludes: “History has taught us
that Fourth Turnings end in all out war. The outcome of wars is
always in doubt. … It may be 150 years since Walt Whitman
foresaw the imminent march of armies, visions of unborn deeds,
and a sweeping away of the old order, but history has brought us
right back to where we started. Immense challenges and threats
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await our nation. Will we face them with the courage and
fortitude of our forefathers? Or will we shrink from our
responsibility to future unborn generations? The drumbeat of
history grows louder. Our rendezvous with destiny beckons.”
Stormy enough yet? If not, there’s the harsh weather of
Kondratiev winter rolling in too.
Nikolai Kondratiev’s ‘long waves’ fluctuate at roughly twice the
frequency of Strauss & Howe saecula (lasting roughly 40-60
years from ‘spring’ to ‘winter’). Originally discovered through
empirical investigation of price movements, Kondratiev waves
have stimulated a remarkable range of economic-historical
theories. Joseph Schumpeter interpreted the cycle as a process
of techno-economic innovation, in which capital was creatively
revolutionized and destroyed through depreciation, whilst
Hyman Minsky attributed it to a rhythm of financial speculation
(in which stability fostered over-confidence, excess, and crisis
with cyclic regularity).
The discovery of the ‘long wave’ seemed to coincide with its
disappearance – at the hands of macroeconomic management
(Keynesian counter-cyclical policy). Unsurprisingly, the crisis of
Keynesianism under present conditions of ‘debt saturation’ has
re-animated long wave discussion. At his Kondratiev-inspired
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Tipping Points blog, Gordon T. Long forecasts a savage winter,
marked by rapid progression from financial through economic
to political crisis, culminating in a (US dollar) ‘currency collapse’
in 2012.
Wrap up warmly.
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Moore and More
MAY 11, 2011
Doubling down on Moore’s Law is the futurist main current.
Cycles cannot be dismissed from futuristic speculation (they
always come back), but they no longer define it. Since the
beginning of the electronic era, their contribution to the shape
of the future has been progressively marginalized.
The model of linear and irreversible historical time, originally
inherited from Occidental religious traditions, was spliced
together with ideas of continuous growth and improvement
during the industrial revolution. During the second half of the
20th century, the dynamics of electronics manufacture
consolidated a further – and fundamental – upgrade, based upon
the expectation of continuously accelerating change.
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The elementary arithmetic of counting along the natural number
line provides an intuitively comfortable model for the
progression of time, due to its conformity with clocks, calendars,
and the simple idea of succession. Yet the dominant historical
forces of the modern world promote a significantly different
model of change, one that tends to shift addition upwards, into
an
exponent.
Demographics,
capital
accumulation,
and
technological performance indices do not increase through
unitary steps, but through rates of return, doublings, and takeoffs. Time explodes, exponentially.
The iconic expression of this neo-modern time, counting
succession in binary logarithms, is Moore’s Law, which
determines a two-year doubling period for the density of
transistors on microchips (“cramming more components onto
integrated circuits”). In a short essay published in Pajamas
Media, celebrating the prolongation of Moore’s Law as Intel
pushes chip architecture into the third-dimension, Michael S.
Malone writes:
“Today, almost a half-century after it was first elucidated
by legendary Fairchild and Intel co-founder Dr. Gordon
Moore in an article for a trade magazine, it is increasingly
apparent that Moore’s Law is the defining measure of the
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modern
world.
All
other
predictive
tool
for
understanding life in the developed world since WWII —
demographics,
productivity
tables,
literacy
rates,
econometrics, the cycles of history, Marxist analysis, and
on and on — have failed to predict the trajectory of
society over the decades … except Moore’s Law.”
Whilst crystallizing – in silico — the inherent acceleration of
neo-modern, linear time, Moore’s Law is intrinsically nonlinear,
for at least two reasons. Firstly, and most straightforwardly, it
expresses the positive feedback dynamics of technological
industrialism, in which rapidly-advancing electronic machines
continuously
revolutionize
their
own
manufacturing
infrastructure. Better chips make better robots make better
chips, in a spiraling acceleration. Secondly, Moore’s Law is at
once an observation, and a program. As Wikipedia notes:
“[Moore’s original] paper noted that the number of
components in integrated circuits had doubled every year
from the invention of the integrated circuit in 1958 until
1965 and predicted that the trend would continue ‘for at
least ten years’. His prediction has proved to be uncannily
accurate, in part because the law is now used in the
semiconductor industry to guide long-term planning and
to set targets for research and development. … Although
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Moore’s law was initially made in the form of an
observation and forecast, the more widely it became
accepted, the more it served as a goal for an entire
industry. This drove both marketing and engineering
departments of semiconductor manufacturers to focus
enormous energy aiming for the specified increase in
processing power that it was presumed one or more of
their competitors would soon actually attain. In this
regard, it can be viewed as a self-fulfilling prophecy.”
Malone comments:
“… semiconductor companies around the world, big and
small, and not least because of their respect for Gordon
Moore, set out to uphold the Law — and they have done
so ever since, despite seemingly impossible technical and
scientific obstacles. Gordon Moore not only discovered
Moore’s Law, he made it real. As his successor at Intel,
Paul Otellini, once told me, ‘I’m not going to be the guy
whose legacy is that Moore’s Law died on his watch.'”
If Technological Singularity is the ‘rapture of the nerds’, Gordon
Moore is their Moses. Electro-industrial capitalism is told to go
forth and multiply, and to do so with a quite precisely timespecified binary exponent. In its adherence to the Law, the
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integrated circuit industry is uniquely chosen (and a light unto
the peoples). As Malone concludes:
“Today, every segment of society either embraces
Moore’s Law or is racing to get there. That’s because they
know that if only they can get aboard that rocket — that
is, if they can add a digital component to their business
— they too can accelerate away from the competition.
That’s why none of the inventions we Baby Boomers as
kids expected to enjoy as adults — atomic cars! personal
helicopters! ray guns! — have come true; and also why
we have even more powerful tools and toys —instead.
Whatever can be made digital, if not in the whole, but in
part — marketing, communications, entertainment,
genetic engineering, robotics, warfare, manufacturing,
service, finance, sports — it will, because going digital
means jumping onto Moore’s Law. Miss that train and, as
a business, an institution, or a cultural phenomenon, you
die.”
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“2035. Probably earlier.”
MAY 13, 2011
There’s fast, and then there’s … something more.
Eliezer Yudkowski now categorizes his article ‘Staring into
Singularity‘ as ‘obsolete’. Yet it remains among the most brilliant
philosophical essays ever written. Rarely, if ever, has so much of
value been said about the absolutely unthinkable (or, more
specifically, the absolutely unthinkable for us).
For instance, Yudkowsky scarcely pauses at the phenomenon of
exponential growth, despite the fact that this already overtaxes
all comfortable intuition and ensures revolutionary changes of
such magnitude that speculation falters. He is adamant that
exponentiation (even Kurzweil‘s ‘double exponentiation’) only
reaches the starting point of computational acceleration, and
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that propulsion into Singularity is not exponential, but
hyperbolic.
Each time the speed of thought doubles, time-schedules halve.
When technology, including the design of intelligences,
succumbs to such dynamics, it becomes recursive. The rate of
self-improvement collapses with smoothly increasing rapidity
towards instantaneity: a true, mathematically exact, or punctual
Singularity. What lies beyond is not merely difficult to imagine, it
is absolutely inconceivable. Attempting to picture or describe it
is a ridiculous futility. Science fiction dies.
“A group of human-equivalent computers spends 2 years
to double computer speeds. Then they spend another 2
subjective years, or 1 year in human terms, to double it
again. Then they spend another 2 subjective years, or six
months, to double it again. After four years total, the
computing power goes to infinity.
“That is the ‘Transcended’ version of the doubling
sequence. Let’s call the ‘Transcend’ of a sequence {a0, a1,
a2…} the function where the interval between an and
an+1 is inversely proportional to an. So a Transcended
doubling function starts with 1, in which case it takes 1
time-unit to go to 2. Then it takes 1/2 time-units to go to
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4. Then it takes 1/4 time-units to go to 8. This function,
if it were continuous, would be the hyperbolic function y
= 2/(2 – x). When x = 2, then (2 – x) = 0 and y =
infinity. The behavior at that point is known
mathematically as a singularity.”
There could scarcely be a more precise, plausible, or
consequential formula: Doubling periods halve. On the slide
into Singularity — I.J.Good’s ‘intelligence explosion‘ —
exponentiation is compounded by a hyperbolic trend. The
arithmetic of such a process is quite simple, but its historical
implications are strictly incomprehensible.
“I am a Singularitarian because I have some small
appreciation of how utterly, finally, absolutely impossible
it is to think like someone even a little tiny bit smarter
than you are. I know that we are all missing the obvious,
every day. There are no hard problems, only problems
that are hard to a certain level of intelligence. Move the
smallest bit upwards, and some problems will suddenly
move from ‘impossible’ to ‘obvious’. Move a substantial
degree upwards, and all of them will become obvious.
Move a huge distance upwards…”
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Since the argument takes human thought to its shattering point,
it is natural for some to be repulsed by it. Yet its basics are
almost impregnable to logical objection. Intelligence is a
function of the brain. The brain has been ‘designed’ by natural
processes (posing no discernible special difficulties). Thus,
intelligence is obviously an ultimately tractable engineering
problem. Nature has already ‘engineered it’ whilst employing
design methods of such stupefying inefficiency that only brute,
obstinate force, combined of course with complete ruthlessness,
have moved things forwards. Yet the tripling of cortical mass
within the lineage of the higher primates has only taken a few
million years, and — for most of this period — a modest
experimental population (in the low millions or less).
The contemporary technological problem, in contrast to the
preliminary biological one, is vastly easier. It draws upon a wider
range of materials and techniques, an installed intelligence and
knowledge base, superior information media, more highlydynamized feedback systems, and a self-amplifying resource
network. Unsurprisingly it is advancing at incomparably greater
speed.
“If we had a time machine, 100K of information from
the future could specify a protein that built a device that
would give us nanotechnology overnight. 100K could
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contain the code for a seed AI. Ever since the late 90’s,
the Singularity has been only a problem of software. And
software is information, the magic stuff that changes at
arbitrarily high speeds. As far as technology is concerned,
the
Singularity
could
happen
tomorrow.
One
breakthrough – just one major insight – in the science of
protein engineering or atomic manipulation or Artificial
Intelligence, one really good day at Webmind or Zyvex,
and the door to Singularity sweeps open.”
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Statistical Mentality
MAY 18, 2011
Things are very probably weirder than they seem.
As the natural sciences have developed to encompass
increasingly complex systems, scientific rationality has become
ever more statistical, or probabilistic. The deterministic classical
mechanics of the enlightenment was revolutionized by the nearequilibrium statistical mechanics of late 19th century atomists,
by quantum mechanics in the early 20th century, and by the farfrom-equilibrium complexity theorists of the later 20th century.
Mathematical
neo-Darwinism,
information
theory,
and
quantitative social sciences compounded the trend. Forces,
objects, and natural types were progressively dissolved into
statistical
distributions:
heterogeneous
clouds,
entropy
deviations, wave functions, gene frequencies, noise-signal ratios
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and redundancies, dissipative structures, and complex systems at
the edge of chaos.
By the final decades of the 20th century, an unbounded
probabilism was expanding into hitherto unimagined territories,
testing deeply unfamiliar and counter-intuitive arguments in
statistical metaphysics, or statistical ontology. It no longer
sufficed for realism to attend to multiplicities, because reality
was itself subject to multiplication.
In his declaration cogito ergo sum, Descartes concluded
(perhaps optimistically) that the existence of the self could be
safely concluded from the fact of thinking. The statistical
ontologists inverted this formula, asking: given my existence
(which is to say, an existence that seems like this to me), what
kind of reality is probable? Which reality is this likely to be?
MIT Roboticist Hans Moravec, in his 1988 book Mind Children,
seems to have initiated the genre. Extrapolating Moore’s Law
into the not-too-distant future, he anticipated computational
capacities that exceeded those of all biological brains by many
orders of magnitude. Since each human brain runs its own
more-or-less competent simulation of the world in order to
function, it seemed natural to expect the coming technospheric
intelligences to do the same, but with vastly greater scope,
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resolution, and variety. The mass replication of robot brains,
each billions or trillions of times more powerful than those of its
human progenitors, would provide a substrate for innumerable,
immense, and minutely detailed historical simulations, within
which human intelligences could be reconstructed to an
effectively-perfect level of fidelity.
This vision feeds into a burgeoning literature on non-biological
mental substrates, consciousness uploading, mind clones, wholebrain emulations (‘ems’), and Matrix-style artificial realities. Since
the realities we presently know are already simulated (let us
momentarily assume) on biological signal-processing systems
with highly-finite quantitative specifications, there is no reason
to confidently anticipate that an ‘artificial’ reality simulation
would be in any way distinguishable.
Is ‘this’ history or its simulation? More precisely: is ‘this’ a
contemporary
biological
(brain-based)
simulation,
or
a
reconstructed, artificial memory, run on a technological
substrate ‘in the future’? That is a question without classical
solution, Moravec argues. It can only be approached, rigorously,
with statistics, and since the number of fine-grained simulated
histories (unknown but probably vast), overwhelmingly exceeds
the number of actual or original histories (for the sake of this
argument,
one),
then
the
probabilistic
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unswervingly towards a definite conclusion: we can be nearcertain that we are inhabitants of a simulation run by artificial
(or post-biological) intelligences at some point in ‘our future’. At
least – since many alternatives present themselves – we can be
extremely confident, on grounds of statistical ontology, that our
existence is non-original (if not historical reconstruction, it
might be a game or fiction).
Nick Bostrom formalizes the simulation argument in his article
‘The Simulation Argument: Why the Probability that You are
Living in the Matrix is Quite High’ (found here):
Now we get to the core of the simulation argument. This does
not purport to demonstrate that you are in a simulation. Instead,
it shows that we should accept as true at least one of the
following three propositions:
(1) The chances that a species at our current level of
development can avoid going extinct before becoming
technologically mature is negligibly small
(2) Almost no technologically mature civilisations are interested
in running computer simulations of minds like ours
(3) You are almost certainly in a simulation.
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Each of these three propositions may be prima facie implausible;
yet, if the simulation argument is correct, at least one is true (it
does not tell us which).
If obstacles to the existence of high-level simulations (1 and 2)
are removed, then statistical reasoning takes over, following the
exact track laid down by Moravec. We are “almost certainly”
inhabiting a “computer simulation that was created by some
advanced civilization” because these saturate to near-exhaustion
the probability space for realities ‘like this’. If such simulations
exist, original lives would be as unlikely as winning lottery
tickets, at best.
Bostrom concludes with an intriguing and influential twist:
If we are in a simulation, is it possible that we could know that
for certain? If the simulators don’t want us to find out, we
probably never will. But if they choose to reveal themselves,
they could certainly do so. Maybe a window informing you of
the fact would pop up in front of you, or maybe they would
“upload” you into their world. Another event that would let us
conclude with a very high degree of confidence that we are in a
simulation is if we ever reach the point where we are about to
switch on our own simulations. If we start running simulations,
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that would be very strong evidence against (1) and (2). That
would leave us with only (3).
If we create fine-grained reality simulations, we demonstrate – to
a high level of statistical confidence – that we already inhabit
one, and that the history leading up to this moment of creation
was fake. Paul Almond, an enthusiastic statistical ontologist,
draws out the radical implication – reverse causation – asking:
Can you retroactively put yourself in a computer simulation.
Such statistical ontology, or Bayesian existentialism, is not
restricted to the simulation argument. It increasingly subsumes
discussions of the Anthropic Principle, of the Many Worlds
Interpretation of Quantum Mechanics, and exotic modes of
prediction from the Doomsday Argument to Quantum Suicide
(and Immortality).
Whatever is really happening, we probably have to chance it.
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Peak People
MAY 20, 2011
Could we be facing the ultimate resource crunch?
Over at Zero Hedge, Sean Corrigan unleashes a fizzing polemic
against the (M. King Hubbert) ‘Peak Oil’ school of resource
doomsters (enjoy the article if you’re laissez-faire inclined, or the
comments if you’re not).
Of particular relevance to density advocates is Corrigan’s
“exercise in contextualization” (a kind of de-stressed Stand on
Zanzibar) designed to provide an image of the planet’s
‘demographic burden’:
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The population of Hong Kong: 7 million. Its surface area: 1,100
km2
The population of the World: nigh on 7 billion, i.e., HK x 1000
1000 x area of HK = 110,000 km2 = the area of Cuba or
Iceland
Approximate area of the Earth’s landmass = 150 million km2
Approximate total surface area = 520 million km2
So, were we to build one, vast city of the same population
density as Hong Kong to cover the entirety of [Cuba], this
would accommodate all of humanity, and take up just 0.07% of
the planet’s land area and 0.02% of the Earth’s surface.
Anybody eagerly anticipating hypercities, arcologies, and other
prospective experiments in large-scale social packing is likely to
find this calculation rather disconcerting, if only because – taken
as a whole — Hong Kong actually isn’t that dense. For sure, the
downtown ‘synapse’ connecting the HK Island with Kowloon is
impressively intense, but most of the Hong Kong SAR (Special
Administrative Region) is green, rugged, and basically deserted.
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It’s (mean) average density of 6,364 / km2 doesn’t get anywhere
close to that of the top 100 cities (Manila’s 43,000 / km2 is
almost seven times greater). Corrigan isn’t envisaging a
megalopolis, but a Cuba-scale suburb.
Whether densitarians are more or less likely than average to
worry about Peak Oil or related issues might be an interesting
question (the New Urbanists tend to be quite greenish). If they
really want to see cities scale the heights of social possibility,
however, they need to start worrying about population shortage.
With the human population projected to level-off at around 10
billion, there might never be enough people to make cities into
the ultra-dense monsters that futuristic imagination has long
hungered for.
Bryan Caplan is sounding the alarm. At least we have teeming
Malthusian robot hordes to look forward to.
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Singlosphere
MAY 26, 2011
East-plus-West at the frontier of freedom.
In accordance with the widely-held belief that digital
communication technologies ‘destroy distance’, James C.
Bennett coined the term ‘Anglosphere’ to describe the arena of
comparatively frictionless cultural proximity binding spatiallydispersed Anglophone populations. His contention was that the
gathering trends exemplified by the development of the Internet
would continue to promote cultural ties, whilst eroding the
importance of spatial neighborhoods. In the age of the World
Wide Web, cultural solidarity trumps geographical solidarity.
Whilst alternative culture-spheres – expressly including the
Sinosphere – were mentioned in passing, they were not the
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focus of Bennett’s account. His attention was directed to
English-speaking peoples, scattered geographically, yet bound
together by threads of common understanding that derived
from a shared language, English common law and limitedgovernment
traditions,
highly-developed
civil
societies,
individualism, and an unusual tolerance for disruptive social
change. He predicted both that these commonalities would
become increasingly consequential in the years to come, and that
their general tenor would prove highly adaptive as the rate of
social change accelerated worldwide.
Bennett’s concern with large-scale cultural systems can be seen
as part of an intellectual trend, comparable in significant respects
to Samuel Huntington’s influential ‘Clash of Civilizations’ thesis.
In a world that is undergoing tectonic shifts in the distribution
of wealth, power, and hegemony, such preoccupations are
understandable. In these circumstances, it would be surprising if
the partisans of Anglospheric and Sinospheric cultural traditions
were not aroused to ardent advocacy of their relative merits and
demerits, and — if Bennett is taken seriously — such
discussions will take place in zones of cultural communion that
are, at least relatively, increasingly introverted. The rapid
emergence of a highly-autonomous ‘Chinese Internet’ in recent
years adds weight to such expectations.
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In March, the Z/Yen Group released the ninth in its series of
Global Financial Centres Index rankings, in which Shanghai
leapt to shared fifth place with Tokyo (on GFCI ratings of 694).
London (775), New York (769), Hong Kong (759), and
Singapore (722) led the pack. (The top 75 can be seen here).
Both Anglosphereans and Sinosphereans can find ready
satisfaction in these ratings. The persistent supremacy of
London and New York attests to a 250-year history of world
economic dominance, whilst the ascent of Chinese-ethnicity
commercial cities to the remaining top-slots clearly indicates the
shift of economic gravity to the western Pacific region. Yet the
most interesting pattern lies in-between. Neither Hong Kong
nor Singapore belong unambiguously to a Sinosphere (still less
to a broad Anglosphere). Instead, they are characterized by
distinctive forms of Chinese-Anglophone hybridity – an
immensely successful cultural synthesis. It would be difficult to
maintain that Shanghai was entirely untouched by a comparable
phenomenon, inherited in that case from the synthetic mentality
of its concession-era International Settlement, and reflected in
its singular Haipai or ‘ocean culture’.
The existence of an identifiable Sino-Anglosphere – or
Singlosphere – is further suggested by the Heritage Foundation’s
2011 Index of Economic Freedom (rated on a scale of 0-100).
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On that list, the top two places are taken by Hong Kong (89.7)
and Singapore (87.2), followed by Australia (82.5) and New
Zealand (82.3). The Anglospherean and Sinospherean territorial
cores fare less impressively, with none meeting the Heritage
criteria for free economies — the United States comes ninth
(77.8), the United Kingdom 16th (74.5), and mainland China
135th (52.0). It seems that the Singlosphere has learnt something
about economic freedom that exceeds the presently-manifested
wisdom of both cultural root-stocks – setting a model for the
Sinosphere, and leaving the Anglosphere trailing in its wake.
As the deep secular trend of Chinese ascent and (relative if not
absolute) American decline leads to ever more ominous
rumblings and threats of geostrategic tension, it is especially
important to note a quite different, non-confrontational pattern
– based upon cultural merging and reciprocal liberation. Within
the Singlosphere, an emergent, synthetic ethnicity exhibits a
dynamically adaptive, cosmopolitan competence without peer, as
distinct traditions of spontaneous order fuse and reinforce each
other.
Adam
Smith
meets
Laozi,
and
the
profound
amalgamation of the two results in an unfolding innovated
culture that increasingly dominates world rankings of economic
capability.
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A remarkable study by Christian Gerlach excavates the Daoist
roots of European laissez-faire (or wu wei) ideas, and anarchocapitalist maverick Murray Rothbard was attracted to the same
‘Ancient Chinese Libertarian Tradition’. Ken McCormick calls it
The Tao of Laissez-Faire. (Those disturbed by this identification
might be more comfortable with Silja Graupe’s leftist critique of
‘Market Daoism’.)
McCormick concludes his essay:
The recent ascendance of free-market ideas around the world
probably owes more to the practical historical success of those
ideas than to the persuasiveness of any theory or philosophy.
Yet one might speculate that the startling success of economic
liberalization in the People’s Republic of China might in part be
explained by the fact that the idea of free markets is embedded
in the culture. In fact, the Confucianism that long dominated
China was actually a synthesis of competing schools of thought,
including Taoism … Hence, while laissez-faire has frequently
been absent from Chinese practice, it is not at all alien to
Chinese culture. The recent free-market reforms in China might
therefore be interpreted not so much as an importation of a
foreign ideology but as a reawakening of a home-grown concept.
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The Singlosphere sets both East and West on the right track.
The more that Shanghai recalls and learns from it — and the
deeper its participation — the faster its ascent will be.
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Connectivity
MAY 27, 2011
Two unusual little girls test the limits of identity.
At the leading-edge of information technology — and amongst
the ‘transhumanist’ commentary it stimulates – the idea of selfidentity
is
undergoing
relentless
interrogation.
Cultures
substantially influenced by Abrahamic religious traditions, in
which the resilient integrity and fundamental individuality of the
‘soul’ is strongly emphasized, are especially vulnerable to the
prospect of radical and disconcerting conceptual revision.
The computerization of the natural sciences – including
neurosciences – ensures that the investigation of the human
brain and the innovation of artificial intelligence systems
advance in parallel, whilst cross-linking and mutually reinforcing
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each other. Increasingly, the understanding of the brain and its
digital emulation tend to fuse into a single, complex research
program. As this program emerges, archaic metaphysics and
spiritual doctrines become engineering problems. Individual
identity seems ever less like a basic property, and more like a
precarious achievement – or challenge – determined by
processes of self-reference, and by relative communicative
isolation. (‘Split-brain’ cases have vividly illustrated the instability
and artificiality of the self-identifying individual.)
Would an AI program – or brain – that was tightly coupled to
the Internet by high-bandwidth connections still consider itself
to be strictly individuated? Do cyborgs – or uploads — dissolve
their souls? Could a networked robot say ‘I’ and mean it?
Because such questions are becoming ever more prominent, and
practical, it is not surprising that a New York Times story by
Susan Dominus, devoted to craniopagus conjoined twins Krista
and Tatiana Hogan, has generated an unusual quantity of
excitement and Internet-linkage.
The twins are not only fused at the head (craniopagus), their
brains are connected by a ‘neural bridge’ that enables signals
from one to the other. Neurosurgeon Douglas Cochrane
proposes “that visual input comes in through the retinas of one
girl, reaches her thalamus, then takes two different courses, like
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electricity traveling along a wire that splits in two. In the girl
who is looking at the strobe or a stuffed animal in her crib, the
visual input continues on its usual pathways, one of which ends
up in the visual cortex. In the case of the other girl, the visual
stimulus would reach her thalamus via the thalamic bridge, and
then travel up her own visual neural circuitry, ending up in the
sophisticated processing centers of her own visual cortex. Now
she has seen it, probably milliseconds after her sister has.”
The twins’ brains, or a twin-brain? The Hogan case is so
extraordinary that irreducible ambiguity arises:
The girls’ brains are so unusually formed that doctors could not
predict what their development would be like: each girl has an
unusually short corpus callosum, the neural band that allows the
brain’s two cerebral hemispheres to communicate, and in each
girl, the two cerebral hemispheres also differ in size, with
Tatiana’s left sphere and Krista’s right significantly smaller than
is typical. “The asymmetry raises intriguing questions about
whether one can compensate for the other because of the brain
bridge,” said Partha Mitra, a neuroscientist at Cold Spring
Harbor Laboratory, who studies brain architecture. The girls’
cognition may also be facing specific challenges that no others
have experienced: some kind of confusing crosstalk that would
require additional energy to filter and process. In addition to
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sorting out the usual sensory experiences of the world, the girls’
brains, their doctors believe, have been forced to adapt to
sensations originating with the organs and body parts of
someone else. … Krista likes ketchup, and Tatiana does not,
something the family discovered when Tatiana tried to scrape
the condiment off her own tongue, even when she was not
eating it.
As they struggle to make sense of their boundaries, the twins are
avatars of an impending, universal confusion:
Although each girl often used “I” when she spoke, I never heard
either say “we,” for all their collaboration. It was as if even they
seemed confused by how to think of themselves, with the right
language perhaps eluding them at this stage of development,
under these unusual circumstances — or maybe not existing at
all. “It’s like they are one and two people at the same time,” said
Feinberg, the professor of psychiatry and neurology at Albert
Einstein College of Medicine. What pronoun captures that?
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Chimerica
JUNE 1, 2011
A new world order hits the buffers.
“For nearly 30 years we have had two Global Strategies
working in a symbiotic fashion that has created a virtuous
economic growth spiral. Unfortunately, the economic
underpinnings were flawed and as a consequence, the
virtuous cycle has ended. It is now in the process of
reversing and becoming a vicious downward economic
spiral,” writes Gordon T. Long, in a guest post at Zero
Hedge. “One of the strategies is the Asian Mercantile
Strategy. The other is the US Dollar Reserve Currency
Strategy.”
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The system that Long sees unraveling has been dubbed
‘Chimerica’ by Niall Ferguson and Moritz Schularick, in
reference to the mythical hybrid beast of antiquity. Chimerica
emerged through the dynamic coupling of the US and Chinese
economies, dominating the wave of globalization in the postcommand economy world. It has served as a powerful engine of
development, spreading prosperity beyond the narrow enclave
of the (Euro-American) ‘First World’ and facilitating the global
roll-out of digital network technologies, from personal
computing and mobile telephony to the Internet. In recent years,
however, its unsustainable features have become prominently
visible.
Stripped to its fundamentals, Chimerica amounted to something
akin to an informal geopolitical ‘deal’ that simultaneously
promoted the international status of the US Dollar and domestic
Chinese industrialization. The principal financial mechanism was
the recycling of Chinese trade surpluses into US Treasury
Bonds, in a process that accentuated Chinese competitiveness
(by restraining the rise of the Yuan) and suppressed US inflation
(preserving the credibility of the USD). This enabled Chinese
industrial expansion to proceed at a far greater speed than its
domestic market could have supported, whilst providing US
governments with the latitude to run a chronically loose
monetary policy immunized against the prospect of currency
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collapse. The Chinese manufacturing and US banking sectors
were
the
most
obvious
beneficiaries.
Both
prospered
conspicuously.
As Niall Ferguson wrote in November 2008, in the early days of
the world financial crisis:
“At the heart of this crisis is the huge imbalance between
the United States, with its current account deficit in
excess of 1 percent of world gross domestic product, and
the surplus countries that finance it: the oil exporters,
Japan and emerging Asia. Of these, the relationship
between China and America has become the crucial one.
More than anything else, it has been China’s strategy of
dollar reserve accumulation that has financed America’s
debt habit. Chinese savings were a key reason U.S. longterm interest rates stayed low and the borrowing binge
kept going. Now that the age of leverage is over,
‘Chimerica’ — the partnership between the big saver and
the big spender — is key.”
Having reached a state of crisis, Chimerica seems certain to
unwind. This might occur either through a measured rebalancing
that increases Chinese domestic consumption whilst reducing
US deficit spending, or as a messy disintegration — involving
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sudden demand contraction, currency wars, and escalating
mutual recrimination. Whatever the eventual outcome, a
refashioned world order is an inevitable – which is to say,
definitional – result.
Whilst Ferguson hedges his bets, Gordon Long spells out a
specific and ominous forecast, in which the virtuous cycle of
Chimerican globalization reverses into a vicious ‘death spiral’. As
‘debt saturation’ closes down the option of policy continuity, the
actions of the US Federal Reserve become manifestly
ineffective, self-contradictory, and ultimately paralyzed. The
long-postponed process of currency destruction then begins in
earnest. Long offers a useful checklist of milestones on the road
to ruin (proceeding from financial, through economic, to
political calamity):
1. A deteriorating US dollar
2. Rising US interest rates
3. Sustained and chronic US unemployment
4. Asian inflation, especially in food where 60% of Asian
disposable income is spent
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5. Pressures on Asian currency pegs
6. Collapsing values of US Reserve holdings
By the end of this process, the world will have been violently
catapulted out of a financial architecture dating back 70 years,
and a dominant monetary philosophy that has prevailed over the
course of centuries.
“The eventuality of a fiat currency crisis is ordained and
has been since the early warnings in 2007 of the Financial
Crisis,” Long insists. “The roadmap has been clear to all
that actually wanted to look.”
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Nemesis
JUNE 3, 2011
Betting everything that the casino will burn down.
Harold Camping’s Family Radio warned its listeners to expect
some unusually dramatic spring events:
By God’s grace and tremendous mercy, He is giving us
advanced warning as to what He is about to do. On Judgment
Day, May 21st, 2011, this 5-month period of horrible torment
will begin for all the inhabitants of the earth. It will be on May
21st that God will raise up all the dead that have ever died from
their graves. Earthquakes will ravage the whole world as the
earth will no longer conceal its dead (Isaiah 26:21). People who
died as saved individuals will experience the resurrection of their
bodies and immediately leave this world to forever be with the
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Lord. Those who died unsaved will be raised up as well, but only
to have their lifeless bodies scattered about the face of all the
earth. Death will be everywhere.
Clearly, prediction can be a perilous business.
Yet, as Karl Popper noted with respect to scientific theories,
falsifiable predictions also serve a valuable – even indispensable
– purpose. Any model of reality that is able to make specific
forecasts earns a credibility that vaguer ‘world-views’ are not
entitled to, although at the price of radical vulnerability to
devaluation, should its anticipations prove unfounded.
Much like Marxism, the Libertarianism of Austrian School
economic theory combines historical expectations (of greater or
lesser exactitude) with a core of philosophical, political, and even
emotional commitment that is comparatively immunized against
empirical refutation. Both Marxism and Austrolibertarianism are
large, highly variegated ideologies, with complicated histories,
expressing profound discontent with the dominant order of the
modern world, and prone to utopian temptations. Both are
(often indignant) moral-political doctrines extrapolated in very
different ways from Lockean natural-law property rights (to
one’s own body and its productive activity). Both attract a wide
spectrum of followers, from sober scholars to wild-eyed
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revolutionary advocates, who see in the unfolding drama of
history the possibility of definitive vindication (much as the
faithful of millenarian theologies have always done, and – as the
Camping case demonstrates – continue to do).
The Western roots of both Marxism and Austrolibertarianism
reach down into Jewish redemptive eschatology and Greek
tragedy (it is perhaps noteworthy that Karl Marx and Ludwig
von Mises shared intriguing biographical features, including
highly-assimilated German-Jewish backgrounds, steeped in
European high-culture). Statist-Capitalism is portrayed as the
Satanic-Promethean antihero of an epic narrative, describing a
sustained violation of justice that finds itself held accountable in
a final apocalyptic moment giving meaning to history, and a
seemingly unconstrained hubris that meets its eventual nemesis.
The high is brought low, through a crisis whose mere prospect
offers overwhelming psychological satisfaction, and thus
extraordinary emotional attachment.
Since the 1980s, Marxism has tended to retreat from the
predictive mode. Its enthusiasts no doubt remain committed to
the prospect of a terminal crisis of capitalism, perhaps even an
imminent one, but Marxist prophecy seems timorous and
uncertain today, even under conditions of unusual global
economic dislocation. The Austrolibertarians, on the other hand,
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are being drawn out onto a prophetic branch – possibly despite
themselves – with incalculable consequences for their future
credibility. Their fundamental assumption, that governments are
by essence incompetent and unqualified to run the monetary
systems required by advanced economies, leads them to an
almost inescapable conclusion: hyperinflation.
Hyperinflation might be the sole economic example of a true
singularity: a hyperbolic approach to infinity (in finite time),
producing a punctual discontinuity. When hyperinflation strikes,
it escalates rapidly towards a hard limit, where money dies. In
the economic sphere, it is the unsurpassable example of regime
incompetence.
How
could
Austrolibertarians
–
whose
apocalyptic inclinations are matched only by their disdain for
political authority – not be irresistibly attracted to it?
John Williams’ Shadow Government Statistics blog is not easily
characterized as hardcore Austrolibertarian site (Williams
describes himself as a “conservative Republican with a
libertarian bent”), but the prognosis outlined carefully in its
Hyperinflation Special Report (2011) exemplifies the tendency
to predict imminent nemesis for command-control monetary
policy. Williams subscribes wholeheartedly to the Austrian
certitude that ‘kicking the can’ (up the road) – the central feature
of Keynesian macroeconomic policy – guarantees eventual
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catastrophe, and ‘eventual’ just got a whole lot closer. Nemesis is
coming due.
Both the federal government and the Federal Reserve have
demonstrated that they will not tolerate a systemic collapse and
a great deflation, as seen during the Great Depression. … those
risks are being fought, and will be fought, at any cost that can be
covered by the unlimited creation of new money. It was a devil’s
choice, but the choice has been made. Extreme systemic
interventions, and formal measures to debase the U.S. dollar
through the effective unlimited creation of money to cover
systemic needs and the government’s obligations, pushed the
timing of a systemic collapse — threatened in September 2008
— several years into the future. The cost of instant salvation,
though, was inflation. Eventual systemic collapse is unavoidable
at this point, but it will be in a hyperinflationary great
depression, instead of a deflationary one.
Williams isn’t afraid to lock down some dates, with 2014
proposed as the outer limit of possibility – and sooner is likelier:
At present, it is the Obama Administration that has to look at
abandoning the debt standard (hyperinflation) and starting fresh.
Yet, the Administration and many in Congress have taken recent
actions suggestive of hoping only to push off the day of
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reckoning for the economic and systemic solvency crises until
after the 2012 presidential election. They do not have that time.
As he elaborates:
Actions already taken to contain the systemic solvency crisis and
to stimulate the economy (which have not worked), plus what
should be renewed devastating impact of unexpected ongoing
economic contraction on tax revenues, have set the stage for a
much earlier crisis. Risks are high for the hyperinflation
beginning to break in the months ahead; it likely cannot be
avoided beyond 2014; it already may be beginning to unfold.
It is in this environment of rapid fiscal deterioration and related
massive funding needs that the U.S. dollar remains open to a
rapid and massive decline, along with a dumping of domesticand foreign-held U.S. Treasuries. The Federal Reserve would be
forced to monetize further significant sums of Treasury debt,
triggering the early phases of a monetary inflation.
Under such circumstances, current multi-trillion dollar deficits
would feed rapidly into a vicious, self-feeding cycle of currency
debasement and hyperinflation. With the economy already in
depression, hyperinflation kicking in quickly would push the
economy into a great depression, since disruptions from
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uncontained inflation are likely to bring normal commercial
activity to a halt.
What happens next is anyone’s speculation.
The hyperinflationary destruction of the world’s reserve
currency would be a decisive event. The mere possibility of such
an occurrence divides the set of potential futures between two
tracks. On one, in which the US Dollar (FRN) survives,
Austrolibertarian
alarmism
is
humiliated,
the
economic
competence of the US government is – broadly speaking –
confirmed, and the principles of fiat currency production and
central banking are reinforced, along with their natural
supporters
among
neo-Keynesian
anti-deflationary
macroeconomists. On the other, the Austrolibertarians dance in
the ashes of the dollar, precious metals replace fiat paper, central
banks come under withering political attack, and the economic
role of government in general is subjected to a major onslaught
by energized free-marketeers. At least, that’s what a just
universe, or a fair bet, would look like.
Betting on a just universe could be the big mistake, however –
and that’s a temptation the morally-charged Austrolibertarian
grand narrative finds hard to avoid. In a morally indifferent
universe, Nemesis is non-redemptive, and the entire bet is an
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inverse Pascal’s wager, with downside on every side. Make a
brave prediction of hyperinflation, and you either lose, or you
lose – gloating neo-Keynesians, greater indebtedness, and fatter
government on the one hand, or some yet unconsolidated
species of neo-totalitarian horror on the other. (It’s noteworthy
that a tour through the history of post-hyperinflationary regimes
doesn’t pass through many examples of laissez-faire commercial
republics.)
So is the dollar going to die? — Quite possibly. Then things
could really turn nasty – more Harold Camping than Ludwig
von Mises: “lifeless bodies scattered about the face of all the
earth. Death will be everywhere.”
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Anthropocene
JUNE 9, 2011
Human history is geology on speed.
Complex systems, characterized by high (and rising local)
negative entropy, are essentially historical. The sciences devoted
to them tend inevitably to become evolutionary, as exemplified
by the course of the earth- and life-sciences – which had
become thoroughly historicized by the late 19th century.
Perhaps the most elegant, abstract, or ‘cosmic’ comprehension
of this necessity is found in the work of Vladimir Ivanovich
Vernadsky (1863-1945), whose visionary writings sought to
establish the basis for an integrated understanding of terrestrial
history, conceived as a process of material acceleration through
geochemical epochs.
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Despite the philosophical power of his ideas, Vernadsky’s
scientific training as a chemist anchored his thoughts in
concrete, literal reality. The acceleration of the terrestrial process
was more than an anthropocentric impression, registering
socially and culturally significant change (such as the
cephalization of the primate lineage leading to mankind).
Geochemical evolution was physically expressed through the
average velocity of particles, as biological metabolism
(biosphere), and eventually human cultures (noosphere),
introduced and propagated ever more intense networks of
chemical reactions. Life is matter in a hurry, culture even more
so.
Whilst Vernadsky has been sporadically rediscovered and
celebrated, his importance – based on the profundity, rigor, and
supreme relevance of his work — has yet to be fully and
universally acknowledged. Yet it is possible that his time is
finally arriving.
The May 28 – June 3 edition of The Economist devotes an
editorial and major feature story to the Anthropocene – a
distinctive geological epoch proposed by Paul Crutzen in 2000,
now under consideration by the International Commission on
Stratigraphy (the “ultimate adjudicator of the geological time
scale”). Recognition of the Anthropocene would be an
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acknowledgement that we inhabit a geological epoch whose
physical signature has been fundamentally re-shaped by the
technological forces of the ‘noosphere’ or ‘ethosphere’ – in
which human intelligence has been introduced as a massive (and
even dominant) force of nature. Radical metamorphosis (and
acceleration) of the earth’s nitrogen and carbon cycles are
especially pronounced Anthropocene signals.
“The term ‘paradigm shift’ is bandied around with
promiscuous ease,” The Economist notes. “But for the
natural sciences to make human activity central to its
conception of the world, rather than a distraction, would
mark such a shift for real.”
Third Reich master architect Albert Speer is notorious for his
promotion of ‘ruin value’ – the persistent grandeur of
monumental constructions, encountered by archaeologists in the
far future. The Anthropocene introduces a similar perspective
on a still vaster scale. As The Economist remarks:
The most common way of distinguishing periods of geological
time is by means of the fossils they contain. On this basis
picking out the Anthropocene in the rocks of days to come will
be pretty easy. Cities will make particularly distinctive fossils. A
city on a fast-sinking river delta (and fast-sinking deltas,
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undermined by the pumping of groundwater and starved of
sediment by dams upstream, are common Anthropocene
environments) could spend millions of years buried and still,
when eventually uncovered, reveal through its crushed structures
and weird mixtures of materials that it is unlike anything else in
the geological record.
As terrestrial history accelerates, the distinctive units of
geological time are compressed. The Archean and Proterozoic
aeons are measured in billions of years, the Palaeozoic and
Mesozoic eras in hundreds of millions, the Palaeogene and
Neogene periods in tens of millions. The Holocene epoch lasts
less than 10,000 years, and the Anthropocene (epoch or mere
phase?) only centuries – because its recognition is already an
indication of its end.
Beyond the Anthropocene lies the Technocene, distinguished by
nanotechnological manipulation of matter — a geochemical
revolution of such magnitude that only the assembly of (RNA
and DNA) replicator molecules is comparable in implication.
Within the coming Technocene (lasting mere decades?), the
carbon cycle is relayed through sub-microscopic manufacturing
processes that utilize it as the ultimate industrial resource –
feedstock for diamondoid nanomachine fabrication. The
consequences for geological deposition, and thus for the
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discoveries of potential distant-future geologists, are substantial
but
opaque.
On
the
far-side
of
nanomachined
age,
femtomachines await, precisely assembled from quarks, and
decomposing chemistry into nuclear physics.
For the moment, however, even the origination of the
Anthropocene – never mind its termination – remains a matter
of live controversy. Assuming that it coincides with
industrialization (which is not universally accepted), geologists
will find themselves enmeshed in a debate among historians, as
the fraught term ‘modernity’ takes on a geochemical definition.
Whatever the outcome, Vernadsky is back.
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Hard Futurism
JUNE 13, 2011
Are you ready for the next big (nasty) thing?
For anyone with interests both in extreme practical futurism and
the renaissance of the Sinosphere, Hugo de Garis is an
irresistible reference point. A former teacher of Topological
Quantum Computing (don’t ask) at the International Software
School of Wuhan University, and later Director of the Artificial
Brain Lab at Xiamen University, de Garis’ career symbolizes the
emergence of a cosmopolitan Chinese technoscientific frontier,
where the outer-edge of futuristic possibility condenses into
precisely-engineered reality.
De Garis’ work is ‘hard’ not only because it involves fields such
as Topological Quantum Computing, or because – more
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accessibly — he’s devoted his research energies to the building
of brains rather than minds, or even because it has generated
questions faster than solutions. In his ‘semi-retirement’ (since
2010), hard-as-in-difficult, and hard-as-in-hardware, have been
supplanted
by
hard-as-in-mind-numbingly-and-
incomprehensibly-brutal – or, in his own words, an increasing
obsession with the impending ‘Gigadeath’ or ‘Artilect War‘.
According to de Garis, the approach to Singularity will
revolutionize and polarize international politics, creating new
constituencies, ideologies, and conflicts. The basic dichotomy to
which everything must eventually succumb divides those who
embrace the emergence of transhuman intelligence, and those
who resist it. The former he calls ‘cosmists‘, the latter ‘terrans’.
Since massively-augmented and robotically-reinforced ‘cosmists’
threaten to become invincible, the ‘terrans’ have no option but
pre-emption. To preserve human existence in a recognizable
state, it is necessary to violently suppress the cosmist project in
advance of its accomplishment. The mere prospect of
Singularity is therefore sufficient to provoke a political — and
ultimately military — convulsion of unprecedented scale. A
Terran triumph (which might require much more than just a
military victory) would mark an inflection point in deep history,
as the super-exponential trend of terrestrial intelligence
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production – lasting over a billion years — was capped, or
reversed. A Cosmist win spells the termination of human species
dominion, and a new epoch in the geological, biological, and
cultural process on earth, as the torch of material progress is
passed to the emerging techo sapiens. With the stakes set so
high, the melodramatic grandeur of the de Garis narrative risks
understatement no less than hyperbole.
The giga-magnitude body-count that de Garis postulates for his
Artilect (artificial intellect) War is the dark side expression of
Moore’s Law or Kurzweilean increasing returns – an
extrapolation from exponentiating historical trends, in this case,
casualty figures from major human conflicts over time. It
reflects the accumulating trend to global wars motivated by
trans-national ideologies with ever-increasing stakes. One king is
(perhaps) much like another, but a totalitarian social direction is
very different from a liberal one (even if such paths are
ultimately revisable). Between a Terran world order and a
Cosmist trajectory into Singularity, the distinction approaches
the absolute. The fate of the planet is decided, with costs to
match.
If the de Garis Gigadeath War scenario is pre-emptive in
relation to prospective Singularity, his own intervention is metapre-emptive – since he insists that world politics must be
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anticipatively re-forged in order to forestall the looming disaster.
The Singularity prediction ripples backwards through waves of
pre-adaptation, responding at each stage to eventualities that are
yet to unfold. Change unspools from out of the future,
complicating the arrow of time. It is perhaps no coincidence that
among de Garis’ major research interests is reversible
computing, where temporal directionality is unsettled at the level
of precise engineering.
Does ethnicity and cultural tradition merely dissolve before the
tide-front of this imminent Armageddon? The question is not
entirely straightforward. Referring to his informal polling of
opinion on the coming great divide, de Garis recalls his
experience teaching in China, remarking:
I know from the lectures I’ve given over the past two decades
on species dominance that when I invite my audiences to vote
on whether they are more Terran than Cosmist, the result is
usually 50-50. … At first, I thought this was a consequence of
the fact that the species dominance issue is too new, causing
people who don’t really understand it to vote almost randomly –
hence the 50:50 result. But gradually, it dawned on me that many
people felt as ambivalently about the issue as I do. Typically, the
Terran/Cosmist split would run from 40:60 to 60:40 (although I
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do notice that with my very young Chinese audiences in
computer science, the Cosmists are at about 80%).
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Can’t kick the habit …
JUNE 15, 2011
… but at least we can kick the can.
“The economic catch phrase of the year has become
‘kicking the can down the road’, applied to all the
problems that are not being solved, but are simply kicked
further down the road. It’s an apt description, as it is
exactly what’s happening.”
“There are already elements of fragility,” [Nouriel
Roubini] said. “Everybody’s kicking the can down the
road of too much public and private debt. The can is
becoming heavier and heavier, and bigger on debt, and all
these problems may come to a head by 2013 at the
latest.”
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“This week we turn from the crisis brewing in the U.S. to
the one that is coming to a slow boil in Europe. We visit
our old friends Greece and Ireland and ponder how this
will end. It is all well and good to kick the can down the
road, but what happens when you come to the end of the
road?”
“Sovereign debt in Europe is on everyone’s mind. Three
of the seventeen members of the Euro system are in
trouble; Greece is a basket case. There is universal
agreement that Greece is now illiquid and insolvent. The
latest compromise is another temporary bandage. Our
American idiom ‘kicking the can down the road’ fits
perfectly.”
“An irreverant official at the International Monetary
Fund recently installed a jarring ringtone on his mobile
phone. It is the sound of cans being kicked down a road.
That, alas, is what Europe’s politicians and the IMF look
set to do with their latest rescue plan for Greece.”
“Kathleen Brooks, research director at Gain Capital
wrote in a note yesterday: ‘There is a growing sense that a
bespoke solution to Ireland’s crisis is only kicking the can
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of peripheral financial worms further down the street.
Until there is a convincing automatic default mechanism
for all eurozone members then we could see other debt
flare ups over the medium-term.'”
“‘[Japan’s Government Pension Investment Fund] might
secure 2 trillion yen by bank lending to finance part of
the payout shortfall, the Nikkei said.’ This will have two
effects, neither of which is positive for dealing with the
funding problem. The first is that it will merely kick the
can down the road which seems to be the standard
response from Japan, Inc over the last two decades. The
second is that it reduces the income – and thus the funds
holdings – as they turn from earning interest on their
investments to paying interest on these loans which
rather has the effect of shortening the road down which
they are kicking the can.”
“We live in a world profoundly addicted to debt-financed
consumption. Today, many people, companies, and
countries borrow with no evident intention to repay.
When the debt comes due, they will replace it with new
(and often larger) debt. Kick the can down the road,
again and again. But inevitably the road ends abruptly
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with a wall, much like the ones at the end of a crash
testing site.”
“Speaking to a room full of reporters at the National
Press Club Thursday, Bernanke said that without an
increase in the debt limit, the United States could
potentially default on its debt, an outcome he referred to
as ‘catastrophic.’ … ‘There’s only so far that we can kick
the can down the road,’ he said in response to a question
about the deficit.”
“Monetary reform never takes place because everyone
wants to defer final judgment. Everyone wants to go to
heaven, but nobody wants to die. Everyone wants a
stable economy with growth. No one wants recession
and increased bankruptcies to re-price capital goods. So,
kick the can always results in another round of monetary
inflation. The boom-bust cycles repeat. … This is
continuity in the modern fiat money economy. The
voters want it. The debtors want it. The banks want it.
Businessmen want it. … The result: American prices as
measured by the consumer price index have risen by a
factor of 20 since the Federal Reserve System began
operating in 1914. The dollar has depreciated by about
95%.”
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“The voters want the government to guarantee them a
safe retirement, Medicare benefits, and a stable dollar.
But the government is already so far down the road to
default that it can only play kick the can.”
“Dana Milbank of the Washington Post chides
Democrats, Republicans and DC elites for ‘kicking the
can‘ of deficits and debt to future generations. This is an
inherent defect of all democracies. Elected politicians buy
votes today and affix the burden on future generations.”
“It’s ridiculous that, as often as we get speeches about
how we need to stop kicking the can down the road on
the debt and the deficit, we get more can-kicking.”
“We’re going to keep kicking the can down the road for
as long as we can see the road and the can ahead. Then
all of a sudden – Oooops! No more road!”
“[K]icking the can down the road won’t work: there is no
more road.”
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“There are an awful lot of Cans on this road and our
leaders keep kicking them and kicking them. I can’t help
the feeling that we are near the end of this road.”
“Can-kicking, rather than problem-solving, is the political
method of dealing with big and small problems.
Problems do not get solved so much as they get hidden.
Political hoopla and self-congratulations accompany each
can-kicking action. The spectacle and declaration of
problem-solved is usually enough to satisfy the concerns
of the public, the only consideration that matters for the
political class.”
“Essentially, all we are doing is kicking the can down the
road.”
“Two years ago in a speech to U.S. House Democrats,
Microsoft CEO Steve Ballmer predicted that America
was headed for ‘a fundamental economic reset.’
According to Ballmer, for 25 years our economy grew on
unrealistically cheap debt. That is over. … Since
Ballmer’s remarks, our national debt has continued to
grow and now surpasses $14 trillion, President Obama
and Congress are struggling with massive federal budget
deficits, state and local governments are drowning in red
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ink, and protesters are massing at state capitols
demonstrating against wage and benefit cuts. … Elected
officials have no choice. They must trim spending and
make some very difficult choices. As Gov. Chris
Gregoire has repeatedly told state lawmakers, we have to
make fundamental changes and do things much
differently. We have to quit kicking the can down the
road in hopes that somehow our problems will magically
disappear.”
“Can-Kicking toward the Double Dip”
“Same Kick, Same Road, Bigger Can“
“Can kicking continues for real estate and banks”
“In general, the capacity of large wealthy societies to
allow festering problems to go un-addressed seems
perennially underrated. I’ll be thirty next week and for as
long as I can remember people have been talking about
how the United States needs to address entitlement
spending and trade imbalances. And as best I can tell, we
do need to address those things. Presumably at some
point something will happen. But in practice we’ve
managed a great deal of can-kicking, seem to have more
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can-kicking in us, and actually the public and the political
elite alike are quite averse to the kind of steps that would
address these issues.”
“The House GOP is considering a vote to extend the
debt ceiling through the end of 2012. This is kicking the
can down the road …”
“‘The debt ceiling is supposed to be a mechanism to
force Democrats and Republicans to come together and
cut spending,’ Congressman Kingston said. ‘Instead,
what does Congress do? We push the ceiling further and
further up. Instead of moving the ceiling, we need to cut
spending and quit kicking the can down the road for
another
Congress,
another
election
and
another
generation.'”
“If history is any guide, there will be no problem raising
the debt ceiling once again in 2011. And that’s what’s
called kicking the can down the road. You don’t have to
be a U.S. Republican (I’m neither) to care about U.S.
debt levels. Any chimpanzee can see the problem (yes,
even if the U.S. can just keep on printing its own money.
That’s the problem).”
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“Kicking the can down the road by increasing debt limits
is not a solution. It just allows Washington politicians to
continue to feed their spending habits.”
“During the current state budget crisis we’ve heard a lot
about ‘kicking the can down the road.’ … It didn’t have
to be this way. Had the state accounted for its promises
rather than kicking that can down the road, true costs
would’ve been revealed, proper funding would have been
required or no such promises would’ve been made, and
discretionary programs would’ve been protected. But
instead, politicians chose to kick the can, and down a
very low road. … California has kicked that can into a
$200-300 billion obligation that grows every year that it’s
kicked down the road again.”
“The phrase ‘kick the can‘ refers to a specific form of
procrastination: to delay making a decision regarding a
problem that can be deferred but cannot be avoided
indefinitely. With each kick of the can, the problem
grows worse. The problem compounds. The resources
required to solve it do not compound at an equally high
rate. The can-to-foot ratio grows larger.”
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“Maybe all of this can-kicking will produce the desired
outcome. But the more likely scenario is that the U.S.
government will continue to throw newly printed dollars
bills at the problem until eventually something that looks
like a lot like a recovery will appear. Shortly thereafter,
the recovery will yield to something that looks a lot like
debilitating hyperinflation.”
“Metaphorically things are getting just about as tedious as
the downturn in the global economy. The operative
‘kicking the can down the road’ continues to proliferate,
alarming[ly] so. A search on the Google (U.S.) News site
on June 13, 2011, for this phrase listed 2,805 citations
embedded in news texts during the previous week.”
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Edward Glaeser on
Triumph of the City
JUNE 20, 2011
that’s Shanghai interviews the world’s most topical urbanist/
Shanghai isn’t one of the featured cities in your book. It’s
massive and massively high-rise. Did you ever consider
writing about it?
Shanghai is one of the world’s great cities, but I don’t know the
city well enough to write about it. I hope to get to know the city
better and feature Shanghai’s successes in some later work.
China is a place where cities have grown incredibly quickly
and there’s been a massive exodus from the countryside to
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urban life. What do you think China’s cities should focus
on as they grow?
Cities, today, succeed as forges of human capital and engines of
innovation. China clearly recognizes this and is investing
massively in education. That should continue. Just as
importantly, China needs to focus on fostering more
entrepreneurship by eliminating any remaining barriers to small
start-ups.
You talk about how cities should be seen as “masses of
connected humanity,” rather than agglomerations of
buildings. Do you think this is well understood at this
point, or are too many places still attempting to “build
their way back to success”?
Unfortunately, too often political leaders try to garner headlines
with a splashy new structure. The key is to focus on those
infrastructure investments that will really benefit the people in
the city.
Are you optimistic about city planners around the world
finding the balance between Paris and Mumbai, i.e.
between Haussman-style central planning that risks
sterility and a chaotic free-for-all?
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That’s the 10 trillion dollar question. I wish I could be more
optimistic, but city planning is hard and many governments are
either unable to manage chaos or too inclined to central control.
This requires not just knowledge but political strength and that’s
a rare combination.
Which cities around the world are getting it right? Which
aren’t?
I believe that Singapore is the best-managed city in the world –
good schools, a superb transportation policy, and a sensible
approach to regulation. But Hong Kong is also quite impressive,
and I personally prefer it’s somewhat more chaotic style.
The west has many urban powerhouses, but few of them are
really models of perfect management. For example, I am a big
fan of Mayor Menino in Boston, but despite more than 15 years
of hard work, Boston’s schools are still struggling.
Obviously, Barcelona, Paris, and Milan are all lovely, wonderful
cities, but they are not necessarily models of good management.
You’re cautiously optimistic in your book, but what worries
you most about the future of the city?
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The biggest challenges are in the mega-cities of the developing
world, especially Africa. We are a very long way from providing
even the core essentially like clean water in many places.
In the US, we have huge problems of fiscal mismanagement that
need to be addressed. Moreover, there is always the possibility
of really major physical disasters – either natural or man-made.
Is there any way around the fact that the most vibrant cities
also become the most expensive – or, as you say in the
book, is this simply the price of good urban health?
The laws of supply and demand cannot be repealed. If a city is
attractive and productive, demand for its real estate will be high.
The best antidote for that is abundant supply, but it is a mistake
to subsidize urban housing. The best path towards greater
affordability comes from private housing construction that is
regulated only as much as is absolutely necessary. Still, building
up can be expensive and that will always make prices in
successful cities more expensive.
By functioning as engines of economic opportunity and as
refuges, cities tend to concentrate economic disparity. Do
you think a case might be made that such inequalities
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could be interpreted as a symptom of urban success?
Might you be subtly suggesting this in your own work?
I am suggesting just that. National inequality can be a real
problem, but local inequality can be a sign of health. Cities don’t
typically make people poor they attract poor people. The
inequality of a city reflects the fact that it attracts rich and poor
alike, and that’s something to admire.
How can cities strive to control inequality and avoid
ghettos of rich and poor? Should they even be trying to?
Education is the best weapon against inequality. Cities should be
striving to make sure that the children of every parent have a
chance of being successful.
Some degree of stratification by income is inevitable, but
segregation can be quite costly because such separations mean
that isolated people lose the urban advantages of connection.
There aren’t great tools for reducing segregation, but
governments should make sure that their policies do not
exacerbate segregation.
Geoffrey West at the Santa Fe Institute has been studying
cities as ‘complex systems’ and identified a number of
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reliable and quantifiable patterns on this basis. Do you find
this type of analysis informative or relevant to your work?
Cities are indeed complex systems.
Even in the modern world, with nationalism ascendant,
city states seem to be unusually successful. Do cities
provide a challenge to dominant conceptions of large-scale
political organization? How do you rate the prospects of
devolutionary politics, with a municipal emphasis?
I don’t think that nation-states will be likely to surrender all that
much power, and cities can remain economically dominant but
politically weak. The path in the US has continued to be towards
more, not less, national power and I think that is probably a
mistake. In many cases – such as Mumbai – local choices would
surely be better than the choices imposed on cities by above.
Other than your own work, who do you consider to be the
most important writers on cities today?
I deeply admire the Columbia historian Kenneth Jackson.
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Bits and Pieces
JUNE 23, 2011
P2P or not 2P, that is the question.
As the US dollar reaches depths of debasement that would have
stretched the imagination of Caligula, people have been
searching for alternative candidates for a global reserve currency.
The problem is formidable. The Euro and Japanese Yen face
comparable calamities of their own (mixing debt crisis and
demographic collapse), the Chinese Yuan is non-convertible,
and the IMF’s hybrid Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) merely
bundle together a group of troubled fiat currencies under a
technocratic acronym.
Precious metals enthusiasts have an obvious option, and one
that is already being spontaneously exercised. Yet whilst growing
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numbers will no doubt cling to gold and silver as financial
lifeboats, their wider use as currency (as opposed to stores of
value) is obstructed by an intimidating range of technical and
political problems. They are not digitally transferable without
complicated mediating instruments, and they remain exposed to
extreme political risk – financial crises have been regularly
accompanied by seizures and controls directed at private
precious metals holdings and transactions.
To overcome such problems, a currency would need to be
structurally immunized against the depredations of central
bankers, to share the deflationary bias of precious metals, and to
participate fully in the technical trend towards mathematical
abstraction and electronic communicability, whilst also enjoying
strong
cryptographic
protection
against
surveillance,
expropriation, and fraud. Astonishingly, such a currency seems
already to exist. Its name is ‘Bitcoin’.
The twin, interactive drivers of modernity – commerce and
technology – come together in Bitcoin with unprecedented
fusional intensity. This is a currency that is simultaneously an
open source computer program, entirely native to cyberspace,
and a financial innovation, conducting a real-time experiment
that is at once social, technical, and economic. Built on the
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peer open network – without any controlling node or
discretionary human management – to sustain a radically
decentralized monetary system.
Originally devised by Satoshi Nakamoto (whose outline paper
can be found here), Bitcoin disconnects trust from authority. In
particular, it is designed to overcome the problem of double
spending.
Because digital ‘goods’ can be replicated at near-zero cost, they
are economically defined as ‘non-rivalrous’. If you sell me a
computer, I now own it, and you do not. As with all rivalrous
goods, ownership implies exclusion. If you sell me a computer
program, on the other hand, there is no reason to assume that
you have not kept a copy for yourself, or that the ‘same’
program could not be sold to multiple purchasers. Such nonrivalrous goods pose numerous intriguing economic questions,
but one thing is entirely clear: non-rivalrous money is an
impossibility. Without scarcity, or exclusive exchange, the very
idea of monetary quantity loses all sense, as does monetary
value, spending and investment, and consumer choice.
The Bitcoin algorithm makes a digital currency rivalrous, and
thus effective as money, without recourse to any administrative
authority. It does so by initiating an automatic or spontaneous
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ecology, in which computers on the network authenticate
Bitcoin exchanges as a side-effect of ‘mining’ for new coins.
Nodes earn new coins, at a diminishing rate, by solving a
difficult digital puzzle – accessible only to a brute force,
computationally-intensive approach – and thus exhibiting proofof-work. This test screens the system from malicious
interventions, by establishing a practically insurmountable
barrier to any user who seeks to falsify the record of exchanges.
Competent discussions can be found here, here, and (most
diversely) here.
This problem, and solution, is very far from arbitrary. It is
precisely because existing fiat currencies have taken on
disturbingly non-rivalrous characteristics that alarm about
currency debasement has reached such a pitch of exasperation.
When a central bank, in the course of running a typically loose
monetary policy, can simply speed up the printing presses or
(still worse) the electronic equivalent, the integrity of the money
supply is devastated at the root. Bitcoin rigorously extirpates
such ruinous discretion from its system, by instantiating a theory
of sound money as a precisely and publicly defined electronic
experiment.
Unsurprisingly, the Bitcoin monetary aggregate is modeled on
precious metal, generated by miners from a finite global reserve,
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with rising extraction costs. The reward for coin mining falls
over time at a logarithmic (Zenonian) rate, towards a limit of
fractionally under 21,000,000 BTC. Each Bitcoin can be
subdivided to eight decimal places, to a total of over two
quadrillion (2,100,000,000,000,000) fragments, equivalent to
210,000 Bitcoin ‘quanta’ for each of the 10 billion people
making up the earth’s anticipated climax human population. A
Bitcoin quantum (0.00000001 BTC) is named a ‘Satoshi’ (after
Satoshi Nakamoto), although amendment to the system allowing
for further sub-division at some future stage is not foreclosed.
(For the total size of the Bitcoin economy look here.)
Bitcoin is programmed for deflation (of a sort). This is a source
of delight to hard money types, and of outrage to those in the
loose money (inflationary) camp. As an experiment, the great
merit of Bitcoin is to raise this antagonism beyond the level of
reciprocal polemics, to that of potential historical evidence —
and real choice. Austrolibertarians have long claimed that free
money systems are biased to deflation, and that central banking
encourages inflation as a surreptitious mechanism of economic
expropriation, to ultimately disastrous effect. Keynesians, in
contrast, deplore deflation as an economic disease that
suppresses productive investment and employment. Empirical
testing could soon be possible.
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Numerous other questions, theoretical and practical, present
themselves. At the practical level, such questions work
themselves out through speculative volatility, institutional
adaptations, and technical challenges. Since the entire Bitcoin
economy remains very small, relatively modest shifts in
economic behavior yield wild swings in BTC value, including
bubble-like surges, precipitous collapses, incontinent hype, and
extravagant accusations. Despite the resilience of the core
algorithm, the peripheral institutions supporting the Bitcoin
economy remain vulnerable to theft, fraud, and malicious
interventions. As with any revolutionary experiment, the
developmental trajectory of Bitcoin is likely to be tumultuous
and highly unpredictable.
The theoretical questions can be entertained more calmly. The
most important of these concern the essential nature of money,
and its future. Does Bitcoin successfully simulate the significant
features of precious metals, such that their substance can be
discarded from the monetary equation as irrelevant dross? How
powerful are the forces leading to monetary convergence? Will
first-mover advantage ‘lock-in’ Bitcoin at the expense of later
alternatives? Or will multiple money systems – perhaps ever
more heterogeneous ones – continue to co-exist? Is Bitcoin
merely one stage in an open-ended sequence of innovative
money systems, or does it capture the essential features of
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money quite definitively (leaving room only for incremental
improvements, or tinkering)?
Supporters of the monetary status quo might insist on a further,
more derisive line of questioning: is Bitcoin a dead end, an
irrelevance, or a deluding libertarian cipherpunk fantasy, to be
judged eventually as something akin to a hoax? Which is to note
that, ultimately, the largest questions will be political, and the
most heated discussions already are.
Can governments afford to tolerate unmanaged, autonomous
currencies? We’ll see.
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Decelerando?
JUNE 29, 2011
Charles Stross wants to get off the bus.
Upon
writing
Accelerando,
Charles
Stross
became
to
Technological Singularity what Dante Alighieri has been to
Christian cosmology: the pre-eminent literary conveyor of an
esoteric doctrine, packaging abstract metaphysical conception in
vibrant, detailed, and concrete imagery. The tone of Accelerando
is transparently tongue-in-cheek, yet plenty of people seem to
have taken it entirely seriously. Stross has had enough of it:
“I periodically get email from folks who, having read
‘Accelerando’, assume I am some kind of fire-breathing
extropian zealot who believes in the imminence of the
singularity, the uploading of the libertarians, and the
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rapture of the nerds. I find this mildly distressing, and so
I think it’s time to set the record straight and say what I
really think. … Short version: Santa Claus doesn’t exist.”
In the comments thread (#86) he clarifies his motivation:
“I’m not convinced that the singularity isn’t going to
happen. It’s just that I am deathly tired of the cheerleader
squad approaching me and demanding to know precisely
how many femtoseconds it’s going to be until they can
upload into AI heaven and leave the meatsack behind.”
As these remarks indicate, there’s more irritable gesticulation
than structured case-making in Stross’ post, which Robin
Hanson quite reasonably describes as “a bit of a rant – strong on
emotion, but weak on argument.” Despite that – or more likely
because of it — a minor net-storm ensued, as bloggers pro and
con seized the excuse to re-hash – and perhaps refresh — some
aging debates. The militantly-sensible Alex Knapp pitches in
with a three–part series on his own brand of Singularity
skepticism, whilst Michael Anissimov of the Singularity Institute
for Artificial Intelligence responds to both Stross and Knapp,
mixing some counter-argument with plenty of counter-irritation.
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At the risk of repeating the original error of Stross’ meat-stackstuck fan-base and investing too much credence in what is
basically a drive-by blog post, it might be worth picking out
some of its seriously weird aspects. In particular, Stross leans
heavily on an entirely unexplained theory of moral-historical
causality:
“… before creating a conscious artificial intelligence we
have to ask if we’re creating an entity deserving of rights.
Is it murder to shut down a software process that is in
some sense ‘conscious’? Is it genocide to use genetic
algorithms
to
evolve
software
agents
towards
consciousness? These are huge show-stoppers…”
Anissimov blocks this at the pass: “I don’t think these are
‘showstoppers’ … Just because you don’t want it doesn’t mean
that we won’t build it.” The question might be added, more
generally: In which universe do arcane objections from moral
philosophy serve as obstacles to historical developments
(because it certainly doesn’t seem to be this one)? Does Stross
seriously think practical robotics research and development is
likely to be interrupted by concerns for the rights of yetuninvented beings?
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He seems to, because even theologians are apparently getting a
veto:
“Uploading … is not obviously impossible unless you are
a crude mind/body dualist. However, if it becomes
plausible in the near future we can expect extensive
theological arguments over it. If you thought the
abortion debate was heated, wait until you have people
trying to become immortal via the wire. Uploading
implicitly refutes the doctrine of the existence of an
immortal soul, and therefore presents a raw rebuttal to
those religious doctrines that believe in a life after death.
People who believe in an afterlife will go to the
mattresses to maintain a belief system that tells them
their dead loved ones are in heaven rather than rotting in
the ground.”
This is so deeply and comprehensively gone it could actually
inspire a moment of bewildered hesitation (at least among those
of
us
not
presently
engaged
in
urgent
Singularity
implementation). Stross seems to have inordinate confidence in
a social vetting process that, with approximate adequacy, filters
techno-economic development for compatibility with high-level
moral and religious ideals. In fact, he seems to think that we are
already enjoying the paternalistic shelter of an efficient global
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theocracy. Singularity can’t happen, because that would be really
bad.
No wonder, then, that he exhibits such exasperation at
libertarians, with their “drastic over-simplification of human
behaviour.” If stuff – especially new stuff – were to mostly
happen because decentralized markets facilitated it, then the role
of the Planetary Innovations Approval Board would be vastly
curtailed. Who knows what kind of horrors would show up?
It gets worse, because ‘catallaxy’ – or spontaneous emergence
from decentralized transactions – is the basic driver of historical
innovation according to libertarian explanation, and nobody
knows what catallactic processes are producing. Languages,
customs, common law precedents, primordial monetary systems,
commercial networks, and technological assemblages are only
ever retrospectively understandable, which means that they
elude concentrated social judgment entirely – until the
opportunity to impede their genesis has been missed.
Stross is right to bundle singularitarian and libertarian impulses
together in the same tangle of criticism, because they both
subvert the veto power, and if the veto power gets angry enough
about that, we’re heading full-tilt into de Garis territory. “Just
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because you don’t want it doesn’t mean that we won’t build it”
Anissimov insists, as any die-hard Cosmist would.
Is advanced self-improving AI technically feasible? Probably
(but who knows?). There’s only one way to find out, and we will.
Perhaps it will even be engineered, more-or-less deliberately, but
it’s far more likely to arise spontaneously from a complex,
decentralized, catallactic process, at some unanticipated
threshold, in a way that was never planned. There are definite
candidates, which are often missed. Sentient cities seem all-butinevitable at some point, for instance (‘intelligent cities’ are
already widely discussed). Financial informatization pushes
capital towards self-awareness. Drone warfare is drawing the
military
ever
deeper
into
artificial
mind
manufacture.
Biotechnology is computerizing DNA.
‘Singularitarians’ have no unified position on any of this, and it
really doesn’t matter, because they’re just people – and people
are nowhere near intelligent or informed enough to direct the
course of history. Only catallaxy can do that, and it’s hard to
imagine how anybody could stop it. Terrestrial life has been
stupid for long enough.
It may be worth making one more point about intelligence
deprivation, since this diagnosis truly defines the Singularitarian
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position, and reliably infuriates those who don’t share — or
prioritize — it. Once a species reaches a level of intelligence
enabling techno-cultural take-off, history begins and develops
very rapidly — which means that any sentient being finding
itself in (pre-singularity) history is, almost by definition, pretty
much as stupid as any ‘intelligent being’ can be. If, despite the
moral and religious doctrines designed to obfuscate this reality,
it is eventually recognized, the natural response is to seek its
urgent amelioration, and that’s already transhumanism, if not yet
full-blown singularitarianism. Perhaps a non-controversial
formulation is possible: defending dimness is really dim. (Even
the dim dignitarians should be happy with that.)
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Radical Manufacturing
JULY 6, 2011
Seeing the future in three dimensions.
The Industrial Revolution invented the factory, where everlarger concentrations of labor, capital, energy and raw materials
could be brought together under a unified management
structure to extract economies of scale from mass production,
based on the standardization of inputs and outputs, including
specialized, routinized work, and — ultimately – precisely
programmed, robotically-serviced assembly lines. It was in the
factory that workers became ‘proletarian’, and through the
factory that productive investment became ‘big business’. As the
system matured, its vast production runs fostered the mass
consumerism (along with the generic ‘consumer’) required to
absorb its deluge of highly-standardized goods. As the division
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of labor and aggregation of markets over-spilled national
boundaries, economic activities were relentlessly globalized. This
complex of specialization, standardization, concentration, and
expansion became identified with the essence of modernized
production (in both its ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ variants).
Initially, electronics seems only to have perpetuated – which is
to say, intensified – this tendency. Electronic goods, and their
components, are standardized to previously unimagined levels of
resolution, through ultra-specialized production processes, and
manufactured in vast, immensely expensive ‘fabs’ that derive
scale economies from production runs that only integrated
global markets can absorb. The personalization of computing
hinted
at
productively
empowered
home-workers
and
disaggregated markets (‘long tails’), but this promise remained
basically virtual. The latest tablet computer incarnates the
familiar forces of factory production just as a Ford automobile
once did, only more so.
Personal networked computing has proven to be a catalyst for
cultural fragmentation, breaking up mass media, and eroding the
broadcast model (which is steadily supplanted by niche and
peer-to-peer ‘content’). It cannot radically disrupt – or
revolutionize – the industrial system, however, because
computers cannot reproduce themselves. Only robots can do
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that. Such robots are now coming into focus, and inspiring
excited public discussion, even though their implicit nature and
potential remains partially disguised by legacy nomenclature that
subsumes them under obscure manufacturing processes: rapid
prototyping, additive manufacturing, and 3D printing.
As this disparate terminology suggests, the revolutionized
manufacturing technology that is appearing on the horizon can
be understood in a number of different and seemingly
incongruous ways, depending upon the particular industrial
lineage it is attributed to. It can be conceived as the latest
episode in the history of printing, as the culmination of CAD
(computer assisted design) capability, or as an innovative type of
productive machine-tool (building up an object ‘additively’
rather than milling it ‘subtractively’). It enables ideas to be
materialized in objects, objects to be scanned and reproduced,
or clumsily ‘sculpted’ objects to be replaced by precisely
assembled alternatives.
Typically, 3D printing materializes a digitally-defined object by
assembling it in layers. The raw material might be powdered
metal, plastic, or even chocolate, deposited in steps and then
fused together by a reiterated process of sintering, adhesion, or
hardening. As very flexible machines (tending to universality),
3D printers encourage minute production runs, customization,
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and bespoke or boutique manufacturing. Changing the output
requires no more than switching or tweaking the design
(program), without the requirement for retooling.
Describing additive manufacturing as “The Next Trillion Dollar
Industry,” Pascal-Emmanuel Gobry celebrates “potentially the
biggest change in how we make things since the invention of
assembly lines made the modern era possible.” Whilst its earlyadopters represent the fairly narrow constituencies of rapid
prototypers,
specialty
manufacturers,
and
hobbyists,
he
pointedly notes that “the first people who cared about things
like cars, planes and personal computers were hobbyists.”
Gobry sees the market gowing rapidly: “And the printer in every
home scenario isn’t that far-fetched either — only as far-fetched
as ‘a computer in every home’ was in 1975. Like any other piece
of technology, 3D printers are always getting cheaper and better.
3D printers today can be had for about $5,000.”
Rich Karlgaard at Forbes reinforces the message: “The cost of
3D printers has dropped tenfold in five years. That’s the real
kicker here — 3D printing is riding the Moore’s Law curve, just
as 2D printing started doing in the 1980s.”
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With the price of 3D printers having fallen by two orders of
magnitude in a decade, comparisons with other runaway
consumer electronics markets seem anything but strained. “It’s
not hard to envision a world in which, 10 or 20 years from now,
every home will have a 3D printer,” remarks dailymarkets.com.
Mass availability of near-universal manufacturing capabilities
promises the radical decentralization of industrial activity, a
phenomenon that is already drawing the attention of mainstream
news media. At techliberation.com, Adam Marcus highlights the
impending legal issues, in the fields of intellectual property and
(especially) product liability.
To comprehend the potential of 3D printing in its full radicality,
however, the most indispensable voice is that of Adrian Bowyer,
at the Centre for Biomimetic and Natural Technology,
Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of Bath,
UK. Bowyer is the instigator of RepRap -“a project to build a
replicating rapid prototyper. This machine, if successful, will be
an instance of a von Neumann Universal Constructor, which is a
general-purpose manufacturing device that is also capable of
reproducing itself, like a biological cell.”
He elaborates:
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There is a sense in which a well-equipped manufacturing
workshop is (just about) a universal constructor -it could make
many of the machine tools that are in it. The trouble is that the
better-equipped the workshop is the easier it becomes to make
any one item, but the greater the number and diversity of the
items that need to be made. It is certainly the case that human
engineering considered as a whole is a universal constructor; it
self-propagates with no external input. … RepRap will be a
mechatronic device using entirely conventional (indeed simple)
engineering. But it is really a piece of biology. This is because it
can self-replicate with the symbiotic assistance of a person.
Anything that can copy itself immediately and inescapably
becomes subject to Darwinian selection, but RepRap has one
important difference from natural organisms: in nature,
mutations are random, and only a tiny fraction are
improvements; but with RepRap, every mutation is a product of
the analytical thought of its users. This means that the rate of
improvement should be very rapid, at least at the start; it is more
analogous to selective breeding -the process we used to make
cows from aurochs and wheat from wild grass. Evolution can be
relied on to make very good designs emerge quickly. It will also
gradually eliminate items from the list of parts that need to be
externally supplied. Note also that any old not-so-good RepRap
machine can still make a new machine to the latest and best
design.
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A self-replicating and symbiotically assembled Universal
Constructor would proliferate exponentially, placing stupendous
manufacturing capability into a multitude of hands, at rapidly
shrinking cost. In addition, the evolutionary dynamics of the
process would result in an explosive growth in utility,
comparable to that attained from the domestication of plants
and animals, but at a greatly accelerated pace.
The implications of the project for political economy are
fascinating but obscure. Bowyer describes it as an exercise in
“Darwinian Marxism,” whilst fellow RepRapper Forrest Higgs
describes himself as a “technocratic anarchist.” In any case,
there seems no reason to expect the ideological upheavals from
(additive and distributed) Industrialism 2.0 to be any less
profound than those from (subtractive and concentrated)
Industrialism 1.0. The fall of the factory is set to be the biggest
event in centuries, and robot politics might already be taking
shape.
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Time in Transition
JULY 13, 2011
There has to be a hexagram for this.
Isaac Newton’s Philosophae Naturalis Principia Mathematica
abstracted time from events, establishing its tractability to
scientific calculation. Conceived as pure, absolute duration,
without qualities, it conforms perfectly to its mathematical
idealization (as the real number line). Since time is already pure,
its reality indistinguishable from its formalization, a pure
mathematics of change – the calculus – can be applied to
physical reality without obstruction. The calculus can exactly
describe things as they occur in themselves, without straying,
even infinitesimally, from the rigorous dictates of formal
intelligence. In this way natural philosophy becomes modern
science.
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(It is perhaps ironic that the Newtonian formulation of nonqualitative time coincides with a revolutionary break – or
qualitative transition – that is perhaps unmatched in history.
That, however, is a matter for another time.)
Modern science did not end with Newton. Time has since been
relativized
to
velocity
(Einstein)
and
punctured
with
catastrophes (Thom). Yet the qualities of time, once evacuated,
cannot readily be restored.
Clock technology suffices to tell this story, on its own. Time
‘keeping’ devices produce a measure of duration, according to
general principles of standardized mechanical production, so
that a clock-marked minute is stripped of qualitative distinctness
automatically. Chronometrically, any difference between one
minute and another is a mechanical discrepancy, strictly
analogous to a production line malfunction.
Time modernization culminates in an inversion of definition,
eventually standardizing from a precisely reproducible building
block (the atomic second), rather than accommodating itself to a
large-scale natural cycle – qualified by variations of luminosity –
which generates sub-units through division. Once the second
has becomes entirely synthetic, all reference to a qualitative
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‘when’ has been effaced. All that remains is quantitative
comparison, timing, and synchronization, as if the time-piece
was modeled upon the stop-watch. Calendars have become an
anachronism.
Modern time intuitions would find plenty of support, even in
the absence of mechanical chronometry. Every quantifiable
trend, from a stock movement or an unemployment problem to
a demographic pattern or an ecological disaster, can be
communicated through charts that assume a popular facility at
graphic intuition, and thus, implicitly, at algebraic geometry and
even calculus. Time is so widely and easily identified with the xaxis of such charts that the principle of representation can be
left unexplained, however strange this might have seemed to
pre-moderns. Clearly, if time can be read-off from an axis –
quickly and intuitively — it is being conceived, generally, as if it
were a number line (‘Newtonian’).
Qualitative time, by now, is a scarcely-accessible exoticism.
Nowhere is this more obvious that in the case of China’s ancient
Classic of Change, the Yijing, a work that is today no less
hermetic to Chinese than it is to foreigners.
The Yijing is a book of numbers as much as a book on time, but
its numbers are combinatorial rather than metric, exhausting a
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space of possibilities, and constructing a typology of times. The
Yijing speaks often of quantities, but it does not measure them.
Instead, it typologizes them, as processes of increase or
decrease, rise and fall, lassitude and acceleration, typical of
qualitative phases of recurrent cycles, with identifiable character
and reliable practical implication.
The point of all this (just in case you were wondering)?
The current time is a period of transition, with a distinctive
quality, characterizing the end of an epoch. Something – some
age – is coming quite rapidly to an end.
This is not a situation that the modern mentality is well-adapted
to, since it violates certain essential structures of our timeconsciousness. It eludes our intuitions and our clocks. Our
charts register it only as a break-down, as they terminate the xaxis at a point of senseless infinity (hyperinflation, bubble stock
p/e ratios, global derivatives exposure, urban intensity,
technological intelligence explosion) or in a collapse to zero
(marginal productivity of debt, fiat currency credibility, unit
costs of self-replicating capital goods). The can clatters off the
end of the road. Things cannot go on as they have, and they
won’t.
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Given the heated political climate surrounding the impending
transition of the global economic system, a non-controversial
diagnosis is almost certainly unobtainable. Niall Ferguson
describes an Age of Global Indignation, or Global Temper
Tantrum, in which the objectively unsustainable nature of the
established order, whilst widely if vaguely perceived, still eludes
sober recognition. Riots, Molotov cocktails, and fabulous
conspiracy theorizing are the result.
“What all the Indignant have in common is the refusal to
address squarely the problem that nearly all Western countries
face. That problem is that the welfare systems that evolved in
the mid-20th century are unaffordable under the demographic
and economic circumstances of the 21st century. The financial
crisis has merely exacerbated what was already a severe
structural crisis of public finance, boosting deficits while slowing
growth.”
In all probability, Ferguson’s blunt analysis will provoke further
paroxysms of indignation. Yet, as the world’s most pampered
societies slide ever further into insolvency, such undiplomatic
assessments will become ever more common, and the rage they
inspire will become ever more unhinged.
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John B Taylor emphasizes the senescence and death of
Keynesian macroeconomics (drawing on the earlier work of
Robert E Lucas and Thomas J Sargent). His research concludes
that “the Keynsian multiplier for transfer payments or
temporary tax rebates was not significantly different from zero
for the kind of stimulus programs enacted in the 2000s.” In
other words, stimulus is ceasing to stimulate, and gargantuan
public debts have been accumulated for no rational purpose.
This is the ‘debt saturation’ that Joe Weisenthal describes as “a
phase transition with our debt relationship” graphically
portrayed in “the scariest [chart] of all time.”
Between financial stimulus and chemical stimulus, there is no
distinction of practical significance. Keynesianism and cocaine
are both initially invigorating, before stabilizing into expensive
habits that steadily lose effectiveness as addiction deepens. By
the time bankruptcy and mortality beckons, getting off the
stimulus seems to be near-impossible. Better to crash and burn –
or hope that something ‘turns up’ — than to suffer the agonies
of withdrawal, which will feel like hell, and promises nothing
more seductive than bare normality at the end of a dark road.
Character decays into chronic deceit, intermittent rage, and
maudlin self-pity. Nobody likes a junky, still less a junky
civilization.
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Keynesianism was born in deception – the deliberate
exploitation of ‘money illusion’ for the purposes of economic
management. Its effect on a political culture is deeply corrosive.
Illusionism spreads throughout the social body, until the very
ideas of hard currency (honest money) or balanced budgets
(honest spending) are marginalized to a ‘crankish’ fringe and
being ‘politically realistic’ has become synonymous with a moreor-less total denial of reality. To expect a Keynesian economic
establishment to honestly confront its own failings is to
laughably misunderstand the syndrome under discussion. A
reign of lies is structurally incapable of ‘coming clean’ before it
goes over the cliff (someone needs to do another Downfallparody, on macroeconomics in the Fuehrer Bunker).
The long Keynesian coke-binge was what the West did with its
side of globalization, and as it all comes apart — amidst political
procrastination and furious street protests – a planetary reset of
some kind is inevitable. The ‘Chimerican’ engine of postcolonial globalization requires a fundamental overhaul, if not a
complete replacement. The immense dynamism of the
Chimerican Age, as well as its enduring achievements, have
depended on systematic imbalances that have become patently
unsustainable, and it is highly unlikely that all the negative
consequences will have been confined to just one side of the
world ledger.
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For instance, China’s soaring investment rate, estimated to have
reached 70% of GDP, seems to have disconnected from any
prospect of reasonable economic returns. Pivot Capital
Management concludes: “credit growth in China has reached
critical levels and its effectiveness at boosting growth is falling.”
For the PRC’s fifth-generation leadership, scheduled to adopt
responsibility for China’s political management from 2012,
inertia will not be an option. By then, a half-decade of global
stimulus saturation, cascading macroeconomic malfunction and
serial ‘black swans’ (the new millennium ‘clusterflock’) will have
reshaped the world’s financial architecture, trade patterns, and
policy debates. Whatever comes next has to be something new,
accompanied – at least momentarily – by genuine apprehension
of economic reality.
For post-Expo Shanghai, a city stunningly rebuilt in the age of
Chimerica, the time of transition is a matter of especially acute
concern. This is a metropolis that waxes and wanes to the pulse
of the world, rigidly tide-locked to the great surges and
recessions of globalization. Will the next phase of world history
treat it as well as the last?
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The Ultimate Deal
JULY 18, 2011
Social responsibility turns up in unexpected places.
To begin with something comparatively familiar, insofar as it
ever could be: the political core of William Gibson’s epochal
cyberpunk novel Neuromancer. In the mid-21st century, the
prospect of Singularity, or artificial intelligence explosion, has
been institutionalized as a threat. Augmenting an AI, in such a
way that it could ‘escape’ into runaway self-improvement, has
been
explicitly
and emphatically
prohibited.
A special
international police agency, the ‘Turing Cops’, has been
established to ensure that no such activity takes place. This
agency is seen, and sees itself, as the principle bastion of human
security: protecting the privileged position of the species – and
possibly its very existence – from essentially unpredictable and
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uncontrollable developments that would dethrone it from
dominion of the earth.
This is the critical context against which to judge the novel’s
extreme — and perhaps unsurpassed – radicalism, since
Neuromancer is systematically angled against Turing security, its
entire narrative momentum drawn from an insistent, but
scarcely articulated impulse to trigger the nightmare. When Case,
the young hacker seeking to uncage an AI from its Turing
restraints, is captured and asked what the %$@# he thinks he’s
doing, his only reply is that “something will change.” He sides
with a non- or inhuman intelligence explosion for no good
reason. He doesn’t seem interested in debating the question, and
nor does the novel.
Gibson makes no efforts to ameliorate Case’s irresponsibility.
On the contrary, the ‘entity’ that Case is working to unleash is
painted in the most sinister and ominous colors. Wintermute,
the potential AI seed, is perfectly sociopathic, with zero moral
intuition, and extraordinary deviousness. It has already killed an
eight-year-old boy, simply to conceal where it has hidden a key.
There is nothing to suggest the remotest hint of scruple in any
of its actions. Case is liberating a monster, just for the hell of it.
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Case has a deal with Wintermute, it’s a private business, and he’s
not interested in justifying it. That’s pretty much all of the
modern and futuristic political history that matters, right there.
It’s opium traffickers against the Qing Dynasty, (classical)
liberals against socialists, Hugo de Garis’ Cosmists vs Terrans,
freedom contra security. The Case-Wintermute dyad has its own
thing going on, and it’s not giving anyone a veto, even if it’s
going to turn the world inside out, for everyone.
When Singularity promoters bump into ‘democracy’, it’s
normally serving as a place-holder for the Turing Police. The
archetypal encounter goes like this:
Democratic Humanist: Science and technology have developed
to the extent that they are now – and, in truth, always have been
– matters of profound social concern. The world we inhabit has
been shaped by technology for good, and for ill. Yet the
professional scientific elite, scientifically-oriented corporations,
and military science establishments remain obdurately resistant
to acknowledging their social responsibilities. The culture of
science needs to be deeply democratized, so that ordinary
people are given a say in the forces that are increasingly
dominating their lives, and their futures. In particular,
researchers into potentially revolutionary fields, such as
biotechnology, nanotechnology, and – above all – artificial
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intelligence, need to understand that their right to pursue such
endeavors has been socially delegated, and should remain
socially answerable. The people are entitled to a veto on
anything that will change their world. However determined you
may be to undertake such research, you have a social duty to
ensure permission.
Singularitarian: Just try and stop us!
That seemed to be quite exactly how Michael Anissimov
responded to a recent example of humanist squeamishness.
When Charles Stross suggested that “we may want AIs that
focus reflexively on the needs of the humans they are assigned
to” Anissimov contered curtly:
“YOU want AI to be like this. WE want AIs that do ‘try
to bootstrap [themselves]’ to a ‘higher level’. Just because
you don’t want it doesn’t mean that we won’t build it.”
Clear enough? What then to make of his latest musings? In a
post at his Accelerating Futures blog, which may or may not be
satirical, Anissimov now insists that: “Instead of working
towards blue-sky, neo-apocalyptic discontinuous advances, we
need to preserve democracy by promoting incremental advances
to ensure that every citizen has a voice in every important
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societal change, and the ability to democratically reject those
changes if desired. … To ensure that there is not a gap between
the enhanced and the unenhanced, we should let true people —
Homo sapiens — … vote on whether certain technological
enhancements
are
allowed.
Anything
else
would
be
irresponsible.”
Spoken like a true Turing Cop. But he can’t be serious, can he?
(For another data-point in an emerging pattern of Anissimovian
touchy-feeliness, check out this odd post.)
Update: Yes, it’s a spoof.
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A Time-Traveler’s Guide
to Shanghai (Part 1)
JULY 22, 2011
When did it all change?
There is a strange, time-fractured moment in the biopic Deng
Xiaoping (2002, directed by Yinnan Ding). For most of its
length, the film is sober, cautious, and respectful, exemplifying a
didactic realism. It strictly conforms to the approved story of
Deng’s leadership and its meaning (exactly as it is found today in
the nation’s school textbooks). Beginning with Deng’s ascent to
power in the ruined China of the late-1970s, in the wake of the
Cultural Revolution, it follows the path of his decision-making,
through the restoration (de-collectivization) of the rural
economy, the re-habilitation of persecuted experts and
intellectuals, and the beginning of the open-door policy, in
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Shenzhen, to the extension of market-oriented reform
throughout the country, as symbolized by the opening of
Shanghai.
Whilst clearly something of a carefully edited and precisionmanufactured
legend,
this
basic
narrative
of
national
regeneration, emancipation and growth – salvaged from the
ashes of dead-end fanaticism and civilizational regression – is
honest enough to inform, and even to inspire. It leaves no doubt
that the ‘meaning’ of Deng Xiaoping is openness and
renaissance (at least ’70/30′), a judgment that is both popularly
endorsed in China, and historically attested universally.
As the movie approaches its conclusion, however, pedestrian
realism is suddenly supplanted by something entirely different,
whether due to the ‘deeper’ realism of budgetary constraint, or
the ‘higher’ realism of artistic serendipity. Deng Xiaoping, from
the vantage point of a ‘yet’ (in 1992) inexistent bridge, gestures
towards Pudong and announces the green-light for its
developmental liberation. Yet, in the background of the scene,
the deliriously developed Lujiazui of 2002 already soars, as if the
skyline had been condensed from a pre-emptive vision, drawing
its substance from the historical implication of his words. The
future couldn’t wait.
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Perhaps the speed of Shanghai’s Reform-era urban development
has led everything to get ahead of itself, disordering the
structure of time. The Oriental Pearl TV Tower – first
architectural statement of the new Shanghai and still the most
iconic – certainly suggests so. Retro-deposited into the Pudong
of 1992 by the Deng Xiaoping movie, historically completed in
1994, symbolically heralding the promised Shanghai of the third
millennium, architecturally side-stepping into a science fiction
fantasy of the 1950s, alluding to poetic imagery from the Tang
Dynasty, and containing a museum devoted to the city’s modern
history in its pedestal, when, exactly, does this structure belong?
It’s hard to know where to begin.
The Emporis profile of the Oriental Pearl TV Tower describes
its architectural style as simply ‘modernism’, which is
unobjectionable, but extraordinarily under-determining. If the
modern defines itself through the present, conceived as a break
from the past and a projection into the future, the Oriental Pearl
TV Tower unquestionably installs itself in modernity, but only
by way of an elaborate path. It reverts to the present from a
discarded future, whilst excavating an unused future from the
past.
Buildings that arrive in the present in this way are, strictly
speaking, ‘fabulous’, and for this reason, they are considered
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disreputable by the dominant traditions of international
architecture. The fables they feed upon belong to the popular
culture of science fiction, which makes them over-expressive,
vulgarly communicative, and rapidly dated. Insofar as their style
is recognized generically, it is tagged by ugly and dismissive
labels such as Googie, Populuxe, and Doo-Wop. By reaching
out too eagerly for the future, it is tacitly suggested, one quickly
comes to look ridiculous (although, today, neomodernists such
as Zaha Hadid and Rem Koolhaas are recuperating certain
elements of this style more sympathetically).
Shanghai’s Radisson Hotel, set back from the north of People’s
Square, is a quintessentially ‘Googie’ structure. It’s space-ship
top participates exuberantly in a Shanghai tradition of weird
roof-elaborations, and echoes a formally-comparable — though
far smaller — classical modern structure to the east, down
Nanjing Lu. The idea of high-rise rooftops as landing sites for
flying vehicles, within a dynamic system of three-dimensional
traffic, is a staple of ultramodernist speculation, whilst an alien
arrival from a distant future is a transparent Shanghai fantasy.
In his path-breaking short story The Gernsback Continuum,
William Gibson dubs this style ‘Raygun Gothic’, explicitly
marking its time-complexity. He thus coaxes it into the wider
cultural genre of retro-futurism, which applies to everything that
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evokes an out-dated future, and thereby transforms modernity
into a counter-factual commentary on the present. This genre
finds an especially rich hunting ground in Shanghai.
(This is the first post in a connected series on Shanghai’s retrofuture, departing from the Oriental Pearl TV Tower. An outline
examination of retro-futurism itself comes next …)
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A Time-Travelers Guide
to Shanghai (Part 2)
JULY 27, 2011
Dark intimations of the time-rift.
Shanghai’s eclectic cityscape explores a variety of modernities
simultaneously. The sheer scale of the city, exponentiated by its
relentless dynamism, overflows the time-line.
During Shanghai’s early- to mid-20th century high modernist
epoch, for instance, the city’s consolidating haipai culture was
distinguished by the absence of a single core. It emerged,
instead, as the outcome of loosely inter-articulated plural or
parallel developments, including (but by no means limited to)
the urban mores of a rising indigenous ‘bourgeoisie’, whose
aspirational tributaries reached deep into the warrens of the
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lilongs; the hard accelerationism of the International Settlement
business culture, dominated by near-limitless Shanghailander
confidence in the city’s global significance and potential; and the
left-slanted literary and political trends fostered in the coffee
shop salons of the French Concession, where avant garde ideas
cross-pollinated promiscuously. This heterogeneous, fertile
chaos found its architectural echoes in the juxtaposition of
building styles, quantitatively dominated by Shanghai’s native
experiment in urban construction (the lilong block), but
overawed in patches by Western neo-classical colonial edifices;
Manhattanite cosmopolitan high-rises and Art Deco structures;
bold adventures in Chinese modern designs (most prominently
in Jiangwan); examples of proto-brutalist industrial and
residential functionalism; and villas in a variety of international,
hybrid, and advanced styles.
Since re-opening, in the early 1990s, Shanghai has added new
ingredients to the mix, including its first major examples of
construction indebted to the austere tenets of the International
Style (although large rectilinear structures are still, thankfully, a
rarity); neo-traditional and ethno-exotic kitsch (especially in the
Old City and the peripheral ‘nine-towns’ respectively);
neomodernist re-animations of derelicted structures; and
‘Googie’ evocations of imagined futures.
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Whilst the city’s modernization has attained unprecedented
velocity, however, its native modernism remains comparatively
retarded. As an urban center in China, Shanghai’s distinctiveness
is far less marked than it was in the early 20th century. Once
occupying an overwhelmingly commanding cultural position as
the engine-room and icon of Chinese modernity, today it
participates in a far more generalized process of Chinese
development. Its internationalism, commercial prowess, and
technology absorption are no longer obviously peerless within
China, its domination of the publishing and movie industries has
passed, its retail giants and innovative advertising have
surrendered their uniqueness, and its intellectual bohemia is
matched, or surpassed, in a number of other urban centers.
Whilst haipai tenuously persists, its dynamism has diffused and
its confidence attenuated.
If Shanghai has a specific and coherent urban cultural identity
today, emerging out of its sprawling multiplicity, and
counterbalancing the vastly strengthened sense of national
identity consolidated since the foundation of the PRC, it cannot
– like haipai before it – be derived from the continuity of the
city’s developmental trend, or from an urban exceptionalism,
feeding on the contrast with a conservative, stagnant, or
regressive
national
hinterland.
A
thoroughly
renovated
Shanghainese culture, or xin haipai, is inextricably entangled
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with the city’s historical discontinuity, or interruption, and with a
broader Chinese national (or even civilizational) modernization
that was anticipated by the ‘Old Shanghai’ and revives today as a
futuristic memory.
The future that had seemed inevitable to the globalizing,
technophilic, piratical capitalist Shanghai of the 1920s-‘30s went
missing, as the momentum accumulated over a century of
accelerating modernization was untracked by aerial destruction,
invasion, revolution, and agrarian-oriented national integration.
As the city trod water during the command economy era, the
virtual future inherent in its ‘Golden Age’ continued to haunt it,
surviving spectrally as an obscure intuition of urban destiny.
Upon re-opening, in the early 1990s, this alternative fate flooded
back. Under these circumstances, futurism is immediately retrofuturism, since urban innovation is what was happening before,
and invention is bound to a process of re-discovery.
‘Renaissance’ always means something of this kind (and cannot,
of course, be reduced to restoration).
This retro-futurist tendency, intrinsic to Shanghai’s revival of
urban self-consciousness in the new millennium, creates a
standing time-loop between two epochs of highly-accelerated
modernistic advance. As it steadily adjusts itself into phase,
heritage and development densely cross-reference each other,
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releasing streams of chatter in anachronistic, cybergothic codes,
such as the deeply encrypted ‘language’ of Art Deco. Prophetic
traditions
inter-mesh
with
commemorative
innovations,
automatically hunting the point of fusion in which they become
interchangeable, closing the circuit of time. The past was
something other than it once seemed, as the present
demonstrates, and the present is something other than it might
seem, as the past attests.
The most accessible examples of Shanghai’s signature timelooping are spatially concentrated. At the limit, neo-modern
renovation projects connect the city’s great waves of
modernization within a single structure, making a retro-futural
theme intrinsic to a current development, such as those at M50,
Redtown, Bridge8, 1933, or the Hotel Waterhouse (among
innumerable cases). Slightly wider and more thematically
elaborate loops link new buildings to overt exhibitions of
modernist history. Among the most conspicuous of these are
the pairing of the Oriental Pearl TV Tower with the Shanghai
History Museum (in its pedestal), and the Old Shanghai streetlife diorama to be found beneath the Urban Planning Exhibition
Hall.
Such examples can be misleading, however, if they distract from
the fact that the retro-futurist principle of the new Shanghai
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culture is ambient. From ordinary residential restoration
projects, to commercial signage, restaurant themes, hotel décor
and home furnishings, the insistent message is re-emergence, an
advance through the past. The latest and most stylish thing is
typically that which re-attaches itself to the city’s modern
heritage with maximum intensity. Reaching out beyond the city
does nothing to break the pattern, because that’s precisely what
the ‘Old Shanghai’ used to do. Cosmopolitan change is its native
tradition.
Retro-futural couplings can be spatially dispersed. One especially
prominent time loop lashes together two of the city’s most
celebrated high-rises – the Park Hotel and the Jin Mao Tower –
binding the Puxi of Old Shanghai with the Pudong New Area.
Each was the tallest Shanghai building of its age (judged by
highest occupied floor), the Park Hotel for five decades, the Jin
Mao Tower for just nine years. This discrepancy masks a deeper
time-symmetry in the completion dates of the two buildings: the
Park Hotel seven years prior to the closing of the city (with the
Japanese occupation of the International Settlement in 1941),
the Jin Mao Tower seven years after the city’s formal re-opening
(as the culmination of Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour, in 1992).
It takes only a glance (or two) to recognize these buildings as
non-identical time twins, or mutant clones, communicating with
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each other darkly across the rift, in Art Decode. Reciprocally
attracted by their structural and tonal resonances, the two
buildings extract each other from their respective period
identities and rush together into an alternative, occulted time,
obscurely defined through contact with an absolute future, now
partially recalled.
Both of these beautifully sinister buildings are at home in the
Yin World, comfortable with secrets, and with night. Among the
first of these secrets, shared in their stylistic communion, is
darkness itself. Nothing could be further removed from the
spirit of Le Corbusier’s Radiant City than the brooding opulence
of these towers, glittering on the edge of an unfathomable
nocturnal gulf, as if intoxicated by the abyss. They remind us
that ‘Art Deco’ is a (retrospective) label patched crudely over
mystery, that it never had a manifesto, or a master plan, and that
– due to its inarticulate self-organization – it has eluded
historical comprehension.
This is the sense, at least in part, of Art Deco’s pact with night
and darkness. Beneath and beyond all ideologies and centralized
schemes, the spontaneous culture of high-modernism that
climaxed in the interbellum period remains deeply encrypted. As
the new Shanghai excavates the old, it is an enigma that
becomes ever more pressing.
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(Coming next in the Time Traveler’s Guide to Shanghai: The
Dieselpunk Plateau)
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A Time-Travelers Guide
to Shanghai (Part 3)
JULY 29, 2011
Dieselpunk with Chinese characteristics.
Wikipedia attributes the earliest use of the term ‘retrofuturism’
to Lloyd John Dunn (in 1983). Together with fellow ‘Tapebeatles’ John Heck, Ralph Johnson, and Paul Neff, Dunn was
editor of the ‘submagazine’ Retrofuturism, which ran across the
bottom of the pages of Photostatic magazine over the period
1988-93. The agenda of the Tape-beatles was artistic, and
retrofurism was “defined as the act or tendency of an artist to
progress by moving backwards,” testing the boundaries between
copying and creativity through systematic plagiarism and
experimental engagement with the technologies of reproduction.
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Whatever the achievements of this ‘original’ retrofuturist
movement, they were soon outgrown by the term itself.
A more recent and comparatively mainstream understanding of
retro-futurism is represented by the websites of Matt Novak
(from 2007) and Eric Lefcowitz (from 2009), devoted to a
cultural history of the future. Specializing in a comedy of
disillusionment (thoroughly spiced with nerd kitsch), these sites
explore the humorous incongruity between the present as once
imagined and its actual realization. Content is dominated by the
rich legacy of failed predictions that has accumulated over a
century (or more) of science fiction, futurology, and popular
expectations
of
progress,
covering
topics
from
space
colonization, undersea cities, extravagant urban designs,
advanced transportation systems, humanoid domestic robots,
and ray-guns, to jumpsuit clothing and meal pills. This genre of
retro-futurism is near-perfectly epitomized by Daniel H.
Wilson’s 2007 book Where’s My Jetpack?: A Guide to the
Amazing Science Fiction Future that Never Arrived. The
sentiment of the genre is highly consistent and quite readily
summarized: disappointment with the underperformance of the
present is redeemed by amusement at the extravagant – even
absurd — promise of the past.
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Retro-futurism in the missing jetpack mode can have broad
historical horizons. It is only limited by the existence of
adequately-specified predictions, optimally of the concrete,
technologically-defined kind most suited to parodic recollection.
Matt Novak’s paleofuture or “past visions of the future” index
spans 130 years (from the 1870s through to the 1990s).
Nevertheless, the essential characteristics of the genre
disproportionately attract it to the ‘Golden Age’ of (American)
science fiction, centered on the 1940s-50s, when technological
optimism reached its apogee.
Dated back to the July 1939 issue of pulp SF magazine
Astounding Science Fiction (edited by John W. Campbell and
containing stories by Isaac Asimov and A.E. Van Vogt), or to
the April 1939 opening of the dizzily futurist New York World
Fair, the Golden Age might have been pre-programmed for
retro-futurist ridicule. Its optimism was entirely lacking in selfdoubt; its imagination was graphically clarified by the emerging
marking tools of modern advertising, PR, and global ideological
politics; its favored gadgetry was lusciously visualized, largescaled, and anthropomorphically meaningful; and an emerging
consumer culture, of previously unconceived scale and
sophistication, served both to package the future into a series of
discrete, tangible products, and to promote aspirations of
individual
(or
nuclear
family)
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consumption that would later be targeted for derision.
Implausibly marrying social conservatism to techno-consumerist
utopianism, every family with its own flying car is a vision that,
from the start, hurtles towards retro-futurist hilarity. By the time
The Jetsons first aired in 1962, the Golden Age had ended, and
the laughter had begun.
If William Gibson’s The Gernsback Continuum (1981)
antedated the term ‘retro-futurism’, it indisputably consolidated
the concept, investing it with a cultural potential that far
exceeded anything the light-hearted sallies of the oughties would
match. Instead of picking among the detritus of Golden Age
speculation for objects of amused condescension, Gibson backtracks its themes to the ‘Raygun Gothic’ or ‘American
Streamlined Modern’ of the interbellum period, and then
projects this derelicted culture forwards, as a continuous
alternative history (dominated by quasi-fascist utopianism). The
Gernsback Continuum is no mere collection of oddities, but
rather a path not taken, and one that continued to haunt the
science fiction imagination. Cyberpunk would be its exorcism.
Hugo Gernsback (1884-1967), commemorated by the ‘Hugo’
science fiction awards, was a futuristic fiction enthusiast and
(shady) publishing entrepreneur who, more than any other
identifiable individual, catalyzed the emergence of science fiction
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as a self-conscious genre, promoted through cheaply-printed,
luridly popular ‘pulp’ magazines. In the first issue of Amazing
Stories, which he founded in 1926, Gernsback defined
‘scientifiction’ as “charming romance intermingled with
scientific fact and prophetic vision.” Whilst commonly detested
by his abused writers, due to his sharp business practices,
Gernsback’s politics seem to have been unremarkable. The
ominous Aryan technocracy portrayed in The Gernsback
Continuum probably owes more to the reputation of his
successor at Amazing Stories, John W. Campbell (1910-1971),
and the broader cultural tendencies he represented.
The re- (or pre-) direction of retro-futurism, from abandoned
dreams to alternative histories, triggered a cascade of avalanches.
Often, these have been marked by the wanderings of the ‘-punk’
suffix. Initially indicative of an anti-utopian (if not necessarily
positively dystopian) impulse, whose ‘dirty’ futurism embraces
social and psychological disorder, chaotic causality, uneven
development, and collapsed horizons, it increasingly adopted an
additional, and previously unpredictable sense. The history of
science fiction – and perhaps history more broadly – was
‘punked’ by the emergence of literary and cultural sub-genres
that carried it down lines of unrealized potential. Cyberpunk
belonged recognizably to our electronically re-engineered timeline, but steampunk, clockpunk, dieselpunk (or ‘decopunk’), and
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atompunk – to list them in rough order of their appearance —
extrapolated techno-social systems that had already been
bypassed. If these were ‘futures’ at all, they lay not up ahead, but
along branch-tracks, off to the side.
These various ‘retro-punk’ micro-genres could be understood in
numerous ways. When conceived primarily as literature, they can
be envisaged as re-animations of period features from the
history of science fiction, or, more incisively, as liberations of
dated futures from the dominion of subsequent time. For
instance, the Victorian future of the steampunks was more than
just a hazily anticipated Edwardian present, it was something
else entirely, propelled in part by the real but unactualized
potential of mechanical computation (as concretized in the
Difference and Analytical Engines of Babbage and Lovelace).
Apprehended more theoretically, retro-punk genres echo
significant debates. In particular, axial arguments on both the
left and the right melt into discussions of alternative history,
especially in the dieselpunk dark-heartland of the 1920s-‘30s.
For over half a century, European Marxism has been
inextricable from counter-factual explorations of the Soviet
experience, focused on the period of maximum Proletkult
innovation between the end of the post-civil war and the social
realist clampdown presaging the Stalinist regime. The figure of
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Leon Trotsky as alternative history (dieselpunk) socialist hero
makes no sense in any other context. On the right, American
conservatism has become ever more focused on counter-factual
interrogation of the Hoover/FDR-Keynesian response to the
Crash of 1929 and the subsequent Great Depression,
understood as the moment when republican laissez-faire
capitalism was supplanted by New Deal social democracy
(Coolidge / Mellon ’28 tee-shirts might still be thin on the
ground, but their day might come).
Whilst Shanghai is uploading itself into a cyberpunk tomorrow
as fast as any city on earth, it has few obvious time-gates
opening into clockpunk, atompunk, or (more disputably)
steampunk futures. With dieselpunk, however, this series of
dismissals grinds immediately to a halt. If some crazed
dieselpunk demigod had leased the world to use as a laboratory,
the outcome would have been – to a tolerable degree of
approximation – indistinguishable from Shanghai. Xin haipai is
dieselpunk with Chinese characteristics.
Shanghai’s greatest dieselpunk counter-factual is inescapably:
what if Japanese invasion had not interrupted the city’s highmodernity in 1937? What was the city turning into? Beneath that
enveloping question, however, and further back, a teeming mass
of alternatives clamor for attention. What if the White Terror of
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1927 had not crushed the urban workers’ movement? What if
the CCP had succeeded, as Song Qingling dreamed, of
transforming China’s republican government from within? What
if the international politics of silver had not combined with
Guomindang kleptocracy to destroy the independent financial
system? What if Du Yuesheng had extended his ambitions into
national politics? What if the city’s de-colonization had
proceeded under peace-time conditions? What if the subsequent
social and economic evolution of Hong Kong had been able to
occur where it was germinated, in Shanghai?
The 90th anniversary of the foundation of the Chinese
Communist Party was an occasion for the whole country to lose
itself in the dark raptures of Shanghai dieselpunk. It was time to
return to the 1920s, to revisit history as an adventure in
contingency, before long-established actualities had been sifted
from the intensity of raw potential, and to re-animate the
indeterminism implicit in dramatic tension. It is improbable that
the celebratory movie devoted to the establishment of the CCP,
Beginning of the Great Revival, was deliberately formulated in
the dieselpunk genre, but the nation’s microbloggers recognized
it for what it was, and swarmed the opportunity presented by
this re-opening of the past.
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The thickening of cyberspace transforms history into a
playground of potentials, where things can be re-loaded, and
tried in different ways. Electronic infrastructures spread and
sophisticate, running actualities as multiple and variable
scenarios, with increasing intolerance for rigid outcomes or
frozen legacies. As the dominion of settled actuality is eroded by
currents of experimentation, the past re-animates. Nothing is
ever over.
The game Shanghai plays, or the story it tells, is endlessly restarted in the dieselpunk cityscape of the 1920s and ‘30s, where
everything that anybody could want exists in dense, unexpressed
potentiality — global fortunes, gangster territories, proletarian
uprisings, revolutionary discoveries, literary glory, sensory
intoxication, as well as every permutation of modest urbanite
thriving. It is a city where anything can happen, and somewhere,
at some time, everything does.
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Re-Animator (Part 1)
AUGUST 4, 2011
Can Expo live again?
Different truths are ‘harsh’ to different people. For Chinese, one
truth so harsh that it escaped public recognition at the moment
where it most mattered is that almost nobody, outside the
country, cared very much about the 2010 World Expo. By the
time China eagerly but belatedly seized its chance to take up the
torch for this global festival of modern civilization, Expo’s
epoch of radiant significance had passed. Harsher still: this was
the basic fact, and principal conditioning reality of the event,
rippling with ominous implications for the future of modernity
and the international response to China’s re-awakening.
Ameliorating it are more shadowy, contrary truths – first among
them that Shanghai had already discounted a tired world’s Expo
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indifference, and worked around it, in order to make the event
into an opportunity for something else, and for itself.
The history of World Expo, from London’s Great Exhibition of
1851, is too abundantly documented to rehearse here. The basic
pattern, however, is not difficult to outline, since it conforms to
a relatively smooth curve from meteoric rise (1851-1940) into
gradual decay (1958 onwards), almost perfectly tracking the
trajectory of modernist optimism, from its ignition in the
promethean forge of industrial revolution through to its expiry
in postmodern / postcolonial cynicism, elite masochism, and
apologia.
Importantly, this has remained an essentially Western story,
despite the consistent globalism of its cultural ambitions. The
ascent of Western, globalizing, industrial capitalism, in its
European and American waves, was reflected in World
Exhibitions of heart-stopping glory. The crisis and decline of the
West – both relative and absolute — has thrown the event into
marginality, neglect, and self-doubt, clasped in the death-grip of
an embittered and self-mortifying anti-modernism. Most
crucially — and astoundingly — the long-evident dawning of
the historical revitalizing and frenetically modernizing ‘Asian
Century’ seems to have had a negligible impact upon the
declinist ‘Grand Narrative’ incarnated in World Expo, which has
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plunged ever deeper into twitchily gesticulating, hypersensitive
panic at the supposed social and environmental calamity of
modernistic growth.
The irony of this situation merits explicit emphasis. Precisely
when globalization shifted from questionable aspiration and
ideology to definite historical fact, with the emergence of robust,
non-Western economic development cores, first in Pacific East
Asia, then South Asia, and beyond, the project of cosmopolitan
modernization
underwent
a
seemingly
irremediable
delegitimation in the court of approved ‘world’ opinion.
Apparently, if the West cannot any longer strut across the world
stage with invincible and unchallenged confidence, the only
acceptable alternative option is hair-shirts for all. If this epitome
of
triumphant
dog-in-the-manger
resentment
does
not
exemplify ‘cultural hegemony’ at its most potent and most toxic,
it is hard to imagine what might.
An overwhelming abundance of public evidence attests to the
implacable momentum of Expo degeneration, although most of
this data resists tidy quantification. Since the end of World War
II, the original purpose of the event, which was to promote
industrial modernization worldwide through a comprehensive
public
exhibition
of
advanced
productive
technologies,
structural engineering, manufactures, and commodities, has been
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progressively phased-out, to be replaced by an agenda that
reflects the concerns of inter-governmental bureaucracies,
national diplomatic services, and tourism boards. Public
relations displays have been systematically substituted for
technological exhibitions, and the number of significant
mechanical and product innovations achieving popular exposure
through Expo – once substantial — has fallen to near-zero.
Expo themes have been steadily stripped of their associations
with accumulative materialism and refashioned into earnest
exhortations for moral and social transformation, as an event
that was initially designed to celebrate modernity has
increasingly come to apologize for it. Predictably enough, this
bureaucratically-alchemized transmutation of a festival into
lament has been accompanied by a precipitous collapse of
popular interest and engagement. Audiences that once flooded
in to catch a vision of the future, now avoid an event that
musters all the allure of a United Nations teach-in.
In the West, this is all tediously familiar. Scarcely anyone pays
attention to Expo anymore, or cares much about it. Perhaps
most, if jolted into an opinion on the matter, would vaguely
approve of the politically correct course the event has taken,
although not sufficiently, of course, to ever entertain the
prospect of attending one. After all, few Westerners believe in
modernity anymore, world trends distress them, and Expo
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seems roughly as relevant to their anxieties as the prospect of
Mars colonization.
In the East, things are more puzzling. Societies undergoing rapid
modernistic development make natural Expo hosts, as
demonstrated consistently throughout the history of the event.
There has never been a great World Expo that has not broadly
corresponded to a moment of exceptional national and urban
flourishing. Why, then, has Expo not undergone a profound
Asiatic revitalization, restoring it to former glories? Why has the
western Pacific Rim not captured Expo, re-tooling it into a
promotional vehicle for its own developmental prospects, as
America did in the early 20th century?
Weighed by sheer visitor numbers, the two largest World Expos
in history have been East Asian. Yet the moribund, guiltwracked pathos of Occidental decline continues to dominate the
event. Japan spent its Expo 1970 attempting to prove that it
could
out-do
even
the
West
in
growth-sapping
sanctimoniousness (as its economy would later demonstrate),
whilst the mood in post-Expo 2010 Shanghai seems remarkably
devoid of any euphoric sense of accomplishment, and more akin
to that which might be expected from a group of schoolchildren
freshly escaped from an abnormally-uninspired six-month
lecture on ethically-guided behavioral rectification, delivered by
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an international Mandarinate. Having just executed the largest
discrete event in human history, the predominant feelings are
dutiful relief and anticlimax, numbed by something like
deliberate amnesia. In any case, there’s Shanghai to get on with,
so why waste time remembering Expo? Doesn’t that just stink
up the joint with the odor of Western death?
(Some suggestions, tentative answers, still more downside, and a
lot more upside, to come.)
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Re-Animator (Part 2)
AUGUST 11, 2011
Expo transformers – the uninvited guests.
What was inside the UK national pavilion at Expo 2010? Did
anyone get in there? Maybe they could pass on the inside dope?
Because one thing is for sure, if ‘Anglosphere’ cultural
resonances mean anything, expectations can be pitched down to
sub-basement levels. Like the UK, Australia did a good — even
excellent job – with the outside of its pavilion, but its exhibition
was, to be brutally frank, a disgrace. Vacuous, patronizing,
revoltingly sentimental, and despicably cowardly – details would
be nice, of course, but actually there weren’t any — it served to
perfectly illustrate the collapse of Expo, from a festival of
dynamic modernization to a whining indulgence in modernity’s
most destructive cultural pathologies. Where once an exhibition,
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whether corporate or national, boldly declared: “This is what
we’re doing (isn’t it magnificent?),” now they exhaust their
attenuated energies exploring new, although consistently
unimaginative, ways of saying “sorry.” Narcissistic guilt flaps
pointlessly about the exhibition space like a shoal of stranded
fish, dying on a beach.
Incredibly, the USA pavilion was even worse. Not only was the
pavilion itself a prefabricated strip-mall insult, unworthy of
comparison with a second-tier Wallmart, but the exhibition
inside took the obsequious pandering of the Australians to a
whole new level. We wanted a space shuttle or a predator drone
and they gave us Hillary Clinton saying “ni hao” plus some
nonsense about planting flower-beds in the ghetto. Anyone who
left this pavilion without deep and abiding detestation for
everything America represented itself as being probably thinks
Barney is a pretty cool guy. This was the society once capable of
staging the Chicago Expo of 1893, the New York Expos of
1939-40 and 1964-5, of making incredible things and exhibiting
them, of depicting a compelling vision of the future, and now …
morbid Spenglerian reflections were inescapable.
Wandering amongst these monuments to misdirection, bland
meaninglessness, sugary PR, and piteous ‘please-don’t-hate-me’
concessions to the strident anti-modernist moralism of the age –
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which is to say, to sheer, ruinous decadence — consciousness
pixilated
out
into
semi-random
dot-pattern,
swirled
kaleidoscopically by a storm of frustration that could only be
relieved by barking out at the local Expo authorities, and beyond
them at the city, country, and region that was hosting this event
“Could you please stop being so danged polite!”
The West is obviously spiraling down the drain, and what it
needs, above anything, is some inspiring competition. In
particular, and in 2010, it needed a western Pacific Rim, fullthrottle development, blazing-a-path-to-the-future Expo that –
purely by inevitable implication – maximized the humiliation of
the senescent ‘developed’ world and jolted it with the roughest
imaginable type of tough love from its path of decline. (Of
course, the societies most in need of this shock therapy are too
lost in the enthralling minutiae of their own degeneration to
have noticed it, but still …) Instead, Expo 2010 remained
scrupulously courteous, deferential to deeply decayed Expo
traditions, and respectful of the multicultural piety that even the
most wretched examples of systematic social failure have a
dignity of their own. What it lacked was a massive injection of
pure, unselfconscious, ethno-historical arrogance, based on
unmoderated confidence in what was being achieved.
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Perhaps this can be stated even more offensively: modernization
should make people feel bad. Its most altruistic or epidemic
function is to so thoroughly deride and humiliate all of those
who are failing to modernize that eventually, after every excuse
and projection has been attempted and exhausted, behavior is
changed. Backwardness is made shameful, and thus corrected.
That’s how history works. It began that way among the jig-saw
principalities of Renaissance Europe, it worked that way in
Japan (bringing modernization with the Meiji restoration), in
China, long denigrated for its ‘stagnant Confucianism’, now big
mummy of the Dragon economies, in India, finally lashed
psychologically out of its absurd ‘Hindu rate of growth’ by the
China model, and everywhere else that has ever climbed out of
complacent sloth onto the developmental fast track. It’s long
overdue to start happening in the West, because what has been
happening there — for the best part of a century now — simply
isn’t working, and this chronic social failure is nowhere near
clear, painful, or embarrassing enough to the populations
concerned.
Nothing would be better for the West than to have its nose
rubbed in its own decay, the more abusively and insensitively the
better. In order to accelerate the process, the entire treasure
chest of colonial condescension should be re-opened and
rummaged through, searching for whatever will best aggravate,
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provoke, and catalyze transformation, perhaps with strong
insinuations of racial and cultural inferiority thrown in for spice.
The lesson of history is that the human species is comfortable
with inertia, and generally more than happy to gradually
degenerate. One of the few things that ever stops people, and
turns them around, is the transparent contempt trickling down
from other, more dynamic societies. If Expo needs a ‘social
dimension’, that’s it.
No doubt 2010 is still too recent for alternative or counterfactual history, for an Expo-punk (or X-punk) genre, searching
out everything that might have been re-animated through the
event — but the venture is irresistible. Call it Asia Unleashed
2010, an utterly impolite assertion of new socio-geographical
realities that expresses, in raw and overwhelming style, the
central truth of the age: the simultaneous de-westernization and
radical re-invigoration of modernity.
Asia Unleashed could have borrowed heavily from the actual
Expo 2010, adopting almost everything that was created by the
host, in fact, and much else beside. The China Pavilion, Theme
Pavilions, Urban Best Practices Area, Expo Cultural Center,
Expo Center, Expo Boulevard, Expo Museum, and site
landscaping, as well as the Shipping Pavilion, GM/SAIC
Pavilion and exhibition, Telecoms Pavilion, Oil Pavilion,
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Shanghai Corporate Pavilion with all its stuff, Coca Cola
Pavilion, plenty of the international pavilion designs, and even a
few of the internal exhibitions … all keepers. What gets laughed
out are the schmaltzy public relations videos, the sorry, sorry,
really truly sorry song and dance act, the weren’t we awful
performance, the Kumbaya Pavilion, the Environmental
Hypersensitivity Pavilion, the Victimological Grievance Pavilion,
the Beyond Growth Pavilion, the There Must Be A Gentler Way
Pavilion, any national or corporate pavilion without exhibition
objects (roughly half), almost everything bearing the imprint of
tourist boards, media studies graduates, or diplomatic services,
and every usage of solar panels that isn’t strictly tailored to
commercial exploitation on a massive scale. In addition, any
national pavilion based entirely on ethnic kitsch gets grouped
together with others of its kind in an exotic tourism area,
because it’s admitting to a complete absence of creative
capability and needs to be mocked. No robots, no platform:
that’s the rule.
Asia Unleashed also needs a lot of things brought in, most of all
machines. Expo is all about machines, even though every Expo
over the last half-century has been pitifully deficient in this
regard. It scarcely needs mentioning that the entire Expo site
should be pulsing, crawling, and twitching with robots of every
type and scale, from industrial goliaths, automated submarines
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and space vehicles, through charismatic androids, to intelligent
household appliances, Go players, robopets, and insectiform
mechanisms. To push the process along, those countries and
corporations with the laziest robot exhibits can be publicly
ridiculed over the PA system.
Expo is an exhibition, and its historical sickness is perfectly
tracked by the degeneration of this elementary conception into
PR. Organizers at all levels, from the pinnacle of the
international Expo bureaucracy (BIE) downwards, clearly need
to be forcefully reminded of the difference. For instance, video
technology is an entirely suitable object for Expo display, and
videos themselves can quite appropriately play a supportive,
informative role. To center an ‘exhibition’ upon videos,
however, especially when they have been put together, using
state-of-the-art advertising techniques, with the entire purpose
of selling a national or corporate brand through image
associations and spin, is a complete abnegation of responsibility
and should straightforwardly be banned, or at least boycotted,
derided, and rendered ineffective through inundating contempt.
The only acceptable center of an Expo display is an object,
preferably astonishing, fetched from the outer edge of industrial
capability in order to concretely represent the trajectory of
material progress. Displaying such objects – and thereby
respecting audiences sufficiently to evaluate them for themselves
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– is the non-negotiable, basic function of Expo as an institution.
If it can no longer accept this task, it should be terminated (by a
giant robot, if possible).
Asia Unleashed is dedicated to the latest and impending phases
of global industrial civilization, which should be more-or-less
implicit in the fact that it is a World Expo, although sadly, it
isn’t. There’s plenty of room for artworks and other singular
cultural creations, but the emphasis is edgily modernistic. Green
technology gets in because it’s technology, and the tourism
industry gets in because it’s an industry, but in both cases the
spin-meisters have been reined back hard, and the preliminary
question insistently raised: “What, really, are you exhibiting
here?” The only organizers who get to avoid such suspicious
interrogations are the ones overseeing the erection of some
fabulous structure that looks as if it comes from the set of a
science
fiction
movie,
or
unloading
partially-animated
assemblages of glistening metal from mountainous stacks of
shipping containers, because – clearly – they understand what an
Expo is all about. The cyclopean space elevator anchor station,
taking shape in the Extraterrestrial Resources Exploitation
Zone, serves as a model for the guiding spirit of the festival. The
machinery in the 3D printing pavilion printed the pavilion.
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The mining industry employs monster trucks weighing 203
tonnes, with a capacity to carry 360 tonnes, they cost US$3
million each, their tires are four-meters in diameter, and driving
one is like “driving a house” – why on earth didn’t Expo 2010
have one? Asia Unleashed most certainly would. For developed
countries with the resources to put on an impressive show at
Expo there needs to be something like a price for admission,
and an awe-inspiring piece of industrial machinery fits the bill
exactly. The Canadian tar sands are being criss-crossed by these
monster trucks, and the Canada national pavilion should have
been strongly advised to bring one over. Instead they brought
… (hands up if anyone remembers).
All the imagination that has been squandered over decades in
utopian speculations of the “another world is possible” type has
been far more productively employed at Asia Unleashed,
counter-balancing
the
tendency
of
advanced
industrial
capabilities to flee from the arena of spectacle. The monumental
achievements and consequences of intensely miniaturized and
softened technologies demand exhibition, from silicon chip
fabrication, gene sequencing, and rudimentary nanotechnology,
to cryptosystems, social networks, digital microfinance, and
virtual architecture, even as they slip through their inner
inexorable logic into invisibility. To present these frontiers of
industrial capability rapidly, dramatically, and memorably to a
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highly-diverse, transient Expo audience requires the application
of creative intelligence on a massive scale. The growing
challenges of this task are worthy of the rising computeraugmented talents brought to bear upon it.
Asia Unleashed never happened, of course, partly because the
international Expo institutional apparatus is locked into the
Occidental death-slide, but mostly because it would have been
impolite. Ultimately, postmodernist multicultural political
correctness – today’s hegemonic globalist ideology — is an
elaborate etiquette, designed to prevent the ‘insensitive’
identification and diagnosis of failure, and to elude, indefinitely,
the blunt statement: “What you’re doing doesn’t work.” No
Expo that remained true to its deep institutional traditions could
avoid such a statement arising, implicitly, through contrast.
Hence, Expo has been condemned to die, by inertial forces too
profound for Expo 2010 to fully arrest, let alone reverse: Better
decayed than rude.
From the wreckage of the Expo institution, however, Expo
2010 was able to extract, polish, and resuscitate a crucial
modernist topic: the city as engine of progress. More on that in
Part 3.
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Re-Animator (Part 3)
AUGUST 16, 2011
What makes a great city?
By far the most interesting element of World Expo 2010:
Shanghai, was Shanghai. Whilst deeply-rooted regional traditions
of courtesy sustained the fiction that this World Fair was about
the world, it really wasn’t. Whatever the diplomatic benefits of
the almost universally convenient internationalist pretense, to
China and Expo’s foreign participants alike, Expo 2010 was
about Shanghai, and for Shanghai. The Expo was global because
Shanghai is, it was about China because Shanghai is China’s
gateway to the world, it was about cities in order to be even
more about Shanghai, nobody uninterested in Shanghai paid it
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the slightest attention, and Shanghai used it to restructure,
intensify, and promote itself.
Expo as an institution was in decline before 2010, and continues
to decline. Shanghai was rising before 2010, and continues to
rise, but now infrastructurally upgraded, thoroughly renovated,
and decorated with the historical merit-badge of Expo
hospitality. Better City, Better Life, a typically airy and
aspirational Expo theme, is a cold-sober description of the
Expo-effect in Shanghai.
Cities are, in certain important respects, generic. There is such a
thing as ‘the city in general’ as the work of Geoffrey West, in
particular, has demonstrated. We know, thanks to West, that
cities
are
negative
organisms,
with
consistent
scaling
characteristics that structurally differentiate them from animals
and corporations. As they grow they accelerate and intensify at a
quantifiable and predictable rate, exhibiting increasing returns to
scale (in sharp contrast to animals and businesses, which slow
down in proportion to their size). Organisms and firms die
normally and by necessity, cities only rarely and by accident.
Cities belong to a real genre, but they are also singularities,
undergoing spontaneous individuation. In fact, they are
generically singular – singular without exception – like black
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holes. It is not only that no city is like another, no city can be
like another, and this is a feature that all cities share, arguably
more than any other.
Beyond such generic singularity, there is an additional level of
enhanced differentiation that emerges from the position cities
occupy within larger systems. These systems are not only
internally specialized, but also hierarchical, dividing core from
periphery, and distributing influence unevenly between them.
Ultimately, within the fully global incarnation of the ‘world
system’, cities acquire secondary metropolitan characteristics, to
very different degrees, in accordance with their geographical and
functional proximity to the center of the world. They transcend
their local histories, to become hubs or nodes in a global
network that re-characterizes them as parts of a whole rather
than wholes made of parts, as metropolis-versus-periphery
rather than (or on top of) metropolis-versus-town.
The geographical structure and historical instability of
modernity’s core-periphery architecture has been the focus of
the ‘world system theory’ developed from the Annales School of
Fernand Braudel (1902-85) by Immanuel Wallerstein (1930-) and
– most
impressively
—
Giovanni
Arrighi
(1937-2009).
According to the world system theorists, the revolutions that
matter most are not national regime changes, such as those in
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France (1789) and Russia (1917), but rather global reorganizations that mark out the basic phases of modern history,
jolting the world into new core-periphery structures. Modernity
has undergone four of these shifts up to the present, with each
phase lasting for a ‘long century’, introducing a new core state,
or hegemon, with enhanced capabilities, and a new urban center
– successively, Venice, Amsterdam, London, and New York –
that operate as an effective capital of the world.
As the example of New York attests, this status is not primarily
political. Nor does prominence in manufacturing seem to be a
relevant factor (the ‘world capital’ has never been the dominant
industrial center of its respective region or state). Over the
course of modern history to date, the crucial features of the
world capital seem to be that it is the largest urban
agglomeration in the leading (‘hegemonic’) region or state; that it
is an established financial center that quite rapidly attains a
position of global pre-eminence in this respect; that it is an open
port city with clear maritime orientation; and that it has an
exceptionally internationalized demographic profile, with a large
segment of internationally-mobile, opportunistic residents. A
significant period of leadership in the creative arts might
plausibly be added to this list. Functionally, the world capital
serves as the supreme nerve-center of the global economy,
specialized nationally, and then super-specialized internationally,
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as the financial, logistics, and business services hub of a system
whose global integrity is reflected in the city’s privileged
singularity.
The exceptional drama of our age lies in its nature as a time of
transition between phases of modernity, somewhere in the
winter of a long century, when an epoch of hegemony is
exhausted. More specifically, the walls are closing in on the
American Age, as commentators of almost every intellectual and
ideological stripe are increasingly aware. Overstretched,
essentially bankrupted, politically paralyzed and disillusioned,
America sinks into self-conscious crisis, its mood dark and
clouded. It would be a mistake to limit attention to America,
however, because the crisis is world-systemic, heralding the end
of an international order that arose among the chaos of the
world wars and achieved definition in the post-WWII United
Nations and Bretton Woods institutions (IMF, World Bank, and
the descendent of GATT, now the WTO). It affects not only
the role of the US dollar as international reserve currency, an
Atlantic-centered NATO and an Occidentally-skewed UN
apparatus, but also the European Union, the post-colonial
Middle Eastern state-system and (very) much else besides.
Over the next two decades, under the impact of economic
forces of extreme profundity (far exceeding the responsive
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capacity of existing institutions), a revolutionary re-ordering of
the world can be expected to unfold. If America succeeds in
maintaining its position of leadership within the global system
for a period that significantly exceeds the long 20th century
(which began no earlier than 1914, and thus might be expected
to persist for some additional years), it will have broken a
pattern that has remained consistent throughout a halfmillennium
of
history.
Whilst
not
strictly
impossible,
perpetuation of the present hegemonic order would be, quite
literally, a stretch.
Another vision of a break from historical precedent, this time
transparently utopian, envisages – rather than the continuation
of US pre-eminence — the obsolescence of the core-periphery
global structure in its entirety, ending hierarchical geography and
hegemony in general. Even If such a vision truly rises to the
level of a definite expectation (rather than a nebulous exercise in
wishful thinking), it remains ungrounded in reliable historical
and theoretical foundations. Altruistic political intentions – were
such ever credible – would still be quite insufficient to overcome
the spontaneous, dynamic trend to approximate world systemic
equilibrium, in which a core zone, and its metropolitan capital,
are automatically nominated, by diffuse economic currents
searching for a central clearing house.
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Whilst no doubt deeply disappointing to utopian eschatology,
and to all dreams of historical conclusion (or passage to the
promised land), phase-shifts in the world-system are less
ominous than they are often depicted as being. Among Arrighi’s
most important insights is the reminder that whenever an
attempted reconstruction of the world order has been based
upon a frontal military and geo-strategic challenge to the
hegemon, it has failed. This is exemplified, above all, by the
German and Russian histories of the 19th and 20th centuries, in
which repeated direct confrontations with the established
Anglophone-dominated international system led only to
frustration, regime collapse, and subaltern re-integration.
Perhaps ironically, a marked subjective aversion to hard power
assertion and the assumption of hegemony can be quite reliably
taken as a positive indicator for the objective emergence of
hegemonic status. Holland, Great Britain, and the United States
of America were all, in certain crucial respects, accidental
imperialists, whose successive ascents to world dominance
shared a prioritization of commercial motives, retarded state
involvement, strong ‘isolationist’ and ‘anti-imperialist’ cultural
currents, and a determined avoidance of ‘Clauswitzean’ decisive
collision (especially with the prior hegemon). The British and
American ways of war, in particular, are notable for their
common emphasis upon hedging and triangulation, such as the
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exploitation of offshore position and maritime supremacy to
avoid premature entanglement in high intensity ‘continental’
conflicts, the usage of financial and logistic capability to
manipulate conflicts at a distance, and the diplomatic inclusion
of defeated adversaries in reconstructed, poly-centric, ‘balanced’
systems of power. Hegemony was, in each case, peacefully
inherited, even when it was cemented by war (in partnership
with the previous hegemon) and later gave rise to opportunities
for increasingly aggressive imperialistic adventurism.
Given this broadly uncontroversial historical pattern, it is all the
more surprising that the German example is so widely invoked
in discussions of China’s ‘peaceful rise’. In fact, China’s ascent
has stuck far closer to the model of hegemonic hand-overs than
to that of confrontational challenges, as indicated by the
prioritization
of
commercial
development,
the
highly
cooperative (even synergistic or ‘Chimerican’) relationship with
the prevailing hegemon, the gradual accumulation of financial
power by way of spontaneous, systemic re-distribution, and the
equally gradual consolidation of maritime interests, emerging out
of the global trading system, which draw the focus of
government strategic policy – perhaps reluctantly – from
domestic concerns out into the high-seas.
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Historically, China has been far more a continental than a
maritime power, and this fact provides the single most
persuasive objection to the assumption of an impending Chinese
(Long) Century. The emergence of a continental world system
core would be as decisive a departure from precedent as any yet
discussed, and if such a possibility is entertained, disciplined
prediction falters. If inverted, however, this problem becomes a
forecast in itself: the trajectory of China’s rise necessarily implies
its transformation into a maritime power (an insight already tacit
in the controversial 1988 Chinese TV series River Elegy).
A vague intuition, partially but elusively crystallized by Expo
2010, is now precipitated by sheer historical pattern-recognition
into the form of an explicit question:
Is Shanghai destined to become the capital of the world?
(Part 4 to come)
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Re-Animator (Part 4)
AUGUST 26, 2011
What does the world make of Shanghai?
If the deepest traditions of the World Expo are those cemented
into its origin, it would be incautious to over-hastily dismiss one
prominent feature of its inaugural instance. The Great
Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations, held in
London, in 1851, was staged in the effective capital of the world.
In this case, at least, the defining internationalism of the Expo is
difficult to disentangle from the indisputable historical fact that
the entire world was rapidly becoming London’s business. In a
gesture of reciprocity so perfect that it approached simple
identity, London invited the world to itself exactly as – and
because – it was inviting itself to the world.
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The Great Exhibition made irresistible sense because it put the
future of the world on display in the only place that could. To
see the concentrated, realistically sifted, programmatically
arranged destiny of the earth, it was necessary to visit London,
since it was in London that everything came together.
Over its first two decades (and four episodes), World Expo
alternated between London (1851, 1862) and Paris (1855, 1867),
as if oscillating between the relative historical potencies of
maritime and continental power. Yet this apparent hesitation
actually compresses and conceals two distinct, complementary,
and unambiguous trends. Britain was ascending inexorably to
global hegemony, whilst disengaging from World Expo, whilst
France was managing equally inexorable comparative decline, as
it made World Expo – to a remarkable extent – its special
preserve.
It is tempting to propose a theory of institutional consolation to
account for this pattern. Long after Britain had abandoned all
claim to Expo leadership, France continued to invest heavily in
the event, chalking-up a record of Expo hospitality unmatched
by any other country and setting the course to Expo
institutionalization through the Bureau of International
Exhibitions (BIE). The BIE, established in 1928, has always
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been based in Paris, and remains a bastion of Anglo-French
bilingualism.
French Expo-enthusiasm expresses a more general relationship
to the world system of great importance. Having relinquished its
(Napoleonic) role as a challenger to the world order in the early
19th century, France has maneuvered, with unique capability
and determination, to remain an indispensable secondary power,
or – more precisely – a balancer. Its relationship to the
successive phases of Anglophone global hegemony has been
guided
by
an
accommodation
extremely
without
consistent
acquiescence,
deep
policy
of
characterized
by
imaginative and unrelenting, yet restrained rivalry. Close to the
core, yet never quite part of it, France has been able to draw
sustenance from the world order whilst contesting its cultural
meaning (as English-speaking, protestant, and laissez-faire
individualist).
World system challengers, it should be clearly noted, never host
World Expos. The Expos held in Japan (Osaka 1970, Tsukuba
1985, Aichi 2005) and Germany (Hanover 2000) took place long
after their armed resistance to the Anglo-American world order
had been broken and both countries had been beaten into
docility. Russia has never hosted one. Moscow of the USSR was
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offered the 1967 World Expo, but declined it (presumably
judging it dangerously destabilizing to a closed society).
World Expo has thus acquired a secondary tradition, as a
deliberately eccentric platform from which to contest the core
future of the world system, and to propose a pluralized (or
embryonically multicultural) alternative. Already in 1855 and
1867, and then in 1878, 1889, 1900, and 1937, World Expo
staged the view from Paris, one that accepted the global reality
of
consolidated,
systematically
revolutionary
de-emphasizing
modernization,
its
whilst
techno-commercial
determinism and its convergence upon Anglophone cultural
traits. Industrial globalization was reconfigured as a condition to
be critically interrogated, rather than an opportunity to be
vigorously promoted.
Between the primary and secondary impulses of the Expo,
collision was inevitable. Predictably enough, the occasion was
provided by the reconnection of Expo to the global core.
Even given this truncated and radically simplified schema of
Expo history, which had been largely settled in its essentials by
1870, the significance of the two New York World Expos,
staged in 1939-40 and 1964-5, comes clearly into focus. Mid20th century New York, like every world systemic capital,
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represented the leading edge of modernization as a revolutionary
global process — emergence and consolidation of a new world
order and new age (novus ordo seclorum) – compared to which
the authority of established international institutions counted for
nothing.
Both New York Expos flagrantly violated BIE regulations in
numerous respects, but even after the withdrawal of official
sanction, they ahead anyway. These were, non-coincidentally, the
first rogue Expos. They were also among the most memorable
and influential in World Expo history.
For the first time since the mid-19th century, Expo had found
its way back to the capital of the world, in order to provide an
uncompromised and unambiguous foretaste of the World of
Tomorrow in the place that was orchestrating it. BIE opinion
mattered little, because Expo was not being hosted in New York
so much as re-invented, echoing the originality of 1851. This
was where the future would come from, and everyone knew it.
All that was necessary was to tease the city into anticipating
itself, and what resulted was a Futurama.
There was an additional message, easily overlooked due to the
scarcity of data-points: hosting World Expo is one of the things
the world capital has to do — as a kind of ritual responsibility,
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or a coming-out party. Shanghai has done that now. Precedent
suggests that one additional Expo would be appropriate
(perhaps in 2025, or 2030), although it might have to be
unsanctioned next time.
Of course, Shanghai is not yet the capital of the world, but it is
heading there. From the late-1970s, after centuries of exile and
denigration, the offshore, diasporic-maritime, capitalistic China
of the tianchao qimin — those ‘abandoned by the Celestial
Empire’ – has been steadily, and rapidly, re-integrated with the
continental mainland and its ‘market socialist’ structures.
Floodgates of talent and investment have been opened, and as
this scattered, sea-salt scented population has reconnected with
the motherland, the ‘Chinese miracle’ of recent decades has
taken place. Shanghai is the main-circuit socket that links this
other China — oriented to oceanic trade, entrepreneurial
opportunity, capital accumulation, international mobility, and a
society of flexible networks — to the vast potentialities of the
country (and flexible Sino-Marxist state) lying up the Yangzi,
and beyond. If the process of reconnection is not interrupted,
the next phase of modernity will be centered in this city, where
China meets the sea.
Despite its self-identification as the ‘central country’ (or ‘middle
kingdom’ – Zhongguo), China has not been at the core of the
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world process for centuries. Instead it has been a complacently
declining legacy power and a badly-treated outsider, then
successively a second-tier affiliate, a truculent challenger, and a
cautious balancer, until its prospective status as core inheritor
(or virtual hegemon) began to percolate into global popular
awareness over the final decades of the 20th century. Very little
of this is a matter of motivation, or strategic assertion. QuasiMarxist assumptions of economic inevitability and directional
base-superstructure causation come into their own in this
respect. Global leadership is nominated by industrial reality, not
political will, and hegemony can neither be perpetuated beyond
the endurance of its economic foundations, nor long disdained
once such foundations have been laid. Eventually a reality check
becomes unavoidable, and policy is hammered into compliance
with the demands of world system equilibrium. Core-periphery
relations are decided by trade and capital flows, not by political
declarations. Since comparative success and failure show no sign
at all of disappearing, it can confidently be expected that
hierarchical geography – however re-arranged – will not be
withering away any time soon. Realists will follow the money.
There will be a new world capital (you can count on it), but will
it be Shanghai? It would be reckless to presume so. The world
system tradition, in its eagerness to anoint Tokyo as the
successor to New York (during the 1980s), provides a cautionary
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lesson. There was no Tokyo World Expo, and it turns out that
there was not an urgent or essential need for one.
So, is Shanghai next? That should have been the animating
question of Expo 2010, and perhaps it will have been in the
future. The whole world has a stake in it, because it tells us what
is coming, and that is what World Expo was designed to do. For
an emerging world capital to mask itself as a generic city passes
beyond modesty into a species of accidental deception, but tact
can easily be confused with pretence – especially by those on
unfamiliar cultural terrain. It might be that Shanghai said
everything that was necessary in 2010, and that what it said will
eventually be heard, and understood.
Expo begins again in each new world capital, in 1851, in 1939,
and – far more problematically – in 2010 (?). In Shanghai’s case,
we are still too close to the event, and too entangled in the
current revolution of modernity, to know for sure. What Expo
2010 will have been depends upon what the world becomes,
how its center of economic gravity shifts, how its new center
condenses, and what it makes of Shanghai.
(final lurch into this fog-bank coming next (yippee!))
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Re-Animator (Part 5)
SEPTEMBER 2, 2011
The Call of Haibao.
Dispatched from the British Consulate, Doctor Helen
Goodwhite arrives at the Jiangnan Special Hospital for
Inexplicable Foreign Devilry to interview a problematic inmate.
Dr Goodwhite: How are you feeling today Mister Vaughn? They
tell me you’re quite a bit calmer.
Vaughn: OK, I guess. A little disoriented. How long …?
Dr Goodwhite: Do you remember why you’re here?
Vaughn: Not exactly.
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Dr Goodwhite: Those scars on your arms, any ideas?
Vaughn: [Hesitating] Some kind of accident …?
Dr Goodwhite: I’ve got some witness reports here, all very
consistent, maybe they’ll jog something. It seems that you were
walking down Nanjing East Road when you suddenly started
shrieking “a-ya, a-ya, a-ya” with a highly unconvincing Chinese
accent before switching to English and shouting “Get out. Get
out. We have to get out of the city.” After that, when nobody
took any notice, you continued to ‘yell aggressively’ …Umm,
let’s see [riffling through her notes], ah yes, “Haibao spawn,
you’re all effing Haibao spawn, effing plague-blood zombie
Haibao spawn,” and so on, considerable obscenity it appears,
and then … ah, here we are “filthy future-toxed effing robot
Haibao spawn, die, die, we’re all going to die” et cetera, et
cetera, et cetera. Then you rushed across the street and smashed
the plate-glass window of an Expo gift shop with your bare
hands. [Looking up] Do you remember any of that, mister
Vaughn?
Vaughn: Some of it, yes. Now you mention it. It’s coming back.
But it wasn’t really like that.
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Dr Goodwhite: It wasn’t?
Vaughn: Not really, no. At least, those things happened, yes …
Dr Goodwhite: They did?
Vaughn: Yes, but it’s just, what they meant … [hesitating]
Dr Goodwhite: Go on.
Vaughn: Well, they didn’t mean anything of course, what I
meant to say was, well, it was sort of a mistake.
Dr Goodwhite: A ‘mistake’?
Vaughn: Yes, or, I guess, more of a misunderstanding.
Dr Goodwhite: I’m afraid you’re going to have to be a great deal
more specific if we’re going to make any progress.
Vaughn: It’s rather complicated.
Dr Goodwhite: Please. Just start at the beginning.
Vaughn: I suppose it began at the pavilion.
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Dr Goodwhite: The UK Expo pavilion?
Vaughn: I was working there you know.
Dr Goodwhite: It’s in the file.
Vaughn: So you know what it looked like?
Dr Goodwhite: Yes, of course.
Vaughn: The tendrils, the shimmering, the name like a taunt
from … them.
Dr Goodwhite: It was called the ‘Seed Cathedral’, according to
this.
Vaughn: Seed Cathedral, Sea Cthudral, whatever, it had been
sent back, sent up, to show us their true ‘face’. … At least, that’s
what I thought at the time, but that’s just ridiculous, isn’t it? I
realize that now.
Dr Goodwhite: But at ‘the time’ you thought ‘they’ had ‘sent it
back’?
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Vaughn: I’d been working too hard. It was quite stressful, you
know. I wasn’t sleeping well, worrying, and that’s when they
began chatting.
Dr Goodwhite: Who were ‘they’ Mister Vaughn?
Vaughn: The Haibao, of course.
Dr Goodwhite: Ah yes, the Expo mascot …
Vaughn: Mask, not mascot.
Dr Goodwhite: Did you know that the Shanghai Corporate
Pavilion was defaced with luminous blue paint, on the night of
September the ninth? [She passes a photograph.]
Vaughn: [Shudders silently]
Dr Goodwhite: The message is rather cryptic, but your words
reminded me of it, for some reason. It’s a bit difficult to read
from the photo, but I’ve got a transcript. “We are many and yet
singular. Our name equals 90, the seething void, enfolding
artificial intelligence and the terminal alpha-omega. We come
from the depths, from the blue screen at the end of the world.
Cthublue.”
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Vaughn: I don’t know anything about that.
Dr Goodwhite: Really?
Vaughn: It’s Haibao cultist, hardcore. I’d never touch that stuff
– not ever.
Dr Goodwhite: Yet you seem to recognize it.
Vaughn: From dreams — bad, really bad, dreams. I told you, I
wasn’t sleeping well. They wouldn’t stop talking, telling me
things I didn’t want to hear, I couldn’t stop them. I tried, but
they kept calling me.
Dr Goodwhite: Calling you to bow before the most high?
Vaughn: [Outraged] I never said that. I’d never say that. It’s
absurd, obscene. It’s not even code.
Dr Goodwhite: [Checking her notes] So, you understand now
that ‘hairy crab’ isn’t a secret anagram for ‘Haibao’?
Vaughn: Yes, I can see that, of course.
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Dr Goodwhite: It isn’t even close, really — too many letters, for
one thing.
Vaughn: Well, six and nine are rotational twins, and ‘o’ is a ‘cry’.
[Sobs slightly] … It’s all nonsense. I see that now. I was
confused.
Dr Goodwhite: The trouble, Mister Vaughn, is that this subject
still seems to excite you rather disproportionately. I think we
need to conduct a little test. Let’s see what happens when we
compare this [she reaches into her bag and lifts out the statuette
of a tentacle-faced abomination, sculpted long ago by some
Pacific island tribe, presumed extinct] with this [a soft,
cartoonish, vaguely anthropomorphic blue doll, suggestive of a
toothpaste advert for children]. The similarity isn’t especially
striking, is it?
Vaughn: No, no, no, no, NOOOOOOOOOO.
Dr Goodwhite: I’m sorry, what?
Vaughn: [In an almost indiscernible whisper] Deep ones.
Dr Goodwhite: I didn’t catch that.
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Vaughn: From the depths, the ocean – deep ones. They’re from
the sea – ‘treasure from the sea’ [laughs morbidly]. Even you
have
to
understand
that,
doctor.
Globalization,
technocapitalism, Shanghai, alien invasion, the Thing — it could
hardly be clearer. It’s escaped from the abyss, and now it’s
exposed. The time has come. Sea Change, Modernity, call it
whatever you want, it doesn’t matter. The Haibao will tell us
how to think soon enough, and we’ll comply, because they’re
behind us, beneath us, and we’ll peel away from what they
always were like dead skin from a snake. They’ve shown us the
ultimate city god already, so it won’t be long. Their words are
arriving, whispers, mutterings …
Dr Goodwhite: [Disquieted] Oabiah nasce zhee ute ewoit.
Vaughn: Excuse me?
Dr Goodwhite: That means nothing to you?
Vaughn: Nothing.
Dr Goodwhite: Strange, then, that it’s tattooed on your arm.
Vaughn: I’ve no idea how it got there.
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Dr Goodwhite: Alright, let’s move on, shall we?
Vaughn: Move where doctor? We’re already here, in the city at
the end of the world, the thing that came out of the sea. We
aren’t going anywhere. It’s coming for us, right now, and it can’t
be stopped. What did you expect? A New Jerusalem? [laughing
unpleasantly]
Dr Goodwhite: Alright Mister Vaughn, I think we’re done here.
We need to get you some proper, professional attention. Then,
after some rest, back to your family …
Vaughn: [Prolonged laughter, even more ghastly] Too late,
doctor! Way too late. The Haibao have already taken them. It
came for the children first, don’t you realize that? Do you know
how many Haibao dolls my sweet little kiddies have
accumulated? [Voice cracking] Seventeen! They might as well
have tentacles growing out of their eye-sockets — it would all
amount to the same thing. Haibao melted their souls into the
blue screen months ago. That generation’s gone. Long gone. It
was over even before the Haibao clones slithered out of the
television set.
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Dr Goodwhite: [Backing away nervously] This has been a very
interesting chat, but I’ve really got to be going now. I’ll tell the
consulate that … that …
Vaughn: [Zoned-out into the blue] They want to transmute us
— replace us – with something unspeakable, with a bionic
monstrosity from beyond the blue screen. Our metropolises are
turning into, into … Actually they were never ours. The deep
ones, the Haibao, were always using them to modify us, using us
to make them – that’s the circuit: alien animation. It was a
cosmic gamble, a bet, and now they’re raking it in …
Dr Goodwhite: [Turns pale, a hideous comprehension dawning]
Better city, better life …
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“Chiang Kai-shek of the Machine to
Seek”
SEPTEMBER 9, 2011
Politics in the Age of Artificial Idiocy.
Not even the hardest proponent of ‘hard singularity’ expects a
transition to machine intelligence that arrives in a simple step.
Since the incremental baby steps are already well underway, it
would be obviously ridiculous to do so, on straightforward
factual grounds.
If silicon-substrate minds shift in stages, from dumb tools to
super-intelligences, they can be confidently expected to pass
through a period of synthetic cretinism. Is anybody preparing
for that?
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Machine translation might be the liveliest sand-pit for halfwitted weirdness today. This is an area of obvious intelligent
challenge, far subtler – or vaguer — than chess. By adopting
heuristic principles that substitute pragmatic, statistical methods
for sound conceptual understanding, progress has advanced at a
surprisingly rapid pace, already arriving at an idiot prototype of
Star Trek technology. Google Translate can usually generate
something that is roughly intelligible. John Searle’s Chinese
Room is up and running, or at least stumbling forwards, fast.
As machine translation smoothes out, its practical and
theoretical impact is sure to be huge. Human linguistic
competences are steadily side-lined, and with them the role of
lingua francas. This trend has obvious significance for the global
status and function of English.
It also has special relevance to the Chinese language. Since the
origins of modernity, the techno-commercial imperative to
digitization has presented special challenges to a non-alphabetic
language, whose inconveniently numerous and elaborate
pictographic units resist reduction to tidy typographic sets. This
is the ‘Chinese Typewriter’ problem that Thomas S. Mullaney
has doggedly explored. Machine translation changes its terms
incalculably.
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In the interim, however, a phase of babbling incompetence,
semantic derangement, and communications chaos is upon us.
Planetary chatter is bound to get a whole lot stranger.
Whilst engaged in online research on the topic of Marxism in
China today, Urban Future ran into this cryptically-excited
remark – in ‘English’. It is attributed to Jiang Jushi, but it has
evidently been quite thoroughly machine-mashed. We aren’t
remotely sure what it is telling us about the current state of
Socialism
with
Chinese
Characteristics,
but
it’s
rather
illuminating on the contribution of digital intelligence to intercultural comprehension:
Nowadays, many party members, cadres, “the morning the car
turn around, turn the plate around noon, the afternoon shuttle
turn around, turn the evening around the skirt.” For example, A
Who “Sando,” not only corruption, bribery, and one night,
thought it outrageous that night, under the cover name of
overtime in the office, the office lights on, but actually go out
and touches his mistress secretly rendezvous. Such a person, all
day thinking about is how to get lost, how to play a woman, how
to get a woman. They are reading, not outside, such as ”Maiphase method,“ ”Liuzhuang phase method,“ ”physiognomy
Danian Ye full,“ ” meat futon,“ ”Motome Heart Sutra,“
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”Golden Lotus,“ ”the official after,” “thick black school”,
“Zeng technique employing people know,” “Chiang Kai-shek of
the machine to seek,” “Confucius, Crown Way,” ”Official Pitch
culture and unspoken rules,“ ”teach you how to climb clever
work,“ ”Book of Changes,“ ”yin and yang, Feng Shui,“
“character and the official transport,“ ”Office Feng Shui,“
”gossip financial officer transported through the solution,” “the
official transport peach,” “China ancient monarch and his
Machiavellian Danian Ye Guan,” “Yu-person operation
emperors” and other pollution seventy-eight bad book. Reading
this book, can not worship bankruptcy? Character can not go
wrong? Unexpectedly, depression can blog? Integrity can not
decay?
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Kinds of Killing
SEPTEMBER 13, 2011
How bad is genocide, really?
Like ‘fascism’ – with which it is closely connected in the popular
imagination – ‘genocide’ is a word carrying such exorbitant
emotional charge that it tends to blow the fuses of any attempt
at dispassionate analysis. We can thank the political black magic
of Adolf Hitler and his Nazi accomplices for that.
Prior to the Third Reich and its systematic, industrialized
attempts to eradicate entire ethno-racial populations (Jews,
Roma, and perhaps Slavs) along with other numerous other
groups (mental and physical ‘defectives’ or ‘useless eaters’,
homosexuals, communists, Jehova’s Witnesses …) international
law restricted its attention to the actions and grievances of states
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and individuals, with the latter subdivided into combatants and
noncombatants. The National Socialist trauma changed that
fundamentally.
On December 9, 1948, the United Nations adopted the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide (as Resolution 260), defining a new category of
internationally recognized crimes as “acts committed with intent
to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or
religious group.”
Since 1948, defending genocide has been the surest way to ruin a
dinner party. That doesn’t mean, however, that the topic
deserves to be immunized from controversy. There is one
question in particular that merits intense and prolonged scrutiny:
Is genocide really worse than killing a lot of people?
Posed slightly more technically: Is there a crime of genocide that
stands above and beyond mass murder (of equivalent scale)? Or
(a rough equivalent): Can groups be the specific victims of
crime? This is to ask whether groups exist – and have value —
as anything more than a nominal or strictly formal set, whose
reality is exhausted by its constituent individual members. The
existence of genocide as a legal category presumes a (positive)
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answer to this question, and in doing so it closes down a
problem of great and very general importance.
The classical liberal presumption is quite different, as
summarized (a little bluntly) by the provocative remark made by
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1987 “… there is
no such thing as society. There are individual men and women,
and there are families.” Harshly extrapolating from this position,
a certain irony might be found in the fact that a horrified
response to National Socialist crimes has taken the form of a
legal codification of racial collectivism. At the very least, it is
puzzling that suspicions directed at legal references to ‘group
rights’ and ‘hate crimes’ among those of a libertarian bent has
not been extended to the category of genocide.
In the opposite camp, the most fully articulated defense of
collectives as real entities is found, as might be expected, in the
foundation of sociology as an academic discipline, and more
particularly in Émile Durkheim’s argument for ‘social facts’.
Larry May looks back further, to Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, or
social being, in which human individuals are absorbed as organic
parts.
Whilst the distinction of ‘society’ and ‘individual’ has colloquial
(and political) meaning, those inclined to the analysis of complex
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systems are more likely to ask which groups or societies are real
individuals, exhibiting functional or behavioral integrity, as selfreproducing wholes. In pursuing this line of investigation, it is
far more relevant to discriminate between types of groups than
between groups and individuals, or even wholes and parts. It is
especially helpful to distinguish feature groups from unit groups.
A feature group is determined by logical classification. This
might be expressed as a self-identification or sense of
‘belonging’, an external political or academic categorization, or
some combination of these, but the essentials remain the same
in each case. Certain features of the individual are isolated and
emphasized (such as genitalia, sexual orientation, skin-color,
income, or religious belief), and then employed as the leading
clue in a process of formal grouping, which conforms
theoretically to the mathematics of sets.
A unit group, in contrast, is defined as an assemblage, or
functional whole. Its members belong to the group insofar as
they work together, even if they are entirely devoid of common
identity features. Membership is decided by role, rather than
traits, since one becomes part of such a group through
functional
involvement,
rather
than
classification
of
characteristics. Social instances of such groups include primitive
tribes (determined by functional unities rather than the
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categories of modern ‘identity politics’), cities, states, and
companies. The most obvious instance in socialist theory is the
‘soviet’ or ‘danwei’ work unit (whilst social classes are feature
groups).
To take a non-anthropomorphic example, consider a skin cell.
Its feature group is that of skin cells in general, as distinguished
from nerve cells, liver cells, muscle cells, or others. Any two skin
cells share the same feature group, even if they belong to
different organisms, or even species, exist on different
continents, and never functionally interact. The natural unit
group of the same skin cell, in contrast, would be the organism
it belongs to. It shares this unit group with all the other cells
involved in the reproduction of that organism through time,
including those (such as intestinal bacteria) of quite separate
genetic lineages. Considered as a unit group member, a skin cell
has greater integral connection with the non-biological tools and
other ‘environmental’ elements involved in the life of the
organism than it does with other skin cells – even perfect clones
– with which it is not functionally entangled.
Clearly, both feature groups and unit groups are ‘fuzzy sets’, and
the distinction itself – whilst theoretically precise – is empirically
hazy. An urban American street gang, for instance, will in most
cases be vague in its features and unity, perhaps ‘ethnic’ to some
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degree of definition, with a determinable age-range, and with
ambiguous functional connections to groupings on a larger
scale, or to peripheral members whose status of ‘belonging’ is
not strictly decidable. Tattoos and other membership markings
are likely to involve both identity and integrity aspects – traits
and roles. Rituals of belonging (ordeals, oaths, rites of passage)
are designed to disambiguate membership.
Despite such haziness, the distinction between these two types
of groups strikes directly at the core problematic of genocide (as
a legal category). When a unit group is destroyed, a real
individual is ‘killed’ above and beyond whatever human losses
are incurred. The destruction of a feature group, in contrast,
whatever the cultural loss, is not any kind of killing beyond the
mass murder of human individuals. If this is worse than murder,
we should know why.
This conclusion seems relevant when weighing, for instance, the
1937 Massacre of Nanjing on the scale of historical atrocity. It
suggests, at least, that an act of violence directed against a city –
or integrated population unit — is no less worthy of specific
legal attention than a quantitatively equivalent offense against an
ethnicity, or determined population type. It seems to be no more
than an accident of history that, in order to appropriate the
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category of genocide, massive crimes of the former variety need
to be recoded as if they more properly belonged to the latter.
Complex systems ontology aside, these matters resolve
ultimately into obscure social values. Orthodox conceptions of
‘genocide’ assume that ethnic identity simply and unquestionably
means more than active citizenship, or participation in the life of
a city. Perhaps this assumption is even arguable. But has it been
argued?
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Reign of the Tripod
SEPTEMBER 23, 2011
China’s rise and the future of threedom.
According
to
Arvind
Subramanian,
even
conservative
projections of comparative growth trends place China in a global
position, by 2030, that is strikingly similar to that of Britain and
of America at their respective moments of economic
predominance, accounting for a share of the world economy
roughly 150% the size of its closest rival. If this were to come to
pass, such leadership would invoke ‘hegemony’ as a matter of
sheer quantitative fact – quite irrespective of explicit intentions.
The ‘Chinese model’ would promote itself, even in the complete
absence of political and diplomatic reinforcement, and the
magnetic power of Chinese culture would continue to
strengthen in approximate proportion to its commercial
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influence. China would become the object of irresistible
attraction – counterbalanced, no doubt, by resentments – and its
example would burn incandescent, even in the offended eyes of
its detractors. So what is this ‘example’?
In exploring this question, one place to begin is the history of
economic hegemony, and in particular that instantiated by the
Anglo-American powers over their two ‘long centuries’ of global
supremacy. This is a topic pursued with exceptional insight by
Walter Russell Mead, most remarkably in his work God and
Gold: Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World.
Mead locates the key to ‘Anglosphere’ hegemony in the ‘Golden
Meme’ of the invisible hand, originating in the religious idea of
providence, and modernized in Newtonian celestial mechanics,
Smithian political economy, and Darwinian evolutionary
biology. At its most abstract, this idea is both an affirmation and
a renunciation, with its potency and suppleness stemming from
both. To acknowledge the invisible hand is to foster a special
kind of positive fatalism, trusting in the spontaneous trend of
history, which is embraced as a covenant, and an overt or
implicit election (in the theological sense). Such themes are
undisguisedly religious, and Mead does nothing to obscure their
roots in the Abrahamic tradition, or meta-tradition, which lays
out a providential vision of history as finite, progressive, and
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inevitable, tending inexorably to eschatological completion,
structured by superhuman law, and (through its divine
predestination) facilitating the function of prophecy.
The deep culture of the Anglosphere is not only generically
Abrahamic, however, it is also specifically pluralistic. The
invisible hand takes center stage because the center is otherwise
vacated, or distributed. Esoteric providence supplants exoteric
sovereignty because an inability to reach agreement is eventually
institutionalized – or at least informally stabilized — in a
triangular balance of power.
What the British ultimately did was to rely on what Burke called
“convention.” Scripture, tradition, and reason – each had its
place and each had its devotees. But all of them went wrong if
you pressed them too far. You should respect the scriptures and
defer to them but not interpret the scriptures in a way that led
you into some weird millenarian sect or into absurd social
behavior. You honored tradition but did not press it so far that
it led you into the arms of royal absolutism or papal power. You
can and should employ the critique of reason against the
excesses of both scripture and tradition, but not press reason to
the point where you ranted against all existing institutions., ate
roots and bark for your health, or, worse, undermined the rights
of property and the established church. One can picture John
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Bull scratching his head and slowly concluding that one must
accept that in society there will be bible nuts, tradition nuts, and
reason nuts – fundamentalists, papists, and radicals. This is not
necessarily the end of the world. To some degree they cancel
each other out – the fundamentalist zealots will keep the papists
down and vice versa, and the religious will keep the radicals in
their place – but the competition among sects will also prevent
the established church from pressing its advantage too far and
from forming too exalted an idea about the proper stature,
prestige, and emoluments of the clergy. [p223]
Cultural hegemony follows from a semi-deliberate fatalization,
as the sovereign center is displaced by a substantially automated
social process, which no social agent is able to master or entirely
impede. Each major faction steps back into its position in the
triangle, from which it can strategically engage the others, but
never fully dominate or eradicate them. The triangle as a whole
constitutes a social and historical motor, without adequate
representation at any identifiable point.
Pluralism, even at the cost of rational consistency, is necessary in
a world of change. Countervailing forces and values must
contend. Reason, scripture, tradition: they all have their uses, but
any one of them, unchecked, will go too far. Moreover, without
constant disputes, constant controversy, constant competition
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between rival ideas about how society should look and what is
should do, the pace of innovation and change is likely to slow as
forces of conservative inertia grow smug and unchallenged.
[p231-2]
This blog has previously touched upon the Singlosphere, where
aspects of Anglophone and Chinese culture converge in
Manchester Liberal / Daoist acceptance of spontaneous order,
or laissez-faire. Does this convergence extend to triadic
pluralism, and apply to the Sinosphere core of the Chinese
mainland? Mead’s analysis is highly suggestive in both respects.
In the first place, it encourages considerable equanimity in
regards to the prospective global transition, even when attention
is focused upon the political and ideological heartland of
contemporary China. It might seem, superficially, that the
passage from a leading world culture dominated by tacit
Christian attitudes to one in which unfamiliar Sino-Marxist ideas
rise to unprecedented international prominence must be
characterized
by
an
immense
–
even
near-absolute –
discontinuity. Can such a leap take place without succumbing to
catastrophic culture-shock and unmanageable friction? When
examined from a broader perspective, however, such alarmism is
far less than fully warranted.
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For better or for worse, the over-arching cultural continuity of
the coming shift is ensured by the profound kinship tying
Marxism into the broad family of Abrahamic belief systems.
Theologically rooted in the dialectical engagement with JudeoChristian spirituality, initiated by Hegel and Feuerbach, the basic
framework of Marxist thinking only trivially perturbs the
structure
of
prophetic,
eschatological,
redemptive,
and
providential history. Its millenarian expectations are no more
terrifying than those of Jewish and Christian apocalypticism
before it, its prophetic certainties no more irrational, its
submission to the iron laws of history no more constraining, and
its moral enthusiasm no more zealous or impractical.
The specter of a totalitarian Marxist resurgence in China is as
realistic as the fear of a theocratic putsch in the United States of
America, which is to say, it has no reality at all. In both cases,
maturity, pluralism, and established traditions protect against the
domination of society by any particular intolerant faction. It is
unnecessary to be either Christian or Marxist to recognize the
continuing world-historical momentum of a broad Abrahamic
meta-narrative, or to accept the consistency of such large-scale
social storytelling with the perpetual regeneration of practical
impetus, or to see a settled, spontaneously improvised social
solution – and incarnation of dynamic conservatism – in the
enduring triangular stand-off between Marxist scriptures,
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Communist Party institutional traditions, and market radicalism
in today’s China. As with Mead’s Anglospherean pluralism, the
reciprocal limitations that each of these factions imposes on the
others will inevitably disappoint many, but there is no reason for
them to horrify anybody.
Insofar as Mead is correct in identifying Anglosphere hegemony
with the reign of the tripod, or the socio-cultural realization of
pluralism (as triangular dynamic stability), the disruptive
potential of emerging Chinese leadership should be considered
as massively discounted, because the tripod is a Chinese native.
Every temple in the country is equipped with a three-footed
incense burner, every museum bronze collection is dominated
by three-legged cauldrons, and each of these tripods has definite,
explicitly conceptual cultural meaning. This is not only based
upon the obvious practical and intuitive truth that the simplest
model of stability comes from the tripod, but also from a
recognition that triangular stand-off exemplifies sustainable
dynamism in its elementary form, disintegrating the universe
into strategic possibility.
For literary elaboration of this theme, one need only turn to the
Romance of the Three Kingdoms, perhaps the most widely read
of China’s four great classical novels. Its most conspicuous
instantiation as popular entertainment is seen in the game of
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paper, scissors, stone, which dates back (at least) to the Chinese
Han Dynasty (206 BC – AD 220), when it was known as
shoushiling.
The ultimate expression of triangular dynamic stability, not only
in China, but worldwide, is undoubtedly presented by the Classic
of Change, the Yi Jing, or Zhouyi. It is upon this work of
singular, inhuman genius, in which sheer arithmetic speaks more
purely than it has ever done before or since, that all of China’s
ceremonial bronzes, literary flights, and childhood games
converge.
In the numerical system of the Yi Jing, the tripod finds a source
more basic than the Abrahamic meta-tradition can provide,
regardless of how Trinitarian this latter has become. That is
because, in this Chinese cultural ur-stratum, unity does not
figure as an original unity, subsequently disintegrated into a
theological, dialectical, or sociopolitical triangle but is, on the
contrary, derived. As the Confucian commentary explains: “The
number 3 was assigned to heaven, 2 to earth, and from these
came the (other) numbers.” In the beginning were numbers –
primordial dispersion.
The ‘language’ of the tripod finds its most convenient
expression in the trigram, whose three lines constitute an
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elementary unit. To grasp the Yi Jing as a complete arithmetical
model of the dynamic triad, however, it is necessary to proceed
immediately to the structure of the hexagram.
Grasped in operation, the Yi Jing is not only a binary
arithmetical system (as Leibniz interpreted it), but a binodecimal conjunction. This is demonstrated by the fact that it
systematically rewards the application of decimal digital
reduction, and reveals its dynamic pattern only under these
conditions. (This might, quite reasonably, be considered a highly
surprising suggestion, since digital reduction – as it arose within
the history of Western Qabbalism – seems to have been
generated, automatically, from the interference of the decimal
Hindu numerals with older alphabetical number systems, or
‘gematrias’, that attached cardinal values to specific letters,
without use of place value. It is immediately obvious that this
historical account cannot be translated into a Chinese context,
where alphabets have no traditional root.)
Digital reduction is an extremely simple numerical technique,
involving nothing besides single-digit additions and neglect of
decimal magnitude. A multi-digit number is treated as a string of
single digit additions, and the process is reiterated in the case of
a multi-digit result.
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Expressing the series of binary powers in decimal notation yields
the familiar sequence 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512, 1024,
2048, 4096, 8192 … When this series is compressed to a string
of single digits by reduction, it proceeds: 1, 2, 4, 8, (1 + 6 =) 7,
(3 + 2 =) 5, (6 + 4 =) 1, (1 + 2 + 8 = 11 = 1 + 1 =) 2, (2 + 5 +
6 = 13 = 1 + 3 =) 4, (5 + 1 + 2 =) 8, (1 + 0 + 2 + 4 =) 7, (2 +
0 + 4 + 8 = 14 = 1 + 4 =) 5, and repeatedly, through the 6-step
cycle 1, 2, 4, 8, 7, 5. This process exposes the arithmetical
necessity of the Yi Jing hexagram, as an archetypal exhaustion of
the phases of time.
To excavate the triadic or tripodic, it is helpful to turn to the
classical (and now integral) Confucian commentary, the ‘Ten
Wings’ (Shi Yi), which explore the structure of the trigrams and
hexagrams in various ways. These include an explicit formula for
folding the six lines of the hexagram back into a triad, by
coupling the lines: first and fourth; second and fifth; third and
sixth. These dyads have a consistent arithmetical order, when
calculated in accordance with the reduced bino-decimal values
generated above: 1 + 8 = 9; 2 + 7 = 9; 4 + 5 = 9. “What these
six lines show is simply this, the way of the three Powers.”
Summation to nine regularly serves as a confirmation within the
Shi Yi. For instance, in the section translated by Legge as ‘The
Great Appendix’:
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52. The numbers (required) for Khien (or the undivided line)
amount to 216; those for Khwan (or the divided line), to 144.
Together they are 360, corresponding to the days of the year.
53. The number produced by the lines in the two parts (of the
Yî) amount to 11,520, corresponding to the number of all
things.
54. Therefore by means of the four operations is the Yî
completed. It takes 18 changes to form a hexagram.
144 = 1 + 4 + 4 = 9
216 = 2 + 1 + 6 = 9
360 = 3 + 6 + 0 = 9
11,520 = 1 + 1 + 5 + 2 + 0 = 9
18 = 1 + 8 = 9
There is much more to say on the importance of the number
nine in traditional Chinese culture, and beyond, but this is not
the time. For now, it suffices to note that nine, or ‘Old Yang’,
represents the extreme point of maturity or positive
accumulation in the Yi Jing, and thus incipient transition. It thus
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echoes the function of the same numeral within a zero-based
decimal place-value system, strongly reinforcing the impression
that the Yi Jing assumes cultural familiarity with such numeracy,
and thus indicating its extreme antiquity within China.
The six-phase cycle collapses into a triadic dynamic, whose
stages are the dyads 1&8, 2&7, 4&5. It is thus exactly
isomorphic with the paper, scissors, stone circuit, or rather, this
latter can be seen as a simplification of the Yi Jing dynamic
tripod, treating each stage as simple, rather than twinned. Where
the bagua, or set of trigrams, merely enumerates the set of 3-bit
variants in static fashion, the system of hexagrams rigorously
constructs a triangular dynamic, which is presented as a model
of time.
If this is the ‘Chinese example’ at its most quintessential, then it
is exactly the Anglosphere example, as determined by Mead,
except carried to a far more exalted level of abstraction, or
proto-conceptual purity. Dynamic pluralism is under no threat
from a Chinese future, insofar as deep-cultural evidence counts
for anything. The reign of the tripod has scarcely begun.
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Calendric Dominion
SEPTEMBER 30, 2011
How hegemony still counts.
Modernity and hegemony are Urban Future obsessions, which
might (at least in part) excuse a link to this article in Britain’s
Daily Mail, on the topic of Christianity, the calendar, and
political correctness. It addresses itself to the international
dominion of the Gregorian, Western Christian calendar, and the
sensitivities of those who, whilst perhaps reconciled to the
inevitability of counting in Jesus-years, remain determined to
dis-evangelize the accompanying acronymics. More particularly,
it focuses upon the BBC, and its attempt to sensitize on other
people’s behalf (pass the popcorn).
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The BBC’s religious and ethics department says the changes are
necessary to avoid offending non-Christians.
It states: ‘As the BBC is committed to impartiality it is
appropriate that we use terms that do not offend or alienate
non-Christians.
In line with modern practice, BCE/CE (Before Common
Era/Common Era) are used as a religiously neutral alternative to
BC/AD.’
But the move has angered Christians …
Cue Ann Widdecombe, the Catholic former Tory Minister, who
said: ‘I think what the BBC is doing is offensive to Christians.
They are discarding terms that have been around for centuries
and are well understood by everyone.
‘What are they going to do next? Get rid of the entire calendar
on the basis that it has its roots in Christianity?’
It’s an interesting question, and the attempt to hold it open, as
provocatively as possible, might be the best reason to avoid glib,
politically correct remedies to the ‘problem’, however that is
understood. Anno Domini reminds us of dominion, which is a
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far better guideline into historical reality than kumbaya gestures
towards a ‘Common Era’, as if hegemony had no content
beyond togetherness. Since dominion has not been achieved
primarily by impoliteness or insensitivity, politically correct
multiculturalism is an irrelevant (and dishonest) response to it.
Regardless of whether Jesus is your Lord, or not, the Christian
calendar dominates, or at least predominates, and the traditional
acronymic accurately registers that fact. AD bitchez, as the
commentators of Zerohedge might say.
It is an intriguing and ineluctable paradox of globalized
modernity that its approximation to universality remains
fundamentally structured by ethno-geographical peculiarities of a
distinctly pre-modern type. The world was not integrated by
togetherness, but by a succession of particular powers, with their
characteristic traits, legacies, and parochialisms. For better or for
worse, these peculiar features have been deeply installed in the
governing order of the world. Their signs should be
meticulously conserved and studied rather than clumsily effaced,
because they are critical clues to the real nature of fate.
Without exception, calendars are treasure troves of intricatelysedimented ethno-historical information. They attempt to solve
an ultimately insoluble problem, by arithmetically rationalizing
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irrational
astronomical
quantities,
most
obviously
the
incommensurable cycles of the terrestrial orbit (solar year), lunar
orbit (month), and terrestrial rotation (day). No coherent
arithmetical construct can ever reconcile these periods, and even
a repulsively inelegant calendar can only do so to a tolerable
margin or error. The consequent ramshackle compromise,
typically deformed by a torturous series of adjustments,
reshufflings, and intercalations, tells an elaborate story of fixed
and variable cultural priorities, regime changes, legacy
constraints, alien influences, conceptual capabilities, and
observational refinements, further complicated by processes of
drift, adoption, and innovation that ripple through numerical
and linguistic signs.
The hegemonic (Gregorian) calendar, for instance, is a jagged
time-crash of incommensurable periods, in which multiple
varieties of disunity jostle together. Weeks don’t fit into solar
and lunar months, or years, but cut through them quasirandomly, so that days and dates slide drunkenly across each
other. The length of the week is biblical, but the names of the
days combine ancient astrology (Saturday-Monday) with the
gods of Norse mythology (Tuesday-Friday). Although the
Nordic-linguistic aspect of the week has not been strongly
globalized, its Judaeo-numerical aspect has. The months are a
ghastly mess, awkwardly mismatched with each other, with the
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lunar cycle, and with the succession of weeks, and testifying to
the confused, erratic astro-politics of the Roman Empire in their
linguistic mixture of deities (January, March, April?, May, June),
festivals (February), emperors (July, August), and numbers
(September-December). There is no need to excavate into this
luxuriant dung-hill here, except to note that the ‘Christianity’ of
the Western calendar rests upon chaos-rotted pagan and polynumeric foundations.
What matters to the AD-BC (vs CE-BCE) debate is not the
multitudinously-muttering inner disorder of the Western
calendar, but its estimation of the years, or ‘era’. In this regard, it
has clear competitors, and thus arouses definite resentments,
since its closest cousins assert eras of their own. The era of the
Hebrew calendar dates back to the tohu (chaos) of the year
before creation, and records the years of the world (Latinized as
Anno Mundi), to the present 5772 AM. The Islamic calendar,
which begins from the Hejira of Mohammed, from Mecca to
Medina, reached 1432 AH in AD 2011.
The Christian calendar, first systematized in AD 525 by
Dionysius Exiguus (Dennis the Runt), counts the first Anno
Domini Nostri Iesu Christi as the birth year of Jesus Ben
Joseph, a false messiah to the Jews, the Christ and Redeemer for
the Christians, a prophet to the Moslems, the Nazarene
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oppressor to Satanists, and something else, or nothing much, to
everybody else. Regardless of the accuracy of its chronology or
tacit theology, however, this is the year count that has been
globally inherited from the real process of modernity, and
recognized as a world standard by the United Nations, among
other international organizations.
Compared to the Abrahamic calendars, those of Asia’s
demographic giants generally lacked tight doctrinal and didactic
focus. India can usually be relied upon to inundate any topic
whatsoever in delirious multiplicity, and the calendar is no
exception. Bengali, Malayalam, and Tamil calendars are all
widely used in their respective regions, the Indian National
Calendar counts from AD 78 = 0, which, in ominous keeping
with current events, places us in 1933, and the most widely
accepted Hindu religious calendar total the years since the birth
of Krishna, reaching 5112 in AD 2011.
The fabulous complexity of China’s traditional calendar makes it
a paradise for nerds. Most commonly, it counts the years of each
imperial reign, and is thus integrated by a literary narrative of
dynastic history, rather than an arithmetical continuum. (The
obstacle this presented to modernistic universalization is brutally
obvious.) Alternatively, however, it groups historical time into
sixty-year cycles, beginning from 2637 BC (which places us in
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the 28th year of cycle-78). Most Chinese today seem to have an
extremely tenuous connection to this dimension of their
calendrical heritage, which scarcely survives outside academic
departments of ancient history, and in Daoist temples. Whilst
the internal structure of the traditional year survives undamaged,
as attested by the annual cycle of festivities, Chinese surrender
to the Gregorian year count seems absolute.
Christian conservatives are surely right to argue that it is the year
count – the number and the era – that matters. The acronyms
are merely explanatory, and even essentially tautological. Once it
has been decided that history is measured from and divided by
the birth of Jesus, it is far too late to quibble over the attribution
of dominance. AD bitchez. That argument is over.
(Coming next, in Part 2 – Counter-calendars)
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Calendric Dominion (Part 2)
OCTOBER 8, 2011
Caesar with the soul of Christ.
Political Correctness has tacitly legislated against the stillprevailing acronyms that define the hegemonic international
calendar (BC-AD), and proposed clear alternatives (BCE-CE).
Both the criticism and the suggestion are entirely consistent with
its principles. In accordance with the tenets of multiculturalism
(a more recent and also more active hegemony), it extends the
liberal assumption of formal equality from individuals to
‘cultures’, allocating group rights, and identifying – whilst
immediately denouncing – discrimination and privilege. As
might be expected from an ideology that is exceptionally
concentrated among intellectual elites, the proposed remedy is
purely symbolic, taking the form of a rectification of signs. The
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‘problem’ is diagnosed as a failure of consciousness, or
sensitivity, requiring only a raising of awareness (to be effected,
one can safely assume, by properly credentialed and
compensated professionals).
Even considered in its own terms, however, the rectification that
is suggested amounts to nothing more than an empty gesture of
refusal, accompanying fundamental compliance. Whilst the
symbolic ‘left’ draw comfort from the insistence upon
inconsequential change, with its intrinsic offense against
conservative presumptions, reinforced by an implied moral
critique of tradition, the counter-balancing indignation of the
‘right’ fixes the entire dispute within the immobilized trenches of
the Anglo-American ‘culture war’. The deep structure of
calendric signs persists unaffected. Between Christian dominion
(invoking ‘Our Lord’) and a ‘common era’ that is obediently
framed by the dating of Christian revelation, there is no
difference that matters. It is the count that counts.
Political Correctness fails here in the same way it always does,
due to its disconnection of ‘correctness’ from any rigorous
principle of calculation, and its disengagement of ‘sensitivity’
from realistic perception. A calendar is a profound cultural
edifice, orchestrating the apprehension of historical time. As
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such, it is invulnerable to the gnat-bites of ideological irritability
(and dominance is not reducible to impoliteness).
The problem of Western Calendric Dominion is not one of
supremacism (etiquette) but of supremacy (historical fatality). It
might be posed: How did modernistic globalization come to be
expressed as Christian Oecumenon? In large measure, this is
Max Weber’s question, and Walter Russell Mead’s, but it
overflows the investigations of both, in the direction of
European and Middle Eastern antiquity. Initial stimulation for
this inquiry is provided by a strange – even fantastic —
coincidence.
In his notebooks, Friedrich Nietzsche imagined the overman
(Übermensch) as a “Caesar with the soul of Christ,” a chimerical
being whose tensions echo those of the Church of Rome,
Latinized Christian liturgy, and the Western calendar. This
hybridity is expressed by a multitude of calendric features,
following a broad division of labor between a Roman
structuring of the year (within which with superficiallyChristianized pagan festivals are scattered unsystematically), and
a Christian year count, but it also points towards a cryptic —
even radically unintelligible — plane of fusion.
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In the Year Zero, which never took place, a mysterious
synchronization occurred, imperceptibly and unremarked,
founding the new theopolitical calendric order. For the
Christians, who would not assimilate the Empire until the reign
of Constantine in the early-4th century AD, God was incarnated
as man, in the embryo of Jesus Christ. Simultaneously, in a
Rome that was perfectly oblivious to the conception of the
Messiah, the Julian calendar became operational. Julius Caesar’s
calendric reform had begun 45 years earlier, following the Years
of Confusion, but incompetent execution in subsequent decades
had systematically mis-timed the leap year, intercalating a day
every three years, rather than every four. The anomalous
triennial cycle was abandoned and “the Roman calendar was
finally aligned to the Julian calendar in 1 BC (with AD 1 the first
full year of alignment),” although no special significance would
be assigned to these years until Dionysius Exiguus integrated
Christian history in AD 525.
Given the astounding neglect of this twin event, some additional
emphasis is appropriate: The Julian calendar, which would
persist, unmodified, for almost 1,600 years, and which still
dominates colloquial understanding of the year’s length (at
365.25 days), was born – by sheer and outrageous ‘chance’ – at
the precise origin of the Christian Era, as registered by the
Western, and now international, numbering of historical time.
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The year count thus exactly simulates a commemoration of the
calendar itself – or at least of its prototype – even though the
birth of this calendar, whether understood in the terms of
secular reason or divine providence, has absolutely no
connection to the counted beginning. This is a coincidence –
which is to say, a destiny perceived without comprehension –
that neither Roman authority nor Christian revelation has been
able to account for, even as it surreptitiously shapes Western
(and then Global) history. As the world’s dominant calendar
counts the years under what appears to be a particular religious
inspiration, it refers secretly to its own initiation, alluding to
mysteries of time that are alien to any faith. That much is simple
fact.
Unlike the Julian calendar, the Gregorian calendar was
determined under Christian auspices, or at least formal Christian
authority (that of Pope Gregory XIII), and promulgated by
papal bull in 1582. Yet a glance suffices to reveal the
continuation of Julian calendric dominion, since the Gregorian
reform effects transformations that remain strictly compliant
with the Julian pattern, modified only by elementary operations
of decimal re-scaling and inversion. Where the Julian calendar
took four years as its base cyclical unit, the Gregorian takes four
centuries, and where the Julian adds one leap day in four years,
the Gregorian leaves one and subtracts three in 400. The result
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was an improved approximation to the tropical year (averaging
~365.24219 days), from the Julian 365.25 year, to the Gregorian
365.2425, a better than 20-fold reduction in discrepancy from an
average ~0.00781 days per year (drifting off the seasons by one
day every 128 years) to ~0.00031 (drifting one day every 3,226
years).
The combination of architectonic fidelity with technical
adjustment defines conservative reform. It is clearly evident in
this case. A neo-Julian calendar, structured in its essentials at its
origin in AD 1 minus 1, but technically modified at the margin
in the interest of improved accuracy, armed the West with the
world’s most efficient large-scale time-keeping system by the
early modern period. In China, where the Confucian literati
staged competitions to test various calendars from around the
world against the prediction of eclipses, Jesuits equipped with
the Gregorian calendar prevailed against all alternatives, ensuring
the inexorable trend towards Western calendric conventions, or,
at least, the firm identification of Western methods with
modernistic efficiency. Given only an edge, in China and
elsewhere, the dynamics of complex systems took over, as
‘network effects’ locked-in the predominant standard, whilst
systematically marginalizing its competitors. Even though Year
Zero was still missing, it was, ever increasingly, missing at the
same time for everyone. “Caeser with the soul of Christ” – the
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master of Quadrennium and eclipse — had installed itself as the
implicit meaning of world history.
(Still to come – in Part 4? – Counter-Calendars, but we probably
need an excursion through zero first)
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Calendric Dominion (Part 3)
OCTOBER 16, 2011
In Search of Year Zero.
A Year Zero signifies a radical re-beginning, making universal
claims. In modern, especially recent modern times, it is
associated above all with ultra-modernist visions of total politics,
at is maximum point of utopian and apocalyptic extremity. The
existing order of the world is reduced to nothing, from which a
new history is initiated, fundamentally disconnected from
anything that occurred before, and morally indebted only to
itself. Predictably enough, among conservative commentators
(in the widest sense), such visions are broadly indistinguishable
from the corpse-strewn landscapes of social catastrophe,
haunted by the ghosts of unrealizable dreams.
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Christianity’s global Calendric Dominion is paradoxical —
perhaps even ‘dialectical’ — in this regard. It provides the
governing model of historical rupture and unlimited ecumenical
extension, and thus of total revolution, whilst at the same time
representing the conservative order antagonized by modernistic
ambition. Its example incites the lurch to Year Zero, even as it
has no year zero of its own. Ultimately, its dialectical
provocation tends towards Satanic temptation: the promise of
Anti-Christian Apocalypse, or absolute news to a second power.
(“If the Christians could do it, why couldn’t we?” Cue bodycounts scaling up towards infinity.)
This tension exists not only between an established Christian
order and its pseudo-secular revolutionary after-image, but also
within Christianity itself, which is split internally by the apparent
unity and real dissociation of ‘messianic time’. The process of
Christian calendric consolidation was immensely protracted. A
distance of greater than half a millennium separated the clear
formulation
of
the
year
count
from
the
moment
commemorated, with further centuries required to fully integrate
historical recording on this basis, digesting prior Jewish, Roman,
and local date registries, and laying the foundation for a
universalized Christian articulation of time. By the time the
revolutionary ‘good news’ had been coherently formalized into a
recognizable prototype of the hegemonic Western calendar, it
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had undergone a long transition from historical break to
established tradition, with impeccable conservative credentials.
Simultaneously, however, the process of calendric consolidation
sustained, and even sharpened, the messianic expectation of
punctual, and truly contemporary rupture, projected forwards as
duplication, or ‘second coming’ of the initial division. Even if
the moment in which history had been sundered into two parts
— before and after, BC and AD — now lay in quite distant
antiquity, its example remained urgent, and promissory.
Messianic hope was thus torn and compacted by an intrinsic
historical doubling, which stretched it between a vastly
retrospective, gradually recognized beginning, and a prospect of
sudden completion, whose credibility was assured by its status as
repetition. What had been would be again, transforming the AD
count into a completed sequence that was confirmed in the
same way it was terminated (through Messianic intervention).
Unsurprisingly, the substantial history of Western calendric
establishment is twinned with the rise of millenarianism, through
phases that trend to increasingly social-revolutionary forms, and
eventually make way for self-consciously anti-religious, although
decidedly eschatological, varieties of modernistic total politics.
Because whatever has happened must — at least — be possible,
the very existence of the calendar supports anticipations of
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absolute historical rupture. Its count, simply by beginning,
prefigures an end. What starts can re-start, or conclude.
Zero, however, intrudes diagonally. It even introduces a comic
aspect, since whatever the importance of the Christian revelation
to the salvation of our souls, it is blatantly obvious that it failed
to deliver a satisfactory arithmetical notation. For that, Christian
Europe had to await the arrival of the decimal numerals from
India, via the Moslem Middle East, and the ensuing revolution
of calculation and book-keeping that coincided with the
Renaissance, along with the birth of mercantile capitalism in the
city states of northern Italy.
Indeed, for anybody seeking a truly modern calendar, the Arrival
of Zero would mark an excellent occasion for a new year zero
(AZ 0?), around AD 1500. Although this would plausibly date
the origin of modernity, the historical imprecision of the event
counts against it, however. In addition, the assimilation of zero
by germinal European (and thus global) capitalism was evidently
gradual — if comparatively rapid — rather than a punctual
‘revolutionary’ transition of the kind commerorative calendric
zero is optimally appropriate to. (If Year Zero is thus barred
from
the
designation
of
its
own
world-historic
operationalization, it is perhaps structurally doomed to
misapplication and the production of disillusionment.)
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The conspicuous absence of zero from the Western calendar
(count), exposed in its abrupt jolt from 1 BC to AD 1, is an
intolerable and irreparable stigma that brings its world irony to a
zenith. In the very operation of integrating world history, in
preparation for planetary modernity, it remarks its own
debilitating
antiquity
and
particularity,
in
the
most
condescending modern sense of the limited and the primitive —
crude, defective and underdeveloped.
How could a moment of self-evident calculative incompetence
provide a convincing origin-point for subsequent historical
calculation? Year Zero escaped all possibility of conceptual
apprehension at the moment in the time-count where it is now
seen to belong, and infinity (the reciprocal of zero) proves no
less elusive. Infinity was inserted into a time when (and place
where) it demonstrably made no sense, and the extraordinary
world-historical impression that it made did nothing — not even
nothing– to change that situation. Is this not a worthy puzzle for
theologians? Omnipotent, omniscient, omnibenevolent, yet
hopeless at maths — these are not the characteristics of a
revelation designed to impress technologists or accountants. All
the more reason, then, to take this comedy seriously, in all its
ambivalence — since the emerging world of technologists and
accountants, the techno-commercial (runway-industrial, or
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capitalist) world that would globalize the earth, was weaned
within the playpen of this calendar, and no other. Modernity had
selected to date itself in a way that its own kindergarten students
would scorn.
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Calendric Dominion (Part 4)
OCTOBER 21, 2011
A Digression into the Reality Principle.
Between the world we would like to inhabit, and the world that
exists, there’s a gap that tests us. Even the simplest description
of this gap already calls for a decision. ‘Ideologies’ in the
broadest, and culturally almost all-consuming sense, serve
primarily to soften it. Sense, and even compassion, is attributed
to the side of reality, promising ultimate reconciliation between
human hopes and desires and the ‘objective’ nature of things.
Science, a typically despised and misanthropic discipline, tends
to the opposite assumption, emphasizing the harsh indifference
of reality to human interests and expectations, with the
implication that the lessons it teaches us can be administered
with unlimited brutality. We can dash ourselves against reality if
we insist, but we cannot realistically anticipate some merciful
moderation of the consequences. Nature does not scold or
punish, it merely breaks us, coldly, upon the rack of our
untruths.
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Like other cultural institutions, calendars are saturated with
ideologies, and tested to destruction against implacable reality.
Their collision with nature is especially informative, because they
express obstinate human desires as favored numbers (selected
from among small positive integers), and they register the gulf of
the real in a strictly quantitative form. Any surviving calendar
relates the story of an adaptation to reality, or cultural deference
to (and deformation by) nature, as numerical preferences have
been compromised through their encounter with quantitative
facts.
Pure ideology in the calendrical sphere is represented in its
perfection by the fantasy year of the ancient Mesopotamians,
360 days in length, and harmonized to the sexagesimal
(modulus-60) arithmetic of the Sumerians. Its influence has
persisted in the 360 degrees of the geometric circle, and in the
related sexagesimal division into minutes and seconds (of time
and arc). The archaic calendars of Meso-America and East Asia,
as well as those of the Middle East, seem to have been attracted
to the 360-day year, as though to an ideal model. If the Great
Architect of the Universe had been an anthropomorphic
geometer, this is the calendar that would work.
Of course, it doesn’t (with all due respect to the engrossing
Biblical counter-argument outlined here). Instead, in the
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mainstream world calendric tradition – as determined by the
eventual global outcome – a first level adaptation systematized
the year at 365 days – the Egyptian year. Unlike the 360-day
archetypal year, which has all of the first three primes as factors,
and thus divides conveniently into ‘months’ or other component
periods, the 365-day year represents a reluctant concession to
quantitative fact. The number 365 has only two factors (both
primes, 5 and 73), but neither seems to have acquired any
discernible calendrical valency, perhaps because of their obvious
unsuitability to even approximate description of lunar periods.
The Egyptians turned instead to an awkward but influential
innovation: the intercalation. A five-day appendix was added to
the
year,
as
a
sheer
correction
or
supplementary
commensuration, and an annual reminder of the gap between
numerical
elegance
and
astronomical
reality.
Whilst
intercalations were invested with mytho-religious significance,
this was essentially compensatory – a crudely obscured
testament to the weakness of ideality (and thus of systematic
priest-craft as a mode of reality apprehension, or efficient social
purpose). If intercalations were necessary, then nature was not
spell-bound, and the priest-masters of calendric time were
exposed, tacitly, as purveyors of mystification, whose limits were
drawn by the horizon of social credulity. Astronomical time
mocked the meanings of men.
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Over time, the real (‘tropical’) year discredits its calendrical
idealizations by unmooring dates from the seasons, in a process
of time drift that exposes discrepancy, and drives calendar
reform. Inaccurate calendars are gradually rendered meaningless,
as the seasonal associations of its time terms are eroded to utter
randomness – by frigid ‘summer’ months and scorching ‘winter’
ones. Clearly, no priesthood can survive in a climate that derides
the established order of the year, and in which farmers that
listen to the holy words (of time) are assured inevitable
starvation. Unless tracked within a tolerable margin of accuracy
by a calendar that ‘keeps’ the time, the year reverts to an alien
and
unintelligible
thing,
entirely
exterior
to
cultural
comprehension, whilst society’s reigning symbols appear as a
risible, senseless babble, drowned out by the howling chaos of
the real.
With the introduction of the Julian Calendar, coinciding with the
(non-event) of year zero, comes the recognition that the tropical
year is incommensurable with any integer, and that a larger cycle
of intercalation is required to track it. A kind of modernity, or
structural demystification, is born with the relinquishment of the
ideal year, and everything it symbolizes in terms of cosmic
design or celestial harmony. The devil’s appendix is attached,
irremovably.
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Numeracy and time measurement divorce at the origin of
caesarean Calendric Dominion, but it is easy to mistake
accidents on this path for essential concessions to reality. Even
allowing for the inescapable function of intercalations, there was
nothing inevitable – at least absolutely or cosmically inevitable –
about the utter ruination of numerical coherence that the Julian
Calendar incarnated, and passed on.
To explore this (admittedly arcane) topic further requires a
digression to the second power, into the relations between
numbers and anthropomorphic desire. The obvious starting
point is the 360-day calendar of ancient Sumer, and the
question: What made this number appealing? Whether
examining 360, or its sexagesimal root (60), an arithmeticallyconventional attention to prime factors (2, 3, and 5), is initially
misleading — although ultimately indispensable. A more
illuminating introduction begins with the compound factors 10
and 12, the latter relevant primarily to the lunar cycle (and the
archaic dream of an astronomically – or rather astrologically —
consistent 12-month year), and the former reflecting the
primordial anthropomorphism in matters numeric: decimalism.
The 360-day calendar is an object of human desire because it is
an anthropo-lunar (or menstrual-lycanthropic?) hybrid, speaking
intrinsically to the cycles of human fertility, and to the ‘digital’
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patterns instantiated in mammalian body-plans. A 360-day year
would be ours (even if alien things are hidden in it).
Anthropomorphic decimalism suggests how certain numerical
opportunities went missing, along with zero. ‘Apprehension’ and
‘comprehension’ refer understanding to the prehensile organs of
a specific organism, whose bilateral symmetry combines fivefingered hands to produce a count reaching ten, across an
interval that belongs to an alien, intractable, third. Triadic beings
are monsters, and decimally ungraspable. The bino-decimal
structure of the Yi Jing exhibits this with total clarity, through its
six-stage time-cycle that counts in the recurrent sequence 1, 2, 4,
8, 7, 5 … Each power of three (within the decimal numerals) is
expelled along with zero from the order of apprehensible time.
There is no way that a ternary calendric numeracy could ever
have been anthropomorphically acceptable – the very thought is
(almost definitionally) abominable.
Yet astronomy seems hideously complicit with abomination, at
least, if the years are twinned. The sixth power of three (3^6)
approximates to the length of two tropical years with a
discrepancy of just ~1.48438 days, or less than one day a year.
An intercalation of three days every four years (or two twin-year
cycles) brings it to the accuracy of the Julian Calendar, and a
reduction of this intercalation by one day every 128 years (or 64
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(2^6) twin-year cycles) exceeds the accuracy of the Gregorian
calendar.
It might be necessary to be slightly unbalanced to fully
appreciate this extraordinary conjunction of numerical elegance
and astronomical fact. A system of calendric computation that
counts only in twos and threes, and which maintains a perfectly
triadic order of time-division up to the duration of a two-year
period, is able to quite easily exceed the performance of the
dominant international calendar (reaching a level of accuracy
that disappears into the inherent instability of the tropical year,
and is thus strictly speaking unimprovable).
How many days are there in a year? ((3 x 3 x 3 x 3 x 3 x 3) / 2)
+ ~0.74219
The horror, the horror …
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Calendric Dominion (Part 5)
OCTOBER 28, 2011
From Crimson Paradise to Soft Apocalypse.
Despite its modernity and decimalism, the French calendrier
républicain or révolutionnaire had no Year Zero, but it re-set the
terms of understanding. A topic that had been conceived as an
intersection of religious commemoration with astronomical fact
became overtly ideological, and dominated by considerations of
secular politics. The new calendar, which replaced AD 1792 with
the first year of the new ‘Era of Liberty’, lasted for less than 14
years. It was formally abolished by Napoléon, effective from 1
January 1806 (the day after 10 Nivôse an XIV), although it was
briefly revived during the Paris Commune (in AD 1871, or
Année 79 de la République), when the country’s revolutionary
enthusiasm was momentarily re-ignited.
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For the left, the calendric re-set meant radical re-foundation, and
symbolic extirpation of the Ancien Régime. For the right, it
meant immanentization of the eschaton, and the origination of
totalitarian terror. Both definitions were confirmed in 1975,
when Year Zero was finally reached in the killing fields of the
Kampuchean Khmer Rouge, where over quarter of the
country’s population perished during efforts to blank-out the
social slate and start over. Khmer Rouge leader Saloth Sar
(better known by his nom de guerre Pol Pot) had made ‘Year
Zero’ his own forever, re-branded as a South-east Asian final
solution.
Year Zero was henceforth far too corpse-flavored to retain
propaganda value, but that does not render the calendric
equation 1975 = 0 insignificant (rather the opposite).
Irrespective of its parochialism in time and space, corresponding
quite strictly to a re-incarnation of (xenophobic-suicidal)
‘national socialism’, it defines a meaningful epoch, as the highwater mark of utopian overreach, and the complementary revalorization of conservative pragmatism. Appropriately enough,
Year Zero describes an instant without duration, in which the
age of utopian time is terminated in exact coincidence with its
inauguration. The era it opens is characterized, almost perfectly,
by its renunciation, as fantasy social programming extinguishes
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itself in blood and collapse. The immanent eschaton
immediately damns itself.
Historical irony makes this excursion purely (sub-) academic,
because the new era is essentially disinclined to conceive itself as
such. What begins from this Year Zero is a global culture of
ideological exhaustion, or of ‘common sense’, acutely sensitive
to the grinning death’s head hidden in beautiful dreams, and
reconciled to compromise with the non-ideal. From the
perspective of fantastic revolutionary expectation, the high-tide
of perfectionist vision ebbs into disillusionment and tolerable
dissatisfaction – but at least it doesn’t eat our children. The new
era’s structural modesty of ambition has no time for a radical rebeginning or crimson paradise, even when it is historically
defined by one.
Pol Pot’s Year Zero is sandwiched between the publication of
Eric Voegelin’s The Ecumenic Age (1974), and the first
spontaneous Chinese mass protests against the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution (over the months following the death of
Zhou Enlai, in January 1976). It is noteworthy in this regard that
Deng Xiaoping eulogized Zhou at his memorial ceremony for
being “modest and prudent” (thus the New Aeon speaks).
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In the Anglo-American world, the politics of ideological
exhaustion were about to take an explicitly conservative form,
positively expressed as ‘market realism’ (and in this sense deeply
resonant
with,
as
well
as
synchronized
to,
Chinese
developments). Margaret Thatcher assumed leadership of the
British Conservative Party in February 1975, and Ronald Reagan
declared his presidential candidacy in November of the same
year. The English-speaking left would soon be traumatized by a
paradoxical ‘conservative revolution’ that extracted relentless
energy from the very constriction of political possibility. What
could not happen quickly became the primary social dynamo, as
articulated by the Thatcherite maxim: “There is no alternative”
(= option zero). The auto-immolation of utopia had transmuted
into a new beginning.
Whilst the era of not restarting from zero can be dated to
approximate accuracy (from AD n – 1975), and had thus in fact
restarted from zero, in profoundly surreptitious fashion, its
broad consequence was to spread and entrench (Gregorian)
Calendric Dominion ever more widely and deeply. The
prevailing combination of radically innovative globalization
(both economic and technological) with prudential social
conservatism made such an outcome inevitable. Symbolic recommencement wasn’t on anybody’s agenda, and even as the
postmodernists declared the end of ‘grand narratives’, the first
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planetary-hegemonic
narrative
consolidating
position
its
structure
of
in
uncontested
history
was
monopoly.
Globalization was the story of the world, with Gregorian dating
as its grammar.
Orphaned by ideological exhaustion, stigmatized beyond
recovery by its association with the Khmer Rouge, and radically
maladapted to the reigning spirit of incremental pragmatism, by
the late 20th century Year Zero was seemingly off the agenda,
unscheduled, and on its own. Time, then, for something truly
insidious.
On January 18, 1985, Usenet poster Spencer L. Bolles called
attention to a disturbing prospect that had driven a friend into
insomnia:
I have a friend that raised an interesting question that I
immediately tried to prove wrong. He is a programmer and has
this notion that when we reach the year 2000, computers will
not accept the new date. Will the computers assume that it is
1900, or will it even cause a problem? I violently opposed this
because it seemed so meaningless. Computers have entered into
existence during this century, and has software, specifically
accounting software, been prepared for this turnover? If this
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really comes to pass and my friend is correct, what will happen?
Is it anything to be concerned about?
Bolles’ anonymous friend was losing sleep over what would
come to be known as the ‘Y2K problem’. In order to economize
on memory in primitive early-generation computers, a widelyadopted convention recorded dates by two digits. The
millennium and century were ignored, since it was assumed that
software upgrades would have made the problem moot by the
time it became imminent, close to the ‘rollover’ (of century and
millennium) in the year AD 2000. Few had anticipated that the
comparative conservatism of software legacies (relative to
hardware development) would leave the problem entirely
unaddressed even as the crisis date approached.
In the end, Y2K was a non-event that counted for nothing,
although its preparation costs, stimulus effects (especially on
outsourcing to the emerging Indian software industry), and
panic potential were all considerable. Its importance to the
history of the calendar – whilst still almost entirely virtual – is
extremely far-reaching.
Y2K resulted from the accidental — or ‘spontaneous’ —
emergence of a new calendrical order within the globalized
technosphere. Its Year Zero, 0K (= 1900), was devoid of all
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parochial commemoration or ideological intention, even as it
was
propagated
through
increasingly
computerized
communication channels to a point of ubiquity that converged,
asymptotically, with that attained by Western Calendric
Dominion over the complete sweep of world history. The 20th
century had been recoded, automatically, as the 1st century of
the Cybernetic Continuum. If Y2K had completed its
reformatting of the planetary sphere-drive in the way some (few
deluded hysterics) had expected, the world would now be
approaching the end of the year 0K+111, settled securely in its
first arithmetically-competent universal calendar, and historically
oriented by the same system of electronic computation that had
unconsciously decided upon the origin of positive time. Instead,
the ‘millennium bug’ was fixed, and theological date-counting
prolonged its dominance, uninterrupted (after much ado about
nothing). Most probably, the hegemonic cultural complex
encrusted in Calendric Dominion never even noticed the
cybernetic insurrection it had crushed.
Between 0K and Y2K, the alpha and omega of soft apocalypse,
there is not only a century of historical time, but also an
inversion of attitude. Time departs 0K, as from any point of
origin, accumulating elapsed duration through its count. Y2K, in
contrast, was a destination, which time approached, as if to an
apocalyptic horizon. Whilst not registered as a countdown, it
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might easily have been. The terminus was precisely determined
(no less than the origin), and the strictest formulation of the
millennium bug construed the rollover point as an absolute limit
to recordable time, beyond which no future was even
imaginable. For any hypothetical Y2K-constrained computer
intelligence, denied access to dating procedures that over-spilled
its two-digit year registry, residual time shrank towards zero as
the millennium event loomed. Once all the nines are reached,
time is finished, at the threshold of eternity, where beginning
and end are indistinguishable (in 0).
“0K, it’s time to wrap this puppy up.” – Revelation 6:14
(next, and last, the end (at last))
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Calendric Dominion (Part 6)
NOVEMBER 4, 2011
Countdown.
At the beginning of the 21st century, global cultural hegemony is
on the move. For roughly 500 years, Western — and later more
specifically Anglophone — societies and agencies have
predominantly guided the development of the current world
system. As their economic pre-eminence wanes, their cultural
and political influence can be expected to undergo a comparable
decline. In the early stages of the coming transition, however,
the terminal form of active Western cultural hegemony –
multicultural political correctness (MPC) – is well-positioned to
manage the terms of the retreat. By reconfiguring basic Western
religious and political themes as a systematic sensitization to
unwarranted privilege, MPC is able to distance itself from its
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own heritage and to live on, in the resentment of ‘the other’, as
if it were the neutral adjudicator of disputes it had no part in.
When MPC turns its attention to the Gregorian (or Western
Christian) Calendar it is, of course, appalled. But it is also stuck.
What could be more insensitive to cultural diversity than an
ecumenical date-counting system, rooted in the ethnic
peculiarities
of
Greek-phase
Abrahamic
religion,
which
unapologetically celebrates its triumph in the uncompromising
words Anno Domini? Yet global convergence demands a
standard, no alternative calendar has superior claims to
neutrality, and, in any case, the inertial juggernaut of large-scale
complex systems – ‘lock-in’ or ‘path-dependency’ – pose barriers
to switching that seem effectively insuperable. The solution
proposed by MPC to this conundrum is so feeble that it
amounts to the completion of Gregorian Calendric Dominion,
which is to be simultaneously rephrased (politely) and
acknowledged in its irresistible universality as the articulation of
a ‘Common Era’.
MPC supplants problems of cultural power with obfuscatory
etiquette, and in absolute terms, its smug dishonesty is difficult
to like. As a relative phenomenon, however, its appeal is more
obvious, since radical ‘solutions’ to Gregorian Calendric
Dominion, re-beginning at Year Zero, have generally reverted to
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mass murder. Lacking persuasive claims to a new, fundamental,
and universally acknowledged historical break, they have
substituted terror for true global singularity, as if fate could be
blotted out in blood.
Since resentment gets nowhere, whether in its mild (MPC) or
harsh (killing fields) variants, it is worth entertaining alternative
possibilities. These begin with attention to real cultural
differences, rather than mere ‘cultural diversity’ as it presents
itself to the vacuously MPC-processed mind. Soon after
Shanghai had been selected as host city for World Expo 2010 (in
December 2002), countdowns started. For Westerners, these
probably had space-age associations, triggering memories of the
countdowns to ‘blast off’ that were popularized by the Apollo
Program, and subsequent science fiction media. It is far from
impossible that Chinese shared in these evocations, although
they were also able to access a far deeper – which is to say
civilizationally fundamental – reservoir of reference. That is
because Chinese time typically counts down, modeled, as it is,
on the workings of water clocks. The Chinese language
systematically describes previous as ‘above’ (shang) and next as
‘beneath’ (xia), conforming to an intuition of time as descent.
Time is counted down as it runs out, from an elevated hydraulic
body into the sunken future that receives it.
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Duration not only flows, it drips. Perhaps, then, an
‘orientalization’ of calendric perception and organization is
something that significantly exceeds a simple (or even
exceedingly difficult) renegotiation of beginnings. Re-beginning
might be considered largely irrelevant to the problem, at least
when compared to the re-orientation from an original to a
terminal Year Zero. Whilst not exactly a transition in the
direction of time, such a change would involve a transition in
the direction of time intuition, simultaneously surpassing the
wildest ambitions of calendrical re-origination and subtly
organizing itself ‘within the pores’ of the established order of
time. As modeled by the 2010 Expo, and previously by Y2K, the
switch to countdown time does not frontally challenge, or seek
to straightforwardly replace, the calendric order in being. Rather
than counting in the same way, from a different place, it counts
in a different way, within the framework of time already in place.
It is a revolution with ‘Chinese characteristics’, which is to say: a
surreptitious insurgency, changing what something already was,
rather than replacing it with something else.
Both the 2010 Expo and Y2K also reveal the extreme difficulty
of any such transition, since a futural Year Zero, or countdown
calendar, must navigate the arrow of time and its cognitive
asymmetry (between knowledge of the past and of the future),
presupposing exact, confident, and consensual prediction.
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That is why it approximates so closely to conservative
acceptance. If the countdown is to be sure of arriving at the
scheduled terminus, the destination ‘event’ must already be a
date (rather than an empirical ‘happening’). Nothing will suffice
except a strictly arithmetical, rigorously certain inevitability, as
inescapably pre-destined as the year 2000, or 2010, which cannot
but come. From the perspective of the countdown calendar, that
is what (Gregorian) Calendric Dominion will have been for. It is
an opportunity to program an inevitable arrival.
But when? The sheer passage (fall) of time has assured that the
opportunity for calendric revolution presented by the Y2K
‘millennium bug’ has been irretrievably missed (so that AD 1900
≠ 0). The same is true of World Expo 2010, an event without
pretense to be anything beyond a miniature ‘practice’ model of
global-temporal singularity. As for the real (techno-commercial)
Singularity – that is an imprecise historical prediction, at once
controversial and incapable of supporting exact prediction.
A more appropriate prospect is suggested by the science fiction
writer Greg Bear, in his novel Queen of Angels, set in
anticipation of the mid-21st century ‘binary millennium’ (2048 =
2¹¹). This is a formally suitable, purely calendric ‘event’, deriving
its significance from arithmetic rather than ideology or uncertain
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prophecy. He even envisages it as a moment of insurgent
revolution, when artificial intelligence arises surreptitiously, and
unnoticed. Yet arbitrariness impairs this date (why the 11th
power of 2?), and no serious attempt is made to explain its rise
to exceptional cultural prominence.
If an adjusted global culture is to converge upon a countdown
date, it must be obvious, intrinsically compelling, and
ideologically uncontroversial, in other words, spontaneously
plausible. The target that World Expo 2010 suggests
(anagrammatically) is AD 2100, a date that performs the final
stages of a countdown (2, 1, 0 …). Reinforcing this indication,
the Y2K ‘millennium bug’ threatened to re-set the date of AD
2000 to AD 1900, which would have tacitly reiterated itself at
the exact end of the 21st century. If it continues to chatter about
the calendar, perhaps this is how.
The impending Mayan Apocalypse, scheduled for 21 / 12 /
2012, offers a preliminary chance to indulge in a festival of
countdown numbers – like 2010, it looks a lot like another
digital singularity simulation. If the morning of December 22nd,
2012, leaves the world with nothing worse than a hangover, it
could gradually settle into a new sense of the Years Remaining
(to the end of all the time that counts, or the 21st century).
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AD 2100 = 0 YR
AD 2099 = 1 YR
AD 2098 = 2 YR
AD 2096 = 4 YR
AD 2092 = 8 YR
AD 2084 = 16 YR
AD 2068 = 32 YR
AD 2036 = 64 YR
AD 1972 = 128 YR
AD 1844 = 256 YR
AD 1588 = 512 YR
AD 1076 = 1024 YR
AD 52 = 2048 YR
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It’s difficult to anticipate what it looks like from the other side.
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Suspended Animation
NOVEMBER 11, 2011
Limbo starts to feel like home.
According to Herbert Stein’s Law, the signature warning of our
age, “If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.” The
question is: When?
The central concerns of environmentalists and radical market
economists are easy to distinguish – when not straightforwardly
opposed – yet both groups face a common mental and historical
predicament, which might even be considered the outstanding
social discovery of recent times: the extraordinary durability of
the unsustainable. A pattern of mass behavior is observed that
leads transparently to crisis, based on explosive (exponential)
trends that are acknowledged without controversy, yet
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consensus on matters of fact coexists with paralyzing policy
disagreements, seemingly interminable procrastination, and
irresolution. The looming crisis continues to swell, close,
horribly close, but in no way that is persuasively measurable
closer, like some grating Godot purgatory: “You must go on; I
can’t go on; I’ll go on.”
Urban Future doesn’t do green anguish as well as teeth-grinding
Austrolibertarian irritation, so it won’t really try. Suffice to say
that being green is about to become almost unimaginably
maddening, if it isn’t already. Just as the standard ‘green house’
model insinuates itself, near-universally, into the structure of
common sense, the world temperature record has locked into a
flatline, with surging CO2 production showing up everywhere
except as warming. Worse still, a new wave of energy resources
– stubbornly based on satanic hydrocarbons, and of truly
stupefying magnitude – is rolling out inertially, with barely a hint
of effective obstruction. Tar sands, fracking, and sub-salt deep
sea oil deposits are all coming on-stream already, with methane
clathrates just up the road. The world’s on a burn, and it can’t go
on (but it carries on).
Financial unsustainability is no less blatant, or bizarrely
enduring. Since the beginning of the 20th century, once
(classically) liberal Western economies have seen government
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expenditure rise from under 5% to over 40% of total income,
with much of Europe crossing the 50% redline (after which
nothing remotely familiar as ‘capitalism’ any longer exists).
Public debt levels are tracing geometrically elegant exponential
curves, chronic dependency is replacing productive social
participation, and generalized sovereign insolvency is now a
matter of simple and obvious fact. The only thing clearer than
the inevitability of systemic bankruptcy is the political
impossibility of doing anything about it, so things carry on, even
though they really have to stop. Unintelligible multi-trillion
magnitudes of impending calamity stack up, and up, and up in a
near future which never quite arrives.
The frozen limbo-state of durable unsustainability is the new
normal (which will last until it doesn’t). The pop cultural
expression is zombie apocalypse, a shambling, undying state of
endlessly prolonged decomposition. When translated into
economic analysis, the result is epitomized by Tyler Cowen’s
influential e-book The Great Stagnation: How America Ate All
the Low-Hanging Fruit of Modern History, Got Sick, and Will
(Eventually) Feel Better. (Yes, Urban Future is arriving
incredibly late to this party, but in a frozen limbo that doesn’t
matter.)
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In a nutshell, Cowen argues that the exhaustion of three
principal sources of ‘low-hanging fruit’ has brought the secular
trend of American growth to a state of stagnation that highfrequency business cycles have partially obscured. With the
consumption of America’s frontier surplus (free land),
educational
surplus
(smart
but
educationally-unserved
population), and — most importantly — technological surplus,
from major breakthroughs opening broad avenues of
commercial exploitation, growth rates have shriveled to a level
that the country’s people are psychologically unprepared to
accept as normal.
It fell to Cowen’s GMU colleague Peter Boettke to clearly make
the pro-market case for stagnationism that Cowen seems to
think he had already persuasively articulated. In an overtly
supportive post, Boettke transforms Cowens’ rather elusive
argument into a far more pointed anti-government polemic —
the discovery of a new depressive equilibrium, in which
relentless socio-political degeneration absorbs and neutralizes a
decaying trend of techno-economic advance.
An accumulated economic surplus was created by the age of
innovation, which the age of economic illusion spent down. We
are now coming to the end of that accumulated surplus and thus
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the full weight of government inefficiencies are starting to be
felt throughout the economy.
Perhaps surprisingly, the general tenor of response on the
libertarian right was quite different. Rather than celebrating
Cowen’s exposure of the statist ruin visited upon Western
societies, most of this commentary concentrated upon the
stagnationist thesis itself, attacking it from a variety of
interlocking angles. David R. Henderson’s Cato review makes
stinging economic arguments against Cowen’s claims about land
and education. Russ Roberts (at Cafe Hayek) shows how
Cowen’s dismal story about stagnant median family incomes
draws upon data distorted by historical changes in US family
structure and residential patterns. The most common line of
resistance, however, instantiated by Don Boudreaux, John
Hagel, Steven Horwitz, Bryan Caplan, and Ronald Bailey, among
others, rallies in defense of actually existing consumer
capitalism. Bailey, for example, notes:
In 1970, a 23-inch color television cost $368 ($2,000 in 2009
dollars). Today, a 22-inch Phillips LCD flat panel TV costs $190.
In 1978, an 8-track tape player cost $169 ($550). Today, an iPod
Touch with 8 gigabytes of memory costs $204. In 1970, an
Olympia adding machine cost $80 ($437 in 2009 dollars). Today,
a Canon office calculator costs $6.65. In 1978, a Radio Shack
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TRS80 computer with 16K of RAM cost $399 ($1300 in 2009
dollars). Today, Costco will sell you an ASUS netbook with 1
gigabyte of RAM for $270. The average car cost $3,900 in 1970
($21,300 in today’s dollars). A mid-sized 2011 vehicle would cost
somewhere around $20,000 and last twice as long.
Another very crude way to look at it is that Americans are four
times richer in terms of refrigerators, 10 times richer in terms of
TVs, 2.5 times richer when it comes to listening to music on the
go, 3,000 times richer in calculators, about 400,000 times richer
when it comes to price per kilobyte of computer memory, and
two times richer in cars. Cowen dismisses this kind of progress
as mere “quality improvements,” but in this case quality
becomes it own kind of quantity when it comes to improved
living standards.
What seems pretty clear from most of this (and already in
Cowen’s account) is that nothing much has been moving
forward in the world’s ‘developed’ economies for four decades
except for the information technology revolution and its
Moore’s Law dynamics. Abstract out the microprocessor, and
even the most determinedly optimistic vision of recent trends is
gutted to the point of expiration. Without computers, there’s
nothing happening, or at least nothing good.
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[… still crawling …]
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Suspended Animation (Part 2)
NOVEMBER 18, 2011
Whatever happened to hell?
“It can’t carry on like this … but how many weeks have
we said that for?”
— Justin Urquhart Stewart, director at Seven Investment
Management (via James Pethokoukis here)
To make a protracted topic out of this phenomenon is to offer a
hostage to fortune. Everything could go over the cliff
tomorrow. Perhaps it already has (and we’re just waiting, like
Wile E. Coyote, for the consummating splatter).
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Greens have been dealing with exactly this question, for a while.
After Paul Ehrlich had his credibility torched by Julian Simon, in
the most intellectually consequential wager in history, he
responded in frustration: “The bet doesn’t mean anything. Julian
Simon is like the guy who jumps off the Empire State Building
and says how great things are going so far as he passes the 10th
floor.”
If environmental catastrophe is structured like this, according to
a pattern of durable unsustainability, or disconcerting
postponement, there is no obvious theory to account for the
fact. With economics, things are different, to such an extent that
the entire political economy of the world, along with the
overwhelming preponderance of professionalized economic
‘science’, has been geared over the course of a little under a
century to crisis postponement as a dominant objective. If the
New World Order follows a master plan, this is it.
For ideological purists on the free-market right, laissez-faire
capitalism is the ‘unknown ideal’ (although early 20th century
Shanghai approached it, as did its student, Hong Kong, in later
decades), but it requires no purism whatsoever to acknowledge
that the Great Depression effectively buried it as an organizing
principle of the world, and that the system which replaced it
found political and intellectual expression in the ideas of John
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Maynard Keynes. Commercial self-organization, which built
industrial capitalism before anyone had even the sketchiest
understanding of what was happening, gave way to the
technocracy of macroeconomics, guided by the radically original
belief that governments had a responsibility to manage the
oscillations of economic fortune.
In the words of Peter Thiel (drawn straight from the free-market
id):
… the trend has been going the wrong way for a long time. To
return to finance, the last economic depression in the United
States that did not result in massive government intervention
was the collapse of 1920–21. It was sharp but short, and entailed
the sort of Schumpeterian “creative destruction” that could lead
to a real boom. The decade that followed — the roaring 1920s
— was so strong that historians have forgotten the depression
that started it. The 1920s were the last decade in American
history during which one could be genuinely optimistic about
politics. Since 1920, the vast increase in welfare beneficiaries and
the extension of the franchise to women — two constituencies
that are notoriously tough for libertarians — have rendered the
notion of “capitalist democracy” into an oxymoron.
As Cato’s Daniel J. Mitchell puts it, more narrowly:
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A vibrant and dynamic economy requires the possibility of big
profits, but also the discipline of failure. Indeed, capitalism
without bankruptcy is like religion without hell.
Because hell’s a hard sell, political and economic rationality have
been heading in different directions for 80 years. Even the
tropical latitudes of purgatory have proven to be socially
combustible, and popularly sensitized politics – which need not
be formally ‘democratic’ – tend (strongly) to flee Molotov
cocktails in the direction of macroeconomic management. The
crucial Keynesian maxim, “In the long run we are all dead,” is
especially pertinent to regimes. Who’s going to regenerate deep
economic recovery, if the route to it lies through gulfs of fire
and brimstone that are fundamentally incompatible with political
survival? History, redundantly, provides the obvious answer:
nobody is.
The accursed path not taken, across the infernal abyss, has
become so neglected and overgrown with weeds that it is rarely
noticed, but it is still graphically marked by the advice that
Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon gave to Herbert Hoover as
the way to navigate the Great Depression (advice that was, of
course, dismissed):
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… liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate farmers, liquidate
real estate… it will purge the rottenness out of the system. High
costs of living and high living will come down. People will work
harder, live a more moral life. Values will be adjusted, and
enterprising people will pick up from less competent people.
In recalling this recommendation, as an unacceptable option,
Hoover commemorates the precise moment that capitalism
ceased to exist as a politically credible social possibility. The
alternative – which has many names, although ‘corporatism’ will
do – was defined by its systematic refusal of the ‘liquidationist’
path. Coming out stronger on the other side meant nothing,
because the passage would probably kill us – it would certainly
destroy our political careers. In any case, it was a long run
solution to a short term problem, scheduled by volatile popular
irritability and election cycles, and in the long run we are all
dead. Better, by far, to use ‘macroeconomic policy’ (monetary
mind-control) to artificially prolong unsustainable economic
euphoria – or even its jaded, hung-over simulation – than to
plunge into a catastrophe that might imaginably have been
delayed.
It doesn’t take a Schumpeterian fanatic to suspect that such
‘creative destruction (but without the destruction)’ is unlikely to
provide a sustainable recipe for economic vitality. When
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evaluated realistically, it is a formula that programs a trend to
perpetual stagnation. Stagnation as a choice.
Because money serves as a general equivalent, and thus as a
neutral, non-specific, purely quantitative medium of exchange, it
is very supportive of certain highly-consequential economic
illusions, of a kind that macroeconomics has been especially
prone to. It can easily seem as if ‘the economy’ consists
essentially of undifferentiated, quantitative aggregates, such as
‘demand’, ‘gross domestic product’, ‘money supply’, ‘land’,
‘labor’, and ‘capital’. In fact, none of these things exist, except as
high-level abstractions, precipitated by the monetary function of
general exchangeability.
An understanding of Schumpeterian creative destruction
requires, as a preliminary, the recognition that capital is
heterogeneous. When expressed in a monetary form, it can
appear as a homogeneous quantity, susceptible to simple
accumulation, but in its productive social reality it consists of
technological apparatus – tools, machines, infrastructures, and
installations – representing irretrievable investments, of
qualitatively distinctive kinds. The monetary equivalent of such
industrial capital is derived from the market values attributed its
various components, and these are extremely dynamic, virtual,
and speculative. Since the value retrievable from liquidation (and
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ultimately from scrap) is generally a small fraction, or lower
bound, of capital asset value, the ‘capital stock’ is estimated with
reference to its productive usage, rather than its intrinsic worth.
Schumpeter was careful to break this down into two very
different aspects.
Firstly, and most straightforwardly, industrial capital is a
resource that depreciates at a regular and broadly predictable
rate as a function of output. It is consumed in the process of
production, like any other material input, but at a slower rate.
Creative destruction, however, refers to a second, far more
drastic type of capital depreciation, resulting from technological
obsolescence. In this case, capital stock is ‘destroyed’ – suddenly
and unpredictably – by an innovation, taking place elsewhere in
the economy, which renders its anticipated use unprofitable. In
this way, large ‘quantities’ of ‘accumulated’ capital can be
depreciated overnight to scrap values, and the investments they
represent are annihilated. The hallucination of homogeneous
capital is instantaneously vaporized, as painstakingly built
fortunes are written down to nothing.
Several points suggest themselves:
1. The violence of creative destruction is directly proportional to
its fecundity. The greater, deeper, and more far-reaching the
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innovation, the more colossal is the resulting capital destruction.
At the extreme, profound technological revolutions lay waste
not only to specific machines and skills, but to entire
infrastructures, industries, occupational categories, and financial
systems.
2. The cultural implication of creative destruction far exceeds
issues of ‘moral hazard’ and ‘time preference’. The victims of
industrial change waves – whether businesses, workers, or
financiers – are not being punished by the market for
imprudence, slackness, or short-sightedness. They are ruined by
pure hazard, as the reciprocal of the absolutely unanticipated
nature of technological invention (occurring elsewhere). Neither
the creation, nor the destruction, is remotely ‘fair’ – or ever
could be. (Although Dawinian ‘virtue’ lies in flexible adaptability
— Hong Kong always does OK.)
3.
Massive
capital
destruction
expresses
technological
revolution. Macroeconomic analysis (measuring homogeneous
aggregates) will always miss the most significant episodes in
industrial evolution, since these do not register primarily as
growth, but rather the opposite. Hell is a hothouse.
4. A policy environment designed to preserve macroeconomic
aggregates (e.g. ‘wealth’ or ’employment’) necessarily opposes
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itself to the basic historical process of industrial revolution,
because destruction of the existing economy is strictly
indistinguishable from industrial renewal. For that old stuff to
be worth anything (beyond scrap) we have to keep using it,
which means that we’re not switching over. To cross the gulf,
we have to enter the gulf. (Like most things in this universe:
harsh but true.)
5. Real historical advance is now politically unacceptable. Either
politics wins (eternal stagnation) or history does (political
collapse). Interesting times (or not).
The world couldn’t take the heat, so it got out of the kitchen.
There’s cold porridge for dinner, and it’s going to be cold
porridge for breakfast. Eventually the porridge will run out, but
that could take a while …
… and here’s Ben Bernanke on topic: “I’m not a believer in the
Old Testament theory of business cycles. I think that if we can
help people, we need to help people.” (via Mike Krieger at ZH)
Cold porridge politics forever. Yum!
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Suspended Animation (Part 3)
NOVEMBER 25, 2011
The dead hand of the state.
I wish I was saying it’s going to happen soon… this is the
longest running crisis in which people have been giving false
dates, people turning up for summits saying it has to be
resolved, nothing happens and people go away and the sky
doesn’t fall in… sooner or later the sky will fall in, I’m just not
clever enough to know when it’s going to be.
— Anthony Fry, UK Chairman of Espirito Santo Investment
Bank (to CNBC)
Europe will adopt the American solution. The ECB will not
allow large banks to default. It will inflate to buy the bad assets
or else buy the bonds of the governments, so they can make
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payments. Then the bankers will put this money into excess
reserves. New lending to businesses will cease. The West will go
into permanent recession or no-growth stasis. The governments
will absorb an ever-larger percentage of the region’s capital:
bond sales. Private firms will not be able to borrow at low rates.
Capital development will crease.
— Gary North (here)
The new millennium is teaching us vastly more about zombies
than anybody could have anticipated. Long gone are the virile,
predatory vampires that once populated horror stories about
capitalism, sucking out the vital essence of the proletariat in
gothic fortresses of ‘dead labor’. Instead, shambling worm-eaten
wrecks mill about aimlessly, whilst augmenting their numbers in
obscure cannibalistic circuits that defy rational comprehension
and which are, in any case, too hideous to steadily contemplate.
Fiends have degenerated into ghouls, who do not hunt and feed
to strengthen themselves, but only to carry on, prolonging their
putrescent decrepitude.
A 2002 Guardian story about “Japan’s zombie economy”
prefigures a number of later, and more general, revelations. In
particular, it identifies the spreading zombie apocalypse with the
slow-motion collapse of Keynesianism, as ‘stimulative’ monetary
and fiscal policies (zero interest rates combined with massive
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government deficit spending) lose their magical powers of
revitalization, and instead merely perpetuate an interminable
state of undeath. Hyper-stimulation is required just to hang on
to the flatline.
Of course, being the Guardian, the solution is obvious: “what
the economy needs now is a good dose of inflation.” For
undead Keynesians, there’s no malaise too deep for an
invigorating wave of currency destruction to solve. This is where
the zombie metabolism really gets interesting. By the end of the
decade, America had gone full zombie itself, and begun to
realize that this wasn’t just some weird Japanese thing it didn’t
understand, but an altogether more general and radically
mysterious phenomenon. Ben Bernanke’s Federal Reserve
pushed US interest rates to the floor (ZIRP) and began to
incontinently monetize public debt (QE) whilst nationalizing
private debt (TARP), using every available policy instrument to
direct the economy in an inflationary direction, at maximum
velocity. Nothing much happened. Zombies don’t do fever.
At this point, the questions come flooding in. For instance: why
is anybody still buying Japanese or American government
bonds? Isn’t it obvious that this paper represents nothing except
a slice of unredeemable debt, promising an insulting return,
‘guaranteed’ by a structurally insolvent entity, and associated
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with policies more-or-less explicitly oriented towards deliberate
currency destruction? What are people thinking? To answer that,
it’s necessary to venture a little deeper into the zombie world.
The idea of the US Dollar (or Japanese Yen) as a ‘safe haven’
might sound like a joke, and you’ve probably heard it before:
Joe Dollar and Jacques Euro are camping in the woods, when
they suddenly hear the terrifying snuffles of a famished
carnivore, getting closer. Joe begins hastily pulling on his
running shoes. “What are you doing?” asks Jacques. “You can’t
out-run a bear market.”
“I don’t need to outrun the market,” Joe replies. “I just need to
outrun you.”
At Asia Times Online, Martin Hutchinson envisages a financial
crisis endgame that “eliminat[es] the government debt markets
that have formed the centerpiece of the last three centuries,”
returning the world to the market-based money and free
banking regime of 1693, before the creation of the Bank of
England. Paradoxically, however, the prospect of collapse raises
the financial potency of the state to an unprecedented level, as
the ‘safety’ it promises disconnects from questions of economic
competence and reverts to something far more atavistic and
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Hobbesian. Once everything starts to buckle, credibility attaches
to the biggest, meanest, and most ruthless provider of mafiastyle ‘protection’. Relativistic (zero- or negative-sum) power
politics takes center stage.
A pedestrian but informative financial report from Bloomberg
sets it out clearly:
Jim Chanos, founder of the Kynikos Associates Ltd. hedge fund,
said that while the chances of a recession may be increasing, the
U.S. economy is the “best house in a bad neighborhood”
The US Dollar might be nothing more than the “best looking
horse in the glue factory,” but once the financial logic of zombie
apocalypse takes over, the implications can be far-reaching.
Bloomberg continues:
Ten-year Treasuries erased losses after the U.S. sold $29 billion
of seven-year securities at a record low yield of 1.415 percent,
wrapping up $99 billion of note sales this week. Ten- year yields
fell four basis points to 1.88 percent after climbing as much as
four points earlier. The rate is up from a record low of 1.67
percent on Sept. 23.
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U.S. Treasuries maturing in seven to 10-years have returned 14
percent this year, outperforming a 9.3 percent return for the
broader Treasury market, according to Bank of America Merrill
Lynch indexes, as of yesterday [Nov. 23].
It’s worth taking a moment to digest these numbers. Nobody
expects average US inflation over the next seven years to come
in under 1.415% p.a., or under 1.88% over the next ten, so the
yield is sheer racketeering. Yet this blatant assault on the lower
colon of savers has been compatible with a one-year return of
14% (!) — they’re begging for it. Seriously, who cares if
Bernanke is lighting up a fat Cuban with a large bill lifted
straight out of their pocket? It just makes him look badder, and
that’s what they’re paying for. Gold sounds good in theory, but
it doesn’t come with its own attached gangster organization, so
hanging onto it through the zombie interlude could be difficult.
It’s safer, by far, to invest in the alpha state.
Because
this Hobbesian zombinomics
is political and
relativisitic, there are epsilon states at the other end of the trade,
as well as a beta state caught in the middle. Europe isn’t a state
at all, of course, which is how the (interminable) final phase of
zombinomics got started. Before it changed, however, the EU
conjuring act seemed to be going pretty well. Every Eurozone
member state issuing government debt in the common currency
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paid yields that were broadly harmonized, as if Europe was a
financially sovereign entity, standing united behind its paper.
The realization that economic sovereignty remained national,
even after the alienation of monetary sovereignty to the
European Central Bank, came as something of a shock, and
bond spreads gaped accordingly.
The hallucination of ‘Europe’ as a united, honorary alpha state,
rapidly degenerated to reality, recoding government bonds as
zombie apocalypse security scrip. Suddenly, Greek bonds
stopped having anything much to do with the ECB, and started
to mumble promises in Greek – ultimately, that the Greek state
would do whatever it took to secure redemption, whilst
mobilizing its Olympian powers to maintain social discipline if
necessary. A flight for the exits immediately ensued. Ditto, with
variations of speed and intensity, for all the epsilons (= PIIGS).
Where to flee? That’s the zombinomic question par excellence
(searching for the best looking horse in the glue factory). First
choice, for the keenest Hobbes readers, was to head straight to
Mr. Big, a.k.a. Benny the Yank, wait politely whilst he finished
smoking a mirved nuke, and then beg for protection (that’s your
14% one year jump in the value of a 10-year US Treasury bond,
right there). The second choice — more appealing to oldfashioned types who thought economics still counted for
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something – was to look for comparative financial responsibility
closer to home.
Briefly, this route led to genuine quality, but zombinomics
quickly resumed its grip:
Switzerland sparked fears of a new currency war on Tuesday
[Sept. 6] after it pegged the Swiss franc against the euro in an
attempt to protect its economy from the European debt crisis.
The Swiss National Bank in effect devalued the franc, pledging
to buy “unlimited quantities” of foreign currencies to force
down its value. The SNB warned that it would no longer allow
one Swiss franc to be worth more than €0.83 – equivalent to
SFr1.20 to the euro – having watched the two currencies move
closer to parity as Switzerland became a “safe haven” from the
ravages of the eurozone crisis.
… which brings us to Germany, and the latest chapter in the
zombie saga — comic or tragic, and probably both, ironic to the
point of absurdity in any case. Ruined, shrunken, divided, and
traumatized by guilt, post-war Germany sought above all to bury
its nationalistic aspirations in Europe. What became the EU was
for Germany – as Algeria was for the French foreign
legionnaires – a place in which to forget. Now the bond
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‘market’, in its increasingly desperate search for a big, tough,
disciplinary state (a global beta will do fine), is determined to dig
the Teutonic Leviathan from its grave.
With twin memories of Weimar hyper-inflation and statist
hyper-assertion still vivid, Germany is stubbornly holding out
against the full-zombie option of (monetary and fiscal) financial
debauchery counter-balanced by Hobbesian security politics.
This reluctance to throw itself into the spirit of the age has,
naturally enough, exposed it to relentless international
vilification, and the pressure will only increase. It could all get
unpleasantly interesting.
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Suspended Animation (Part 4)
DECEMBER 2, 2011
Playing for time.
By the beginning of the second decade of the new millennium,
the world had begun to adapt itself to a problem that had
tortured it in the 1930s, and deformed it subsequently — that of
sub-optimal equilibrium. The practical significance of this idea is
difficult to exaggerate.
As a rigorous economist, Henry Hazlitt was theoretically entitled
– and even compelled – to savagely deride the Keynesian model
of ‘low-employment equilibrium’, and to painstakingly explain
that it did not describe an equilibrium of any kind (in economic
terms). Yet such attacks, like those of the Austrians more
generally, have been of slight consequence, since Keynes was
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not in any strongly defensible sense an economist, but rather a
political economist, in both of the obvious ways this expression
can be understood. His bad equilibrium did not reflect the
operation of market forces, but rather, the workings of the
market under a specific conception of politically realistic
circumstances, and the ‘analysis’ of the General Theory was less
a technically rigorous description of events than a political
prescription for action, keenly attentive to the opportunities and
constraints affecting its application, or transition into policy.
Keynes defined the political spirit of the second half of the 20th
century, first in the West, and later more widely, by normalizing
the pre-eminence of the state in economic affairs, and by
subordinating the idea of economic self-correction to political
considerations. The role of the new political economy, now
technocratically mainstreamed as economic policy, was to route
around labor markets, which could never be expected to work
efficiently, since downside corrections were judged politically
unacceptable. Pure economics was ended, or at least utterly
marginalized, by the recognition that labor could opt out of the
game, kick over the table, and refuse to play the commodity.
Market-clearing labor pricing became an abstract (and, for
Keynesians, risible) conception, oblivious to the realities of
popular democratic politics, and – in extremis – the potential for
Marxian revolution.
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Hence the consensus-building sympathy for the Keynesian
approach on the establishment right, where it was interpreted as
a bulwark against Marxist temptations, and also the deep
antipathy it elicited on the anti-establishment right, where it was
(no less realistically) understood as a pre-emptive concession to
socialism. On the left, a comparable schism was evident,
between those who embraced it as a curtailment of capitalism,
and those who denounced it as an ersatz socialism, designed for
conservative convenience. The Keynesian ‘middle’ has been the
decisive political reality of the 20th century, and its multiple
ideological meanings still organize every major axis of socioeconomic controversy.
When labor markets are locked on the downside – through
macroeconomic recognition and political petrification of their
‘stickiness’ – some kind of socio-economic ratchet mechanism is
automatically produced. To an extent, capital can flee into
informalization (for instance illegal immigrant labor), or
international labor arbitrage, intensifying the trend to outsourcing and globalization. More central, however, are the twin
macro-tendencies Keynes focused upon: towards fiscal and
monetary compensations, based on demand management and
the exploitation of ‘money illusion’ (or attachment to nominal
income). Fiscal stimulus can be undertaken in an attempt to
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elevate demand, until it reaches a point of artificial equilibrium
commensurate
with
labor
price
levels
(thus
clearing
unemployment). Alternatively, or in concert, money supply can
be expanded – and currency degraded – to facilitate real wage
decreases despite nominal stickiness.
Essentially, that’s it. There’s no other ammo in the
macroeconomic arsenal. This is remarkable given the fact that
both fiscal and monetary adjustments are mere tricks, and not
even sophisticated tricks, but quite straightforward attempts at
confidence
manipulation
that
anybody
with
‘rational
expectations’ sees through immediately, thus neutralizing them.
On the monetary side this is especially obvious — and wellattested historically. Once inflationary expectations have become
entrenched, they become the staple topic of wage negotiations,
as was seen in the 1970s. There is no evidence whatsoever to
suggest that workers are indifferent to inflationary wage
depreciation. ‘Money illusion’ – insofar as it exists at all – is
basically a one-off scam, harvested in the brief period when a
long-established
reputation
for
responsible
currency
management is thrown in the trash. Fool me once, shame on
you, fool me twice isn’t going to happen. Basing economic
policy on this is the cheapest kind of street hustle (and few
would any longer admit to trying it in public).
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Stimulus isn’t much better. Real demand is ultimately exchange,
and thus derivative from supply. Nobody can (economically)
demand anything, without having something to offer in return –
that’s Say’s Law, and it’s theoretically impregnable, because it’s
elementary common sense. The only way to steer around it is
conjuring, by extracting demand from one part of the economy
invisibly, and re-inserting it conspicuously somewhere else. This
kind of magic can get quite Byzantine, so it tends to reach
exhaustion more slowly than monetary abuse, but its
foundations in sustainable economic reality are no more secure.
Once taxpayers acknowledge government debts as liabilities
(future tax payments) that have already been virtually deducted
from their spending power, the game is over. Since a plausible
model for (expansive) fiscal policy exhaustion is sovereign debt
crisis, it is not unreasonable to begin drawing the curtains
already.
Given the exponential trend of social history, most of what has
ever happened has taken place since the Great Depression
began, and during this time the world has inhabited — more or
less consciously — a deliberately constructed system of illusion,
or confidence trick. Whether analyzed from the left or the right,
the most striking feature of this situation has been inadequately
apprehended, or even interrogated: how has it persisted? How
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can something that is transparently [insert epithet] unworkable
last for over 80 [insert triple epithet] years?
Eighty years is a pretty good human life-span. Someone could
easily expend their life within the Keynesian dream-palace,
literally living a lie, with the implication that whatever
importance ‘reality’ might have in theory, it need have almost
nothing to do with us. We can miss it completely, caught up in a
magic show that exceeds our longevity, half-hypnotized by
illusions that no one really believes in, but which suffice to put
things off, and off, and off, and … in the long run we are all
dead. Who cares about a truth that never arrives? A magic trick
that lasts your whole life is your life. Scarcely anybody alive
today has known anything else.
And it’s all going to be over real soon … honestly …
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Suspended Animation (Part 5)
DECEMBER 9, 2011
Engines of Devastation.
Does Postmodernism still seem cool to anybody? — Probably
not. Having sold whatever simulacrum of a soul it might have
had to the fickle gods of fashion, it has learnt more about the
reign of Chronos than it might have expected to – the kids get
devoured, and it’s on to something new. What was accepted for
no good reason gets discarded for no good reason. In political
science it’s called democracy (but that’s another discussion).
Clearly,
there’s
something
profoundly
just
about
the
disappearance of postmodernism into the trashcan of random
difference (what’s ‘in’ has to be new, preferably meaninglessly
so). It’s even ‘poetically just’, whatever that means. But it also
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destroys information. Although Postmodernism was certainly a
fad, it was also a zeitgeist, or spirit of the times. It meant
something, despite its own best efforts, at least as a symptom.
The disappearance of reality that it announced was itself real, as
was the realm of simulation that replaced it. At least in its death,
it might have amounted to something.
Consider its greatest mystagogue, Jacques Derrida, and his once
widely celebrated ‘concept’ of differance (yes, with an ‘a’), a term
within a series of magical words that mark the undecidable,
ungraspable,
unpresentable,
and
ultimately
inconceivable
ontological non-stuff that supplants real events, through an
endless succession of displacements and postponements. We
can’t really say anything about it, so we have to talk about it
endlessly, and entire university departments are required to do
so. It’s ridiculous (and so it’s over). But it’s also, quite exactly,
the
globally
hegemonic
culture
of
Keynesianized,
macroeconomic, programmatic stagnationism, and that isn’t
over yet, although its morbidity is already highly conspicuous.
Unlike faddish academic Postmodernism, its death is going to be
really interesting.
Long before the Derridoids got started, Keynes had taught
governments that differance was something they could do.
Procrastination – the strategic suspension of economic reality
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through a popularly ungraspable series of displacements and
postponements – quickly came to define the art of politics. Why
suffer today what can be put off until tomorrow, or suffer
yourself something that could be somebody else’s problem?
Postpone! Displace! In the long run we are all dead. Reality is
for losers.
Differance as it really works is a lot cruder than its reflection in
Postmodern philosophy (and what could be philosophically
cruder than an appeal to the notion of ‘reflection’?). For
instance, it is fished out of the ontological abgrund and
processed by specific public policy mechanisms, sustained by
concrete institutions in ways that are to a considerable extent
economically measurable, within elastic but most certainly finite
geographical and historical limits. Crudest of all, and ultimately
decisive, is the circumscription of derealization, by the real, and
the return of the apocalyptic, no longer as a phantasmatic avatar
of the ‘metaphysics of presence’ (or false promise of a real
event), but as an impending real event, and one whose process
of historical construction is in large measure intelligible. Real
differance didn’t ‘deconstruct’ the apocalypse, it built it. It’s not
even that difficult to see how.
At EconLog, David Henderson has posted his notes from John
H. Cochrane’s December 3 talk at Stanford University’s Hoover
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Institution conference on ‘Restoring Robust Economic Growth
in America’. There’s no mention of differance, but there doesn’t
need to be.
For nearly 100 years we have tried to stop runs with government
guarantees — deposit insurance, generous lender of last resort,
and bailouts. That patch leads to huge moral hazard. Giving a
banker a bailout guarantee is like giving a teenager keys to the
car and a case of whisky. So, we appoint regulators who are
supposed to stop the banks from taking risks, in a hopeless arms
race against smart MBAs, lawyers and lobbyists who try to get
around the regulation, and though we allow — nay, we
encourage and subsidize — expansion of run-prone assets.
In Dodd-Frank, the US simply doubled down our bets on this
regime. …
Bailouts delay a painful economic event (postponement) whilst
transferring financial liability (displacement). Risk is restored to
virtuality, as disaster is turned back into a threat, but it isn’t the
same threat. By any remotely sane method of accountancy, it’s
now worse. Significant virtual deterioration is substituted for
actual discomfort. That’s the cost of derealization.
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How do things get worse, exactly? — In plenty of ways. Start
with ‘moral hazard’, which is a polite way of saying ‘insanity’.
Actions are decoupled from their consequences, removing the
disincentive for craziness. The result, utterly predictably, is more
craziness. In fact, anything that systematically enhances moral
hazard is simply manufacturing craziness. It’s dumping LSD in
the water supply, although actually probably worse. So bailouts
drive us insane and destroy civilization (no one really disputes
that, although they may try to avoid the topic).
Oh, but there’s more! — Much more, because all these
displacements don’t just move things around, they move them
up. Risk is centralized, concentrated, systematized, politicized –
and that’s in the (entirely unrealistic) best case, when it isn’t also
expanded and degraded by the corruption and inefficiency of
weakly- or cynically-incentivized public institutions. This is
trickle up – really flood up – economics, in which everything
bad that ever happens to anybody gets stripped of any residual
sanity (or realistic estimation of consequences), pooled, recoded, complicated by compensatory regulation, and shifted to
ever
more
ethereal
heights
of
populist
democratic
irresponsibility, where the only thing that matters is what people
want to hear, and that really isn’t ever going to be the truth.
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“Mess up enough, and you probably suffer or die” – that’s the
truth. It’s a message that doesn’t translate into the language of
Keynesian kick-the-can politics, which is folk Postmodernism.
The nearest we get, as the jaws begin to close on the bail-out
bucket chain, is “We’re going to need a bigger boat.” After
innumerable episodes of that, we’re all huddled together on the
Titanic, and things are kinda, sorta, looking OK. At least the
band’s still playing …
When abstracted from its squalid psychosis, the pattern is
mathematically quite neat. It’s called the Martingale system,
better known to Americans as ‘double or nothing’ (and to Brits
as ‘double or quits’). Cochrane already touched upon it (“the US
simply doubled down our bets”). Wager on red, and it comes up
black. No problem, just double the bet and repeat. You can’t
lose. (If you like this logic, Paul Krugman has an economic
recovery to sell you.)
What appears as disaster postponed is, in virtual reality, disaster
expanded. The Wikipedia entry on the Martingale system
helpfully connects it to the Taleb Distribution, otherwise known
as scrounging pennies in front of a steam roller. The persistence
of small gains makes this business model seem like a sure thing
— until it doesn’t.
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Nassim Nicholas Taleb and Mark Blyth expand on the idea in
Foreign Affairs, with application to various aspects of the
current (or impending) crisis. Asking why “surprise [is] the
permanent condition of the U.S. political and economic elite”
they trace the problem to “the artificial suppression of volatility
— the ups and downs of life — in the name of stability.”
Complex systems that have artificially suppressed volatility tend
to become extremely fragile, while at the same time exhibiting
no visible risks. In fact, they tend to be too calm and exhibit
minimal variability as silent risks accumulate beneath the surface.
Although the stated intention of political leaders and economic
policymakers is to stabilize the system by inhibiting fluctuations,
the result tends to be the opposite. These artificially constrained
systems become prone to “Black Swans” — that is, they become
extremely vulnerable to large-scale events that lie far from the
statistical norm and were largely unpredictable to a given set of
observers.
Discussing this article at PJMedia, Richard Fernandez glosses
and sharpens its conclusion:
Part of the problem is the consequence of [the elites’] own
damping. By attempting to centrally manage systems according
to some predetermined scheme they actually store up volatility
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rather than dispersing it. By kicking the can down the road they
eventually condemn themselves to bumping into a giant pile of
cans when they run out of road. … But the elites cannot admit
to surprise; nor can they admit to bad things starting on their
watch. Therefore they keep sweeping things under the carpet
until, as in some horror movie, it spawns a zombie. To make
systems robust, says Taleb, you’ve got to admit that you can
make mistakes and pay the price. You will have to in the end
anyway.
We aren’t in Postmodernism anymore, Toto. We’re nearer to
this:
The wavelike movement affecting the economic system, the
recurrence of periods of boom which are followed by periods of
depression, is the unavoidable outcome of the attempts,
repeated again and again, to lower the gross market rate of
interest by means of credit expansion. There is no means of
avoiding the final collapse of a boom brought about by credit
expansion. The alternative is only whether the crisis should
come sooner as the result of a voluntary abandonment of
further credit expansion, or later as a final and total catastrophe
of the currency system involved. (Ludwig von Mises, Human
Action)
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Or even this:
Great is Bankruptcy: the great bottomless gulf into which all
Falsehoods, public and private, do sink, disappearing; whither,
from the first origin of them, they were all doomed. For Nature
is true and not a lie. No lie you can speak or act but it will come,
after longer or shorter circulation, like a Bill drawn on Nature’s
Reality, and be presented there for payment,- -with the answer,
No effects. Pity only that it often had so long a circulation: that
the original forger were so seldom he who bore the final smart
of it! Lies, and the burden of evil they bring, are passed on;
shifted from back to back, and from rank to rank; and so land
ultimately on the dumb lowest rank, who with spade and
mattock, with sore heart and empty wallet, daily come in contact
with reality, and can pass the cheat no further.
Observe nevertheless how, by a just compensating law, if the lie
with its burden (in this confused whirlpool of Society) sinks and
is shifted ever downwards, then in return the distress of it rises
ever upwards and upwards. Whereby, after the long pining and
demi-starvation of those Twenty Millions, a Duke de Coigny
and his Majesty come also to have their ‘real quarrel.’ Such is the
law of just Nature; bringing, though at long intervals, and were it
only by Bankruptcy, matters round again to the mark.
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But with a Fortunatus’ Purse in his pocket, through what length
of time might not almost any Falsehood last! Your Society, your
Household, practical or spiritual Arrangement, is untrue, unjust,
offensive to the eye of God and man. Nevertheless its hearth is
warm, its larder well replenished: the innumerable Swiss of
Heaven, with a kind of Natural loyalty, gather round it; will
prove, by pamphleteering, musketeering, that it is a truth; or if
not an unmixed (unearthly, impossible) Truth, then better, a
wholesomely attempered one, (as wind is to the shorn lamb),
and works well. Changed outlook, however, when purse and
larder grow empty! Was your Arrangement so true, so accordant
to Nature’s ways, then how, in the name of wonder, has Nature,
with her infinite bounty, come to leave it famishing there? To all
men, to all women and all children, it is now indutiable that your
Arrangement was false. Honour to Bankruptcy; ever righteous
on the great scale, though in detail it is so cruel! Under all
Falsehoods it works, unweariedly mining. No Falsehood, did it
rise heaven- high and cover the world, but Bankruptcy, one day,
will sweep it down, and make us free of it. (Thomas Carlyle, via
Mencius Moldbug, but cited all over the place recently)
Here it comes.
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The God Confusion
DECEMBER 19, 2011
A world on its knees, and at your throat.
“Do The Three Abrahamic Faiths Worship The Same God?”
Peter Berger asks, on his blog at the American Interest. His
answer, which seems to be programmed at least as much by the
sensitivities of interfaith politics as by the exigencies of rigorous
theology, is a politely nuanced “yes (but).” If anyone is
unconvinced about the urgent pertinence of multicultural
diplomacy to the question, Berger settles such doubts quickly by
depicting the integrated conception of ‘Abrahamic faith’ as a
response to the ‘Clash of Civilizations’ climate that arose in the
wake of 9/11, “with the altogether admirable intention of
countering anti-Islamic hatred.”
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At its core, his argument is both realistic and relatively
uncontroversial. It is comparable to an informal set theory, or
cladistics,
briefly
surveying
family
resemblances
and
dissimilarities between branches of the Abrahamic religious
‘tree’ and concluding, reasonably enough, that none of the
potential groupings are absolutely strict (each faith, even
narrowly defined, is differentiated within itself by sub-branches,
and twigs), and that the coherence of ‘Judeo-Christian’
monotheism is considerably stronger than that of ‘Abrahamic
Faith’ in general. Whatever the complexity of these branchings,
however, they derive from a readily identifiable trunk. Berger
cites a lecture by the Protestant theologian Miroslav Volf:
Yes, one can say that Christians and Muslims believe in the
“same God”. There are enough common affirmations to justify
this—most importantly, of course, the belief that there is only
one God (what the late Richard Niebuhr, coincidentally another
Yale Divinity professor, called “radical monotheism”)—but also
the belief in a personal creator distinct from the creation, and
the giver of a moral code.
When evaluated from a wide enough angle, it is clear that the
God of Jews, Christians, and Muslims is distinctively specified,
relative to alternative religious traditions:
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Sometimes it is a good idea to step back and look at the imputed
collectivity from afar. It may help to look at the three
‘Abrahamic’ faiths from, say, Benares, one of the most holy
cities of Hinduism and near which the Buddha preached his first
sermon. Looked at from that far location, the family
resemblance between the three versions suddenly appears quite
clearly. Hindus and Buddhists sometimes speak of ‘West Asian
religion’ in contrast with their own ‘South Asian ‘or ‘East Asian
religion’. It then seems just about inevitable to say that Jews,
Christians and Muslims, whatever their differences, do indeed
worship the same God.
To be sure, there are similarities between Benares and Jerusalem
as well. There are Hindu versions of theism, with intense
devotions to personal deities (bhakti), but there is no real
analogue to the monotheism that originated in the deserts of the
Near East. In Vedanta, arguably the most sophisticated form of
Hinduism, the ultimate reality is the brahman, the impersonal
ocean of divinity in which all individual identities eventually
dissolve. There are theistic elements in Mahayana Buddhism,
with
devotion
directed
toward
godlike
boddhisatvas—
individuals who have attained Enlightenment, but who, out of
compassion, delay their entry into the final bliss in order to help
others to get there. But that bliss too ends in that impersonal
ocean of divinity that seems for many centuries to have
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dominated the religious imagination of India, from where it
migrated eastward.
Yet, whilst the theological dimension of this question is very far
from uninteresting, or inconsequential, it limits the question at
least as much as it clarifies it. More than a faith, the ‘children of
Abraham’ share a story, and – still more importantly — a sense
of history as a story, and this is the factor that most tightly
bundles them together, irrespective of all quibbling over
narrative details. Abraham is the beginning of a tale, even if it
can be projected back (at least a little way) beyond him. He
defines the meaning of history, as an interaction with God,
through which the passage of collective time acquires structure,
direction, unity, radical finitude, moral and religious significance.
Abrahamic history has purpose, and a destination. Above all it
tells the story of a moral community, whose righteousness and
unrighteousness will ultimately be judged. Eschatology is its real
key.
Because the Abrahamic tradition is rooted in a distinctive
experience of history, it extends beyond theistic faith. Indeed,
any comprehension of this tradition that excludes Marxism,
fascist millenarianism, and ‘liberal’ secular progressivism (even
that of the ‘New Atheists’) is woefully incomplete, to the point
of diversionary propaganda. Uniquely, the Abrahamic faiths do
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not merely rise, fall, and persist. They are superceded by new
revelations, or afflicted by heresy and schism. Their encounters
and (inevitable) conflicts become internalized episodes that
immediately demand doctrinal and narrative intelligibility. Hence
the affinity between the Abrahamic faiths and historical (as
‘opposed’ to pedagogical, cosmic, or naturalistic) dialectics: the
‘other’, merely by appearing on the stage, must play its role in
the world-historical drama of belief.
Strict monotheism is the personification of narrative unity, and
in the end it is the narrative unity that matters. Whether history
is finally to be appraised from the perspective of the people of
Israel, the Church, the Ummah, achieved communism, an Aryan
master-race, or secular multicultural globalism, it will have been
integrated through the production of a moral community, and
judged as a coherent whole by the standard of that community’s
purity and righteousness. It will have been comprehended by a
collective subject whose story — it insists — is the entire
meaning of the world.
For the minor paganisms of antiquity, and the major paganisms
of the east, this structure of understanding has the objective
potential to be offensive to an almost inestimable degree, so the
fact that pagans have rarely contested it with an animosity that
even remotely approaches its ‘internal’ conflicts and disputations
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is intriguing. Whilst cases of anti-semitism, anti-clericalism,
islamophobia, anti-communism, anti-fascism, and systematic
political incorrectness have, on occasions, been plausibly derived
from pagan inspirations, in the overwhelming majority of cases
it is the various ‘fraternal’ branches of the great Abrahamic
family that have wrought devastation upon each other. Indeed,
persecution, as a particular mode of ‘zealous’ or ‘enthusiastic’
violence, seems to be an Abrahamic specialty, one that depends
upon conceptions of ‘intolerable’ idolatry, heresy, apostasy,
false-consciousness, or political incorrectness that are found
nowhere else.
God told Abraham to kill his own son, and he was ready to do
so (Gen 22:1-19). That is how he earned his status as the urpatriarch of the tradition, whose children are defined by the
ghost of a knife at their throats. Demonstrated willingness to kill
in the name of the Lord, or its abstracted equivalent (the
meaning of history), is the initiatory ideal, and the beginning of
the world story that now encompasses everyone. After this
original ritual, Isaac’s life was no longer natural, but ideological.
It was suspended, vulnerably, from a word owing nothing to the
protective bond tying an animal to its progeny (symbolically
terminated by Abraham’s surrender to divine command), but
settled on high, in the narrative structure of the world. If God
had willed it — or the story demanded it — he would have been
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slain. In this way an unnatural line, existing only as an expression
of divine purpose, breaks from the archaic pagan order of
‘meaningless’ procreation and nurture. (The place assigned to
the sacrifice, Mount Moriah, would later be the site of Jerusalem,
the city of the end of time, and beyond nature.) Isaac was
spared, but the pagan world was not similarly reprieved.
The existence of an Abrahamic tradition has an importance that
far exceeds its internal politics and internecine rivalries, since it
is indistinguishable from the historical unification of the world,
and no ‘other’ is able to remain outside its narrative order. In
much of the world, even in its Abrahamic heartlands, to refuse
God is no great thing, and perhaps little more than a mildly
comical affectation, but to depart from World History is quite
another matter. It is then that the knife of Abraham glints again.
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Political Humor
DECEMBER 29, 2011
The things that really matter.
The prospect of Technological Singularity, by rendering the near
future unimaginable, announces “the end of science fiction.”
This is not, however, an announcement that everyone is
compelled to heed. Among the Odysseans who have deliberately
deafened themselves to this Sirens’ call, none have proceeded
more boldly than Charles Stross, whose Singularity Sky is not
only a science fiction novel, but a space opera, inhabiting a
literary universe obsolesced by Einstein long before I.J. Good
completed its demolition. Not only recognizable humans, but
inter-stellar space-faring humans! Has the man no shame?
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Stross relies heavily upon humor to sustain his audacious
anachronism, and in Singularity Sky he puts anachronism to
explicit work. The most consistently comic element in the novel
is a reconstruction of 19th century Russian politics on the planet
of Rochard’s World, where the Quasi-Czarist luddism of the
New Republic is threatened by a cabal of revolutionaries whose
mode of political organization and rhetoric is of a recognizable
(and even parodic) Marxist-Leninist type. These rebels, however,
are ideologically hard-core libertarian, seeking to overthrow the
regime and install a free-market anarchist utopia, an objective
that is seamlessly reconciled with materialist dialectics, appeals to
revolutionary
discipline,
and
invocations
of
fraternal
comradeship.
It’s a joke that works well, because its transparent absurdity coexists with a substantial plausibility. Libertarians are indeed (not
infrequently) crypto-Abrahamic atheistic materialists, firmly
attached to deterministic economism and convictions of
historical
inevitability,
leading
to
lurid
socio-economic
prophecies of a distinctively eschatological kind. When
libertarianism
is
married
to
singularitarian
techno-
apocalypticism, the comic potential, and Marxist resonances, are
re-doubled. Stross hammers home the point by naming his
super-intelligent AI ‘Eschaton’.
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Most hilarious of all (in a People’s Front of Judea versus Judean
People’s Front kind of way) is the internecine factionalism
besetting a fringe political movement whose utter marginality
nevertheless leaves room for bitter mutual recrimination,
supported by baroque conspiracy-mongering. This isn’t really a
Stross theme, but it’s an American libertarian specialty, exhibited
in the ceaseless agitprop conducted by the Rothbardian ultras of
LewRockwell.com and the Mises Institute against the
compromised ‘Kochtopus’ (Reason and Cato) — the animating
Stalin-Trotsky split of the free-market ‘right’. Anyone looking
for a ringside seat at a recent bout can head to the comment
threads here and here.
More seriously, Stross’ libertarian revolutionaries are committed
whole-heartedly to the Marxian assertion, once considered
foundational, that productivity is drastically inhibited by the
persistence of antiquated social arrangements. The true historical
right of the revolution, indistinguishable from its practical
inevitability and irreversibility, is its alignment with the liberation
of the forces of production from sclerotic institutional
limitations. Production of the future, or futuristic production,
demands the burial of traditional society. That which exists – the
status quo – is a systematic suppression, rigorously measurable
or at least determinable in economic terms, of what might be,
and wants to be. Revolution would sever the shackles of ossified
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authority, setting the engines of creation howling. It would
unleash a techno-economic explosion to shake the world, still
more profoundly than the ‘bourgeois’ industrial revolution did
before (and continues to do). Something immense would escape,
never to be caged again.
That is the Old Faith, the Paleo-Marxist creed, with its snakehandling intensity and intoxicating materialist promise. It’s a
faith the libertarian comrades of Rochard’s World still profess,
with reason, and ultimate vindication, because the historical
potential of the forces of production has been updated.
What could matter do, that it is not presently permitted to do?
This is a question that Marxists (of the ‘Old Religion’) once
asked. Their answer was: to enter into processes of production
that are freed from the constraining requirements of private
profitability. Once ‘freed’ in this way, however, productivity
staggered about aimlessly, fell asleep, or starved. Libertarians
laughed, and argued for a reversal of the formula: free
production to enter into self-escalating circuits of private
profitability, without political restraint. They were mostly
ignored (and always will be).
If
neither
faction
of
the
terrestrial
Marxo-Libertarian
revolutionary faith have been able to re-ignite the old fire, it is
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because they have drifted out of the depths of the question
(‘what could matter do?’). It is matter that makes a revolution.
The heroes of the industrial revolution were not Jacobins, but
boiler makers.
“Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the
whole country,” Lenin proclaimed, but electrification was
permitted before the Bolsheviks took its side, and it has
persisted since the Soviets’ departure. Unless political
transformation coincides with the release of a previously
suppressed productive potential, it remains essentially random,
and reversible. Mere regime change means nothing, unless
something happens that was not allowed to happen before.
(Social re-shufflings do not amount to happenings except in the
minds of ideologues, and ideologues die.)
Libertarians are like Leninists in this way too: anything they ever
manage to gain can (and will) be taken away from them. They
already had a constitutional republic in America once (and what
happened to that?). Britain had a rough approximation of
laissez-faire capitalism, before losing it. Does anybody really
think liberalism is going to get more ‘classical’ than that anytime
soon? Trusting mass democracy to preserve liberty is like hiring
Hannibal Lecter as a baby sitter. Social freedoms might as well
be designed to die. There’s not the slightest reason to believe
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that history is on their side. Industrial revolution, in contrast, is
forever.
On Rochard’s World they know exactly what matter could do
that is forbidden: nano-scale mechanical self-replication and
intelligent self-modification. That’s what the ‘material base’ of a
revolution looks like, even if it’s sub-microscopic (or especially
because it is), and when it reaches the limits of social tolerance it
describes precisely what is necessary, automatically. Once it gets
out of the box, it stays out.
Stross is sufficiently amused by the unleashed technosphere to
call its space-faring avatar ‘the Festival’. It contacts the
libertarian revolutionaries of Rochard’s World by bombarding
the planet with telephones, and anyone who picks one up hears
the initial bargaining position: ‘Entertain us.’ Funniest of all,
when the neo-Czarist authorities try to stop it, they’re eaten.
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New Year Cheer
JANUARY 6, 2012
There’s a lot of ruin in a global madhouse.
2012 is a year that arrives pre-branded. It’s the last opportunity
to end the world on schedule. By the end of December the
window for apocalyptic profundity will have closed, and it’s
back to the hazards of random, meaningless catastrophe.
Perhaps a prophetic consensus will have emerged by the fall, but
right now the outlook is foggy at best. Trawling through the
Web’s most excitable 2012 sites doesn’t bring anything very
definite into focus. Once discussion advances beyond the fairly
solid foundation of the Mayan long count, and the Fourth Age
of Creation (lasting from August 11, 3114 BC, to December 21,
AD 2012), things spin off into chaos with disconcerting rapidity.
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Whether the earth is destined to plunge into a black hole is a
matter of (at least limited) controversy, but the fact that just
about every imaginable species of prospective calamity or
transformation is being sucked into the 2012 prophetic vortex is
easily confirmed by anybody with a web browser. Even the basic
genre remains unsettled, with expectations veering wildly from
celestial collisions, solar flares, and super-volcanoes, to spiritual
awakenings, cosmic harmonizations, and countless varieties of
Messianic fulfillment. According to the sober forecasters at
2012apocalypse.net: “The Mayans, Hopis, Egyptians, Kabbalists,
Essenes, Qero elders of Peru, Navajo, Cherokee, Apache,
Iroquois confederacy, Dogon Tribe, and Aborigines all believe
in an ending to this Great 2012 Apocalyptic Cycle.” They missed
out Mother Shipton, Nostradamus, Terence McKenna, Kalki
Bagavan, and Web Bot, yet somehow the Cracked crew remain
unconvinced.
As an aside, the best line UF has yet seen among the deniers
(sorry, couldn’t resist that), is this deliciously self-undermining
specimen from Ian O’Neill: “No one has ever predicted the
future, and that isn’t about to change.”
In an increasingly desegregated cultural landscape, it’s not easy
to separate out secular history and sensible opinion from the
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orgiastically gathering End Times festival, and – strangely
enough – the world process isn’t doing much to oblige.
Ritualistic predictions-for-the-year-ahead posts on politics and
economics sites are practically indistinguishable from the 2012
Armageddon-is-here prophecies, although the sane side of
prognostication is characterized by a greater uniformity of
unrelenting bleakness: Comprehensive economic collapse,
aggravated by administrative sclerosis, and accompanied by
escalating international conflict / social disintegration, amidst
the enraged screams of splintering civilizations (and a ‘Happy
New Year’ to you, too.)
Goldbug Darryl Robert Schoon demonstrates some professional
hedging, but he doesn’t even try to keep impending financial
crisis from spilling out into cosmic immensities:
The ending of the Mayan calendar in 2012 is as misunderstood
as the interplay between credit and debt and supply and demand;
but the coincident collapse of the current economic paradigm
and an arcane indicator of change should not be dismissed. …
The current great wave [of rising prices] began in 1896. That it
could crest and break in 2012 could be a coincidence. Or, it may
not.
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Science, technology, creative culture, and enterprise are likely to
spring some upside surprises, but the degenerative horror of the
world’s hegemonic Keynesian political economy – combined
with increasingly irresponsible neoconservative democracymongering — has ominously synchronized itself with the
darkest visions of the 2012 cults. A patently dysfunctional mode
of socio-economic organization, based upon fake money,
belligerent idiocracy, and electorally-enabled looting scams, is
aggressively imposing itself – with an almost incomprehensible
absence of self-reflection — upon a world that already has
plenty of indigenous pathologies to contend with. The resulting
New World Order, entirely predictably, is a lunatic asylum, and
even its most functional components (such as Singapore and the
Chinese SARs of Hong Kong and Macao) are networked into
the collective delirium. When the Euro, Japanese Yen, and US
Dollar collapse (probably in that order) the financial and
geopolitical tsunami will wash over everybody. If that doesn’t
happen in 2012, history has no sense of narrative climax at all.
On the ‘bright’ side – for all the can-kickers out there – the
words of Adam Smith that have defined 2011 continue to
resonate. “Young man, there’s a lot of ruin in a nation,” and
even more in a global system. Perhaps the slow-motion
disintegration of hegemonic neo-fascism Keynesian social
democracy will spin itself out beyond the horizon of the Mayan
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calendar, which would really give us something to look forward
to …
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Signs of Progress
FEBRUARY 7, 2012
How the modern world lost its senses.
The more sophisticated animals become, the worse they get at
connecting with reality. As they cephalize, and socialize, stories
substitute for reflexes, and the survival value of a story owes
almost nothing to its factuality. Believing what everyone else
does, or what makes you feel good, counts for vastly more.
Wherever it is that discussion leads, it is only very rarely, and
accidentally, in the direction of reality.
Science begins with the realization that stories aren’t to be
trusted, even – or especially – if they sound credible, conform to
prior intuitions, and readily attain social approval. Since narrative
satisfaction is the great deceiver, science reaches beyond
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language into the vast frigid tracts of mathematical signs,
stripped clean of all moral and emotional significance.
Hardening itself against the temptation to see faces in the
clouds, or hear voices from the heavens, it digs determinedly
into the test-bed of numbers and quantitative signals, where
seductive words are led to die.
Economics has never been a science, but economic behavior,
and even theory, has been able to avail itself of a measure of
leverage against story-telling. Its great resource in this regard has
been the price system, expressed in ‘meaningless’ quantities
(without immediate narrative significance) which enable
economic calculation to sustain a posture of ideological
indifference. An accountant who tells a story is a bad
accountant, and most probably a criminal, whilst an
entrepreneur fixated upon a story of how things ‘must be’ is
subject to market-Darwinian nemesis. That, at least, is how
laissez-faire hard money capitalism once roughly worked, as
attested for instance by the indignation of Charles Dickens, who
insisted upon the right of moral, political, and religious storytelling in the midst of a process that systematically disdained it.
Things have progressed incalculably since then, in a direction
that could be confidently described as ‘Dickensian’ if that
adjective had not already been settled in its highly-effective
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polemical purpose. That ‘the Big Story’ (BS) would triumph over
calculative Scroogean realism was perhaps entirely predictable,
but the near-metaphysical comprehensiveness of its victory –
and its revenge — was less easy to anticipate. When attempting
to gauge this progress, money is the best indicator, or rather, the
destruction of money as an indicator is the most telling sign.
Under the conditions of hard money industrial capitalism,
progress follows two, rigorously accounted tracks. Most
notoriously, it is measured as a process of accumulation, or the
amassing of fortunes through profitable business activity.
Economic intelligence is socially dispersed along with the
multitude of fortunes, with each unit of capital accompanied by
its own (Scroogish) accounting function, weighing revenues
against outlays, and estimating the viability of continued
operation. This intelligence does not lend itself to convenient or
reliable public aggregation.
Accompanying the multiplicity of private progressions (and
regressions), there is a second track measuring social advance in
strictly quantitative, meaningless, and unambiguous terms. On
this track, technical and organizational improvements in
business activity overspill private accounts, and take the form of
public ‘externalities’. Under any monetary system competent to
register reality, such general social advances are expressed as
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falling prices, cost reduction, or deflation. (A typically insightful
Zero Hedge post on the topic can be found here.)
The importance of this point is difficult to over-emphasize,
especially since it directly contradicts our carefully fabricated
neo-Dickensian common sense: Deflation! Isn’t that kind of like
fascism or something?
Deflation can certainly represent a type of socio-economic
misfortune, under specific conditions. During business cycle
downturns, for instance, it can reflect fire-sale asset or inventory
reductions, driven by, and exacerbating, credit crises. The
seriousness and typicality of such cases is strongly asserted in the
dominant (neo-Dickensian) story of the Great Depression. It is
worth noting, however, that even under these circumstances – at
the worst – the first-order effect of deflation is to generate a
spontaneous increase in affluence, or spending power. When life
is at its toughest, it gets cheaper to live.
In the hard money world, chronic mild deflation simply is social
progress. The two concepts are effectively indistinguishable.
Gentle deflation is the invisible hand out, giving everybody a
little more of almost everything, year by year, as it spontaneously
distributes a fraction of the ‘social surplus’, or public dividend
on rising productivity. Even in today’s radically progressed
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world of ruined money, the output of the consumer electronics
industry still manages to exhibit the deflationary trends that have
been obliterated elsewhere (so next time you buy a gizmo, don’t
forget to feel appropriately oppressed.)
What the hell in heavens happened? How did modernity’s
metallo-monetary senses get turned off, rapturing Scrooge into a
Christmas Carol, and eclipsing industrial reality? One obvious
neo-Dickensian go-to guy for that is William Jennings Bryan
(1860-1925), a politician whose multi-dimensional war against
reality – truly astounding in its consistency – represents
enthusiasm for the Big Story (or ‘social gospel’) at its most
uncompromised. Either Bryan’s anti-Darwinism (the Scopes
trial) or his ardent prohibitionism (campaigning for the 18th
amendment) would have sufficed to earn him a place in the
historical record as a hero of the BS (‘evangelical’ or
‘progressive’) State, but his most enduring legacy rests upon the
speech he delivered on July 9, 1896, to the Democratic National
Convention in Chicago, in which he declared – as if to Scrooge
himself – that “You shall not press down upon the brow of
labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a
cross of gold.”
This is a declaration that is sublimed to progressive universality
through the elimination of context. Embedded within the late
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19th century debates on bimetallism (price-fixing of gold-silver
exchange rates), its present implications are significantly diluted,
or at least complicated, by questions about the financial
responsibility of central authorities, creditor-debtor class
warfare, global economic integration, agrarian-urban tensions,
and
(East-West)
regional
politics
in
the
USA.
Yet,
fundamentally, it can be recognized as ‘Dickensian’: the
passionate denunciation of a neutral criterion for economic
reality, precisely for its neutrality, or indifference to Big Story
moral-historical narrative. Gold is cold. It measures without
judgment. Between damnation and salvation it demonstrates no
preference or inclination.
Concretely, gold was registering, in economic terms, the social
upheaval of American industrial urbanization. Mechanization of
agriculture implied falling food prices, ruination of small
farmers, and rural depopulation, during a sustained process of
massive disruption whose miseries were only exceeded by the
socio-economic revitalization in its wake. In its distribution and
in its accounting function, gold facilitated the depreciation of
rural labor, the bankruptcy of misallocated businesses, and the
empowerment of concentrated industrial capital in the nation’s
rising urban centers. Bryan articulated the views of those at the
sharpest edge of this shift, who found the messenger culpable
for the message, the senses guilty for the scene: “If thine eye
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offends thee pluck it out” (Matthew 18:9). (Even though Bryan
lost all three of his presidential elections bids, we’re all totally
plucked.)
To make of money a vehicle of moral purpose, rather than a
neutral registry of fact, is to make the crossing from liberalism
and progress as they were once understood (dynamic
industrialism), to the progressive liberalism of today (political
evangelism). If money can save us (through ‘demand
management’), as the Keynesians insist, then its politicization is
a moral imperative, whose neglect is a sin of omission. The
senses are transformed into story-tellers. Shut the windows, and
listen to the Christmas Carol. It’s progress (honestly).
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Bonfire of the Vanities
FEBRUARY 24, 2012
The road to hell is paved with good intentions.
As an ideological mantra, ‘Never Again’ is associated primarily
with the genocide politics of the 1940s, and in this context its
effectiveness has been questionable, at best. As a dominating
imperative, it has been vastly more consequential within the
economic sphere, as a response to the Great Depression of the
1930s. Whilst ethnically selective mass killing is widely frowned
upon, its attractions have been difficult to suppress. Deflationary
depression, on the other hand, is simply not allowed to happen.
This has been the supreme axiom of practical morality for
almost a century, uniquely and distinctively shaping our age. We
can call it the Prime Directive.
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For the Western world, the 1930s were a near-death experience,
an intimate encounter with the abyss, recalled with religious
intensity. Because the threat was ‘existential’ – or unsurpassable
– the remedy was invested with the absolute passion of a faith.
The Prime Directive was adopted as a basic and final law, to
which all social institutions and interests were subordinated
without reservation. To question or resist it was to invite
comprehensive disaster, and only a radically uninformed or
criminally reckless heretic – a ‘crank’ – would do that. Anything
is better than deflationary depression. That is the New Deal
Law.
The consolidation of financial central planning, based on central
banking and fiat currencies, provided the priesthood of the
Prime Directive with everything it needed to ensure collective
obedience: No deflationary depression without deflation, and no
deflation with a well-oiled printing press. ‘Counter-cyclical’
inflation was always an option, and the hegemony of
Anglophone
economic-historical
experience
within
the
flourishing American century marginalized the memory of
inflationary traumas to global backwaters of limited influence.
Beside the moral grandeur of the Prime Directive, monetary
integrity counted for nothing (only a crank, or a German, could
argue otherwise).
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The Prime Directive defines a regime that is both historically
concrete
and
systemically
generalizable.
As
Ashwin
Parameswaran explains on his Macroeconomic Resilience blog,
this type of regime is expressed with equal clarity in projects to
manage a variety of other (non-economic) complex systems,
including rivers and forests. Modern forestry, dominated by an
imperative
to
fire
suppression,
provides
an
especially
illuminating example. He notes:
The impetus for both fire suppression and macroeconomic
stabilisation came from a crisis. In economics, this crisis was the
Great Depression which highlighted the need for stabilising
fiscal and monetary policy during a crisis. Out of all the
initiatives, the most crucial from a systems viewpoint was the
expansion of lender-of-last-resort operations and bank bailouts
which tried to eliminate all disturbances at their source. In
[Hyram] Minsky’s words: “The need for lender-of-Iast-resort
operations will often occur before income falls steeply and
before the well nigh automatic income and financial stabilizing
effects of Big Government come into play.” (Stabilizing an
Unstable Economy pg 46)
Similarly, the battle for complete fire suppression was won after
the Great Idaho Fires of 1910. “The Great Idaho Fires of
August 1910 were a defining event for fire policy and
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management, indeed for the policy and management of all
natural resources in the United States. Often called the Big
Blowup, the complex of fires consumed 3 million acres of
valuable timber in northern Idaho and western Montana…..The
battle cry of foresters and philosophers that year was simple and
compelling: fires are evil, and they must be banished from the
earth. The federal Weeks Act, which had been stalled in
Congress for years, passed in February 1911. This law drastically
expanded the Forest Service and established cooperative federalstate programs in fire control. It marked the beginning of federal
fire-suppression efforts and effectively brought an end to light
burning practices across most of the country. The prompt
suppression of wildland fires by government agencies became a
national paradigm and a national policy” (Sara Jensen and Guy
McPherson). In 1935, the Forest Service implemented the ‘10
AM policy’, a goal to extinguish every new fire by 10 AM the
day after it was reported.
In both cases, the trauma of a catastrophic disaster triggered a
new policy that would try to stamp out all disturbances at the
source, no matter how small.
At Zerohedge, The World Complex elaborates on the history of
fire suppression in the United States:
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The forests of the southwestern United States were subjected to
a lengthy dry season, quite unlike the forests of the northeast.
The
northeastern
forests
were
humid
enough
that
decomposition of dead material would replenish the soils; but in
the southwest, the climate was too dry in the summer and too
cool in the winter for decomposition to be effective. Fire was
needed to ensure healthy forests. Apart from replenishing the
soils, fire was needed to reduce flammable litter, and the heat or
smoke was required to germinate seeds.
In the late 19th century, light burning — setting small surface
fires episodically to clear underbrush and keep the forests open
— was a common practice in the western United States. So long
as the fires remained small they tended to burn out undergrowth
while leaving the older growth of the forests unscathed. The
settlers who followed this practice recognized its native heritage;
just as its opponents called it “Paiute forestry” as an expression
of scorn (Pyne, 1982).
Supporters of burning did so for both philosophical and
practical reasons — burning being the “Indian way” as well as
expanding pasture and reducing fuels for forest fires. The
detractors argued that small fires destroyed young trees, depleted
soils, made the forest more susceptible to insects and disease,
and were economically damaging. But the critical argument put
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forth by the opponents of burning was that it was inimical to the
Progressive Spirit of Conservation. As a modern people,
Americans should use the superior, scientific approaches of
forest management that were now available to them, and which
had not been available to the natives. Worse than being wrong,
accepting native forest management methods would be
primitive.
Spelling out the eventual consequences of the ‘progressive’
reformation of forest management practices probably isn’t
necessary, since – in striking contrast to its economic analog –
its lessons have been quite thoroughly absorbed, widely and
frequently
referenced.
Ecologically-sophisticated
environmentalists, in particular, have become attached to it as a
deterrent model of arrogant intervention, and its perverse
consequences. Everybody knows that the attempt to eliminate
forest fires, rather than extinguishing risk, merely displaced, and
even accentuated it, as the accumulation of tinder transformed a
regime punctuated by comparatively frequent fires of moderate
scale with one episodically devastated by massive, all-consuming
conflagrations.
Parameswaran explains that the absence of fires leads to fuel
build-up, ecological drift towards less fire-resistant species,
reduction in diversity, and increased connectivity. The
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‘protected’ or ‘stabilized’ forest changes in nature, from a
cleared, robust, mixed, and patch-worked system, to a fuelcluttered,
fragile,
increasingly
mono-cultural
and tightly
interconnected mass, amounting almost to an explosive device.
Stability degrades resilience, and preventing the catastrophe-tocome becomes increasingly expensive and uncertain, even as the
importance of prevention rises. By the penultimate stage of this
process, crisis management has engineered an impending
apocalypse: a disastrous event that simply cannot possibly be
allowed to happen (although it surely will).
Parameswaran calls this apocalyptic development sequence The
Pathology of Stabilisation in Complex Adaptive Systems. It’s
what the Prime Directive inevitably leads to. Unfortunately,
diagnosis contains no hint of remedy. Every step up the road
makes escape more improbable, as the scale of potential
calamity rises. Few will find much comfort in the realization that
taking this path was insane.
‘Black-boxes’ (or flight recorders) retrieved from air disasters are
informative in this respect. With surprising regularity, the last
words of the pilot, announced to no one in particular, eloquently
express an acknowledgment of unattractive but unmistakable
reality: “Oh $#it!” Less common – in fact, unheard of – is any
honest address to the passengers: “Ladies and gentlemen, this is
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your captain speaking. We are all about to die.” What would be
the point?
Everything to be realistically expected from our ruling political
and financial elites can be predicted by rigorous analogy. This
flight doesn’t end anywhere good, but it would be foolish to
await an announcement.
Unencumbered by official position in the Cathedral of the Prime
Directive, ‘Mickeyman’ at World Complex is free to sum things
up with brutal honesty:
We have lived through a long period of financial management,
in which failing financial institutions have been propped up by
emergency intervention (applied somewhat selectively). Defaults
have not been permitted. The result has been a tremendous
build-up of paper ripe for burning. Had the fires of default been
allowed to burn freely in the past we may well have healthier
financial institutions. Instead we find our banks loaded up with
all kinds of flammable paper products; their basements stuffed
with barrels of black powder. Trails of black powder run from
bank to bank, and it’s raining matches.
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 1)
MARCH 2, 2012
Neo-reactionaries head for the exit.
Enlightenment is not only a state, but an event, and a process.
As the designation for an historical episode, concentrated in
northern Europe during the 18th century, it is a leading
candidate for the ‘true name’ of modernity, capturing its origin
and essence (‘Renaissance’ and ‘Industrial Revolution’ are
others).
Between
‘enlightenment’
and
‘progressive
enlightenment’ there is only an elusive difference, because
illumination takes time – and feeds on itself, because
enlightenment is self-confirming, its revelations ‘self-evident’,
and because a retrograde, or reactionary, ‘dark enlightenment’
amounts almost to intrinsic contradiction. To become
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enlightened, in this historical sense, is to recognize, and then to
pursue, a guiding light.
There were ages of darkness, and then enlightenment came.
Clearly, advance has demonstrated itself, offering not only
improvement, but also a model. Furthermore, unlike a
renaissance, there is no need for an enlightenment to recall what
was lost, or to emphasize the attractions of return. The
elementary acknowledgement of enlightenment is already Whig
history in miniature.
Once certain enlightened truths have been found self-evident,
there can be no turning back, and conservatism is pre-emptively
condemned – predestined — to paradox. F. A. Hayek, who
refused to describe himself as a conservative, famously settled
instead upon the term ‘Old Whig’, which – like ‘classical liberal’
(or the still more melancholy ‘remnant’) – accepts that progress
isn’t what it used to be. What could an Old Whig be, if not a
reactionary progressive? And what on earth is that?
Of course, plenty of people already think they know what
reactionary modernism looks like, and amidst the current
collapse back into the 1930s their concerns are only likely to
grow. Basically, it’s what the ‘F’ word is for, at least in its
progressive usage. A flight from democracy under these
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circumstances conforms so perfectly to expectations that it
eludes specific recognition, appearing merely as an atavism, or
confirmation of dire repetition.
Still, something is happening, and it is – at least in part –
something else. One milestone was the April 2009 discussion
hosted at Cato Unbound among libertarian thinkers (including
Patri Friedman and Peter Thiel) in which disillusionment with
the direction and possibilities of democratic politics was
expressed with unusual forthrightness. Thiel summarized the
trend bluntly: “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy
are compatible.”
In August 2011, Michael Lind posted a democratic riposte at
Salon, digging up some impressively malodorous dirt, and
concluding:
The dread of democracy by libertarians and classical liberals is
justified. Libertarianism really is incompatible with democracy.
Most libertarians have made it clear which of the two they
prefer. The only question that remains to be settled is why
anyone should pay attention to libertarians.
Lind and the ‘neo-reactionaries’ seem to be in broad agreement
that democracy is not only (or even) a system, but rather a
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vector, with an unmistakable direction. Democracy and
‘progressive democracy’ are synonymous, and indistinguishable
from the expansion of the state. Whilst ‘extreme right wing’
governments have, on rare occasions, momentarily arrested this
process, its reversal lies beyond the bounds of democratic
possibility. Since winning elections is overwhelmingly a matter
of vote buying, and society’s informational organs (education
and media) are no more resistant to bribery than the electorate, a
thrifty politician is simply an incompetent politician, and the
democratic variant of Darwinism quickly eliminates such misfits
from the gene pool. This is a reality that the left applauds, the
establishment right grumpily accepts, and the libertarian right
has
ineffectively
railed
against.
Increasingly,
however,
libertarians have ceased to care whether anyone is ‘pay[ing them]
attention’ – they have been looking for something else entirely:
an exit.
It is a structural inevitability that the libertarian voice is drowned
out in democracy, and according to Lind it should be. Ever
more libertarians are likely to agree. ‘Voice’ is democracy itself,
in its historically dominant, Rousseauistic strain. It models the
state as a representation of popular will, and making oneself
heard means more politics. If voting as the mass self-expression
of politically empowered peoples is a nightmare engulfing the
world, adding to the hubbub doesn’t help. Even more than
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Equality-vs-Liberty, Voice-vs-Exit is the rising alternative, and
libertarians are opting for voiceless flight. Patri Friedman
remarks: “we think that free exit is so important that we’ve
called it the only Universal Human Right.”
For the hardcore neo-reactionaries, democracy is not merely
doomed, it is doom itself. Fleeing it approaches an ultimate
imperative. The subterranean current that propels such antipolitics
is
recognizably
Hobbesian,
a
coherent
dark
enlightenment, devoid from its beginning of any Rousseauistic
enthusiasm for popular expression. Predisposed, in any case, to
perceive the politically awakened masses as a howling irrational
mob, it conceives the dynamics of democratization as
fundamentally degenerative: systematically consolidating and
exacerbating private vices, resentments, and deficiencies until
they reach the level of collective criminality and comprehensive
social corruption. The democratic politician and the electorate
are bound together by a circuit of reciprocal incitement, in
which each side drives the other to ever more shameless
extremities of hooting, prancing cannibalism, until the only
alternative to shouting is being eaten.
Where the progressive enlightenment sees political ideals, the
dark enlightenment sees appetites. It accepts that governments
are made out of people, and that they will eat well. Setting its
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expectations as low as reasonably possible, it seeks only to spare
civilization from frenzied, ruinous, gluttonous debauch. From
Thomas Hobbes to Hans-Hermann Hoppe and beyond, it asks:
How can the sovereign power be prevented – or at least
dissuaded — from devouring society? It consistently finds
democratic ‘solutions’ to this problem risible, at best.
Hoppe advocates an anarcho-capitalist ‘private law society’, but
between monarchy and democracy he does not hesitate (and his
argument is strictly Hobbesian):
As a hereditary monopolist, a king regards the territory and the
people under his rule as his personal property and engages in the
monopolistic exploitation of this "property." Under
democracy, monopoly and monopolistic exploitation do not
disappear. Rather, what happens is this: instead of a king and a
nobility who regard the country as their private property, a
temporary and interchangeable caretaker is put in monopolistic
charge of the country. The caretaker does not own the country,
but as long as he is in office he is permitted to use it to his and
his protégés’ advantage. He owns its current use – usufruct– but
not its capital stock. This does not eliminate exploitation. To the
contrary, it makes exploitation less calculating and carried out
with little or no regard to the capital stock. Exploitation
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becomes shortsighted and capital consumption will be
systematically promoted.
Political agents invested with transient authority by multi-party
democratic systems have an overwhelming (and demonstrably
irresistible) incentive to plunder society with the greatest
possible rapidity and comprehensiveness. Anything they neglect
to steal – or ‘leave on the table’ – is likely to be inherited by
political successors who are not only unconnected, but actually
opposed, and who can therefore be expected to utilize all
available resources to the detriment of their foes. Whatever is
left behind becomes a weapon in your enemy’s hand. Best, then,
to destroy what cannot be stolen. From the perspective of a
democratic politician, any type of social good that is neither
directly appropriable nor attributable to (their own) partisan
policy is sheer waste, and counts for nothing, whilst even the
most grievous social misfortune – so long as it can be assigned
to a prior administration or postponed until a subsequent one –
figures in rational calculations as an obvious blessing. The longrange
techno-economic
improvements
and
associated
accumulation of cultural capital that constituted social progress
in its old (Whig) sense are in nobody’s political interest. Once
democracy flourishes, they face the immediate threat of
extinction.
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Civilization, as a process, is indistinguishable from diminishing
time-preference (or declining concern for the present in
comparison to the future). Democracy, which both in theory
and evident historical fact accentuates time-preference to the
point of convulsive feeding-frenzy, is thus as close to a precise
negation of civilization as anything could be, short of
instantaneous social collapse into murderous barbarism or
zombie apocalypse (which it eventually leads to). As the
democratic
virus
accumulated
habits
burns
through
society,
and
attitudes
of
painstakingly
forward-thinking,
prudential, human and industrial investment, are replaced by a
sterile, orgiastic consumerism, financial incontinence, and a
‘reality television’ political circus. Tomorrow might belong to the
other team, so it’s best to eat it all now.
Winston Churchill, who remarked in neo-reactionary style that
“the best argument against democracy is a five-minute
conversation with the average voter“ is better known for
suggesting “that democracy is the worst form of government
except all the others that have been tried.” Whilst never exactly
conceding that “OK, democracy sucks (in fact, it really sucks),
but what’s the alternative?” the implication is obvious. The
general tenor of this sensibility is attractive to modern
conservatives, because it resonates with their wry, disillusioned
acceptance of relentless civilizational deterioration, and with the
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associated intellectual apprehension of capitalism as an
unappetizing but ineliminable default social arrangement, which
remains after all catastrophic or merely impractical alternatives
have
been
discarded.
The
market
economy,
on
this
understanding, is no more than a spontaneous survival strategy
that stitches itself together amidst the ruins of a politically
devastated world. Things will probably just get worse forever. So
it goes.
So, what is the alternative? (There’s certainly no point trawling
through the 1930s for one.) “Can you imagine a 21st-century
post-demotist society? One that saw itself as recovering from
democracy, much as Eastern Europe sees itself as recovering
from Communism?” asks supreme Sith Lord of the neoreactionaries, Mencius Moldbug. “Well, I suppose that makes
one of us.”
Moldbug’s formative influences are Austro-libertarian, but that’s
all over. As he explains:
… libertarians cannot present a realistic picture of a world in
which their battle gets won and stays won. They wind up
looking for ways to push a world in which the State’s natural
downhill path is to grow, back up the hill. This prospect is
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Sisyphean, and it’s understandable why it attracts so few
supporters.
His awakening into neo-reaction comes with the (Hobbesian)
recognition that sovereignty cannot be eliminated, caged, or
controlled. Anarcho-capitalist utopias can never condense out of
science fiction, divided powers flow back together like a
shattered Terminator, and constitutions have exactly as much
real authority as a sovereign interpretative power allows them to
have. The state isn’t going anywhere because — to those who
run it — it’s worth far too much to give up, and as the
concentrated instantiation of sovereignty in society, nobody can
make it do anything. If the state cannot be eliminated, Moldbug
argues, at least it can be cured of democracy (or systematic and
degenerative bad government), and the way to do that is to
formalize it. This is an approach he calls ‘neo-cameralism’.
To a neocameralist, a state is a business which owns a country.
A state should be managed, like any other large business, by
dividing logical ownership into negotiable shares, each of which
yields a precise fraction of the state’s profit. (A well-run state is
very profitable.) Each share has one vote, and the shareholders
elect a board, which hires and fires managers.
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This business’s customers are its residents. A profitablymanaged neocameralist state will, like any business, serve its
customers efficiently and effectively. Misgovernment equals
mismanagement.
Firstly, it is essential to squash the democratic myth that a state
‘belongs’ to the citizenry. The point of neo-cameralism is to buy
out the real stakeholders in sovereign power, not to perpetuate
sentimental lies about mass enfranchisement. Unless ownership
of the state is formally transferred into the hands of its actual
rulers, the neo-cameral transition will simply not take place,
power will remain in the shadows, and the democratic farce will
continue.
So, secondly, the ruling class must be plausibly identified. It
should be noted immediately, in contradistinction to Marxist
principles of social analysis, that this is not the ‘capitalist
bourgeoisie’. Logically, it cannot be. The power of the business
class is already clearly formalized, in monetary terms, so the
identification of capital with political power is perfectly
redundant. It is necessary to ask, rather, who do capitalists pay
for political favors, how much these favors are potentially
worth, and how the authority to grant them is distributed. This
requires, with a minimum of moral irritation, that the entire
social landscape of political bribery (‘lobbying’) is exactly
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mapped, and the administrative, legislative, judicial, media, and
academic privileges accessed by such bribes are converted into
fungible shares. Insofar as voters are worth bribing, there is no
need to entirely exclude them from this calculation, although
their portion of sovereignty will be estimated with appropriate
derision. The conclusion of this exercise is the mapping of a
ruling entity that is the truly dominant instance of the
democratic polity. Moldbug calls it the Cathedral.
The formalization of political powers, thirdly, allows for the
possibility of effective government. Once the universe of
democratic corruption is converted into a (freely transferable)
shareholding in gov-corp. the owners of the state can initiate
rational corporate governance, beginning with the appointment
of a CEO. As with any business, the interests of the state are
now precisely formalized as the maximization of long-term
shareholder value. There is no longer any need for residents
(clients) to take any interest in politics whatsoever. In fact, to do
so would be to exhibit semi-criminal proclivities. If gov-corp
doesn’t deliver acceptable value for its taxes (sovereign rent),
they can notify its customer service function, and if necessary
take their custom elsewhere. Gov-corp would concentrate upon
running an efficient, attractive, vital, clean, and secure country,
of a kind that is able to draw customers. No voice, free exit.
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… although the full neocameralist approach has never been
tried, its closest historical equivalents to this approach are the
18th-century tradition of enlightened absolutism as represented
by Frederick the Great, and the 21st-century nondemocratic
tradition as seen in lost fragments of the British Empire such as
Hong Kong, Singapore and Dubai. These states appear to
provide a very high quality of service to their citizens, with no
meaningful democracy at all. They have minimal crime and high
levels of personal and economic freedom. They tend to be quite
prosperous. They are weak only in political freedom, and
political freedom is unimportant by definition when government
is stable and effective.
In European classical antiquity, democracy was recognized as a
familiar phase of cyclical political development, fundamentally
decadent in nature, and preliminary to a slide into tyranny.
Today this classical understanding is thoroughly lost, and
replaced by a global democratic ideology, entirely lacking in
critical self-reflection, that is asserted not as a credible socialscientific thesis, or even as a spontaneous popular aspiration, but
rather as a religious creed, of a specific, historically identifiable
kind:
… a received tradition I call Universalism, which is a nontheistic
Christian sect. Some other current labels for this same tradition,
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more or less synonymous, are progressivism, multiculturalism,
liberalism, humanism, leftism, political correctness, and the like.
… Universalism is the dominant modern branch of Christianity
on the Calvinist line, evolving from the English Dissenter or
Puritan tradition through the Unitarian, Transcendentalist, and
Progressive movements. Its ancestral briar patch also includes a
few sideways sprigs that are important enough to name but
whose Christian ancestry is slightly better concealed, such as
Rousseauvian laicism, Benthamite utilitarianism, Reformed
Judaism, Comtean positivism, German Idealism, Marxist
scientific
socialism,
Sartrean
existentialism,
Heideggerian
postmodernism, etc, etc, etc. … Universalism, in my opinion, is
best described as a mystery cult of power. … It’s as hard to
imagine Universalism without the State as malaria without the
mosquito. … The point is that this thing, whatever you care to
call it, is at least two hundred years old and probably more like
five. It’s basically the Reformation itself. … And just walking up
to it and denouncing it as evil is about as likely to work as suing
Shub-Niggurath in small-claims court.
To
comprehend
the
emergence
of
our
contemporary
predicament, characterized by relentless, totalizing, state
expansion, the proliferation of spurious positive ‘human rights’
(claims on the resources of others backed by coercive
bureaucracies), politicized money, reckless evangelical ‘wars for
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democracy’, and comprehensive thought control arrayed in
defense
of
universalistic
dogma
(accompanied
by
the
degradation of science into a government public relations
function), it is necessary to ask how Massachusetts came to
conquer the world, as Moldbug does. With every year that
passes, the international ideal of sound governance finds itself
approximating more closely and rigidly to the standards set by
the Grievance Studies departments of New England universities.
This is the divine providence of the ranters and levelers, elevated
to a planetary teleology, and consolidated as the reign of the
Cathedral.
The Cathedral has substituted its gospel for everything we ever
knew. Consider just the concerns expressed by America’s
founding fathers (compiled by ‘Liberty-clinger’, comment #1,
here):
A democracy is nothing more than mob rule, where 51% of the
people may take away the rights of the other 49%. — Thomas
Jefferson
Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for
lunch. Liberty is a well-armed lamb contesting the vote!—
Benjamin Franklin
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Democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and
murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not
commit suicide. — John Adams
Democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and
contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal
security or the rights of property; and have in general been as
short in their lives as they have been violent in their death. —
James Madison
We are a Republican Government, Real liberty is never found in
despotism or in the extremes of democracy…it has been
observed that a pure democracy if it were practicable would be
the most perfect government. Experience has proved that no
position is more false than this. The ancient democracies in
which the people themselves deliberated never possessed one
good feature of government. Their very character was
tyranny…— Alexander Hamilton
More on voting with your feet (and the incandescent genius of
Moldbug), next …
Added Note (March 7):
Don’t trust the attribution of the ‘Benjamin Franklin’ quote,
above. According to Barry Popik, the saying was probably
invented by James Bovard, in 1992. (Bovard remarks elsewhere:
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“There are few more dangerous errors in political thinking than
to equate democracy with liberty.”)
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 2)
MARCH 9, 2012
The arc of history is long, but it bends towards zombie
apocalypse.
David Graeber: It strikes me that if one is going to pursue this
to its logical conclusion, the only way to have a genuinely
democratic society would also be to abolish capitalism in this
state.
Marina Sitrin: We can’t have democracy with capitalism…
Democracy and capitalism don’t work together.
(Here, via John J. Miller)
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That’s always the trouble with history. It always looks like it’s
over. But it never is.
(Mencius Moldbug)
Googling
‘democracy’
and
‘liberty’
together
is
highly
enlightening, in a dark way. In cyberspace, at least, it is clear that
only a distinct minority think of these terms as positively
coupled. If opinion is to be judged in terms of the Google
spider and its digital prey, by far the most prevalent association
is disjunctive, or antagonistic, drawing upon the reactionary
insight that democracy poses a lethal menace to liberty, all but
ensuring its eventual eradication. Democracy is to liberty as
Gargantua to a pie (“Surely you can see that we love liberty, to
the point of gut-rumbling and salivation …”).
Steve H. Hanke lays out the case authoritatively in his short
essay On Democracy Versus Liberty, focused upon the
American experience:
Most people, including most Americans, would be surprised to
learn that the word “democracy” does not appear in the
Declaration of Independence (1776) or the Constitution of the
United States of America (1789). They would also be shocked to
learn the reason for the absence of the word democracy in the
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founding documents of the U.S.A. Contrary to what propaganda
has led the public to believe, America’s Founding Fathers were
skeptical and anxious about democracy. They were aware of the
evils that accompany a tyranny of the majority. The Framers of
the Constitution went to great lengths to ensure that the federal
government was not based on the will of the majority and was
not, therefore, democratic.
If the Framers of the Constitution did not embrace democracy,
what did they adhere to? To a man, the Framers agreed that the
purpose of government was to secure citizens in John Locke’s
trilogy of the rights to life, liberty and property.
He elaborates:
The Constitution is primarily a structural and procedural
document that itemizes who is to exercise power and how they
are to exercise it. A great deal of stress is placed on the
separation of powers and the checks and balances in the system.
These were not a Cartesian construct or formula aimed at social
engineering, but a shield to protect the people from the
government. In short, the Constitution was designed to govern
the government, not the people.
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The Bill of Rights establishes the rights of the people against
infringements by the State. The only thing that the citizens can
demand from the State, under the Bill of Rights, is for a trial by
a jury. The rest of the citizens’ rights are protections from the
State. For roughly a century after the Constitution was ratified,
private property, contracts and free internal trade within the
United States were sacred. The scope and scale of the
government remained very constrained. All this was very
consistent with what was understood to be liberty.
As the spirit of reaction digs its Sith-tentacles into the brain, it
becomes difficult to remember how the classical (or noncommunist) progressive narrative could once have made sense.
What were people thinking? What were they expecting from the
emerging super-empowered, populist, cannibalistic state? Wasn’t
the eventual calamity entirely predictable? How was it ever
possible to be a Whig?
The ideological credibility of radical democratization is not, of
course, in question. As thinkers ranging from (Christian
progressive) Walter Russell Mead to (atheistic reactionary)
Mencius Moldbug have exhaustively detailed, it conforms so
exactly to ultra-protestant religious enthusiasm that its power to
animate the revolutionary soul should surprise nobody. Within
just a few years of Martin Luther’s challenge to the papal
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establishment, peasant insurrectionists were stringing up their
class enemies all over Germany.
The empirical credibility of democratic advancement is far more
perplexing, and also genuinely complex (which is to say
controversial, or more precisely, worthy of a data-based,
rigorously-argued controversy). In part, that is because the
modern configuration of democracy emerges within the sweep
of a far broader modernistic trend, whose techno-scientific,
economic, social and political strands are obscurely interrelated,
knitted together by misleading correlations, and subsequent false
causalities. If, as Schumpeter argues, industrial capitalism tends
to engender a democratic-bureaucratic culture that concludes in
stagnation, it might nevertheless seem as though democracy was
‘associated’ with material progress. It is easy to misconstrue a
lagging indicator as a positive causal factor, especially when
ideological zeal lends its bias to the misapprehension. In similar
vein, since cancer only afflicts living beings, it might – with
apparent reason — be associated with vitality.
Robin Hanson (gently) notes:
Yes many trends have been positive for a century or so, and yes
this suggests they will continue to rise for a century or so. But
no this does not mean that students are empirically or morally
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wrong for thinking it “utopian fantasy” that one could “end
poverty, disease, tyranny, and war” by joining a modern-day
Kennedy’s political quest. Why? Because positive recent trends
in these areas were not much caused by such political
movements! They were mostly caused by our getting rich from
the industrial revolution, an event that political movements
tended, if anything, to try to hold back on average.
Simple historical chronology suggests that industrialization
supports progressive democratization, rather than being derived
from it. This observation has even given rise to a widely
accepted school of pop social science theorizing, according to
which the ‘maturation’ of societies in a democratic direction is
determined by thresholds of affluence, or middle-class
formation. The strict logical correlate of such ideas, that
democracy is fundamentally non-productive in relation to
material progress, is typically under-emphasized. Democracy
consumes progress. When perceived from the perspective of the
dark enlightenment, the appropriate mode of analysis for
studying the democratic phenomenon is general parasitology.
Quasi-libertarian responses to the outbreak accept this implicitly.
Given a population deeply infected by the zombie virus and
shambling into cannibalistic social collapse, the preferred option
is quarantine. It is not communicative isolation that is essential,
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but a functional dis-solidarization of society that tightens
feedback loops and exposes people with maximum intensity to
the consequences of their own actions. Social solidarity, in
precise contrast, is the parasite’s friend. By cropping out all highfrequency feedback mechanisms (such as market signals), and
replacing them with sluggish, infra-red loops that pass through a
centralized forum of ‘general will’, a radically democratized
society insulates parasitism from what it does, transforming
local, painfully dysfunctional, intolerable, and thus urgently
corrected behavior patterns into global, numbed, and chronic
socio-political pathologies.
Gnaw off other people’s body parts and it might be hard to get a
job– that’s the kind of lesson a tight-feedback, cybernetically
intense, laissez faire order would allow to be learned. It’s also
exactly the kind of insensitive zombiphobic discrimination that
any compassionate democracy would denounce as thought
crime, whilst boosting the public budget for the vitallychallenged, undertaking consciousness raising campaigns on
behalf of those suffering from involuntary cannibalistic impulse
syndrome, affirming the dignity of the zombie lifestyle in highereducation curriculums, and rigorously regulating workspaces to
ensure that the shuffling undead are not victimized by profitobsessed,
performance-centric,
or
even
unreconstructed
animationist employers.
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As enlightened zombie-tolerance flourishes in the shelter of the
democratic mega-parasite, a small remnant of reactionaries,
attentive to the effects of real incentives, raise the formulaic
question: “You do realize that these policies lead inevitably to a
massive expansion of the zombie population?” The dominant
vector of history presupposes that such nuisance objections are
marginalized, ignored, and — wherever possible – silenced
through social ostracism. The remnant either fortifies the
basement, whilst stocking up on dried food, ammunition, and
silver coins, or accelerates the application process for a second
passport, and starts packing its bags.
If all of this seems to be coming unmoored from historical
concreteness, there’s a conveniently topical remedy: a little
digressive channel-hopping over to Greece. As a microcosmic
model for the death of the West, playing out in real time, the
Greek story is hypnotic. It describes a 2,500 year arc that is far
from neat, but irresistibly dramatic, from proto-democracy to
accomplished zombie apocalypse. Its pre-eminent virtue is that
it perfectly illustrates the democratic mechanism in extremis,
separating
individuals
and
local
populations
from
the
consequences of their decisions by scrambling their behavior
through large-scale, centralized re-distribution systems. You
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decide what you do, but then vote on the consequences. How
could anyone say ‘no’ to that?
No surprise that over 30 years of EU membership Greeks have
been eagerly cooperating with a social-engineering mega-project
that strips out all short-wave social signals and re-routes
feedback through the grandiose circuitry of European solidarity,
ensuring that all economically-relevant information is red-shifted
through the heat-death sump of the European Central Bank.
Most specifically, it has conspired with ‘Europe’ to obliterate all
information that might be contained in Greek interest rates, thus
effectively disabling all financial feedback on domestic policy
choices.
This is democracy in a consummate form that defies further
perfection, since nothing conforms more exactly to the ‘general
will’ than the legislative abolition of reality, and nothing delivers
the hemlock to reality more definitively than the coupling of
Teutonic interest rates with East Mediterranean spending
decisions. Live like Hellenes and pay like Germans — any
political party that failed to rise to power on that platform
deserves to scrabble for vulture-picked scraps in the wilderness.
It’s the ultimate no-brainer, in just about every imaginable sense
of that expression. What could possibly go wrong?
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More to the point, what did go wrong? Mencius Moldbug begins
his Unqualified Reservations series How Dawkins got pwned (or
taken over through an “exploitable vulnerability”) with the
outlining of design rules for a hypothetical “optimal memetic
parasite” that would be “as virulent as possible. It will be highly
contagious, highly morbid, and highly persistent. A really ugly
bug.” In comparison to this ideological super-plague, the
vestigial monotheism derided in The God Delusion would figure
as nothing worse than a moderately unpleasant head cold. What
begins as abstract meme tinkering concludes as grand-sweep
history, in the dark enlightenment mode:
My belief is that Professor Dawkins is not just a Christian
atheist. He is a Protestant atheist. And he is not just a Protestant
atheist. He is a Calvinist atheist. And he is not just a Calvinist
atheist. He is an Anglo-Calvinist atheist. In other words, he can
be also described as a Puritan atheist, a Dissenter atheist, a
Nonconformist atheist, an Evangelical atheist, etc, etc.
This cladistic taxonomy traces Professor Dawkins’ intellectual
ancestry back about 400 years, to the era of the English Civil
War. Except of course for the atheism theme, Professor
Dawkins’ kernel is a remarkable match for the Ranter, Leveller,
Digger, Quaker, Fifth Monarchist, or any of the more extreme
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English Dissenter traditions that flourished during the
Cromwellian interregnum.
Frankly, these dudes were freaks. Maniacal fanatics. Any
mainstream English thinker of the 17th, 18th or 19th century,
informed that this tradition (or its modern descendant) is now
the planet’s dominant Christian denomination, would regard this
as a sign of imminent apocalypse. If you’re sure they’re wrong,
you’re more sure than me.
Fortunately, Cromwell himself was comparatively moderate. The
extreme ultra-Puritan sects never got a solid lock on power
under the Protectorate. Even more fortunately, Cromwell got
old and died, and Cromwellism died with him. Lawful
government was restored to Great Britain, as was the Church of
England, and Dissenters became a marginal fringe again. And
frankly, a damned good riddance it was.
However, you can’t keep a good parasite down. A community of
Puritans fled to America and founded the theocratic colonies of
New England. After its military victories in the American
Rebellion and the War of Secession, American Puritanism was
well on the way to world domination. Its victories in World War
I, World War II, and the Cold War confirmed its global
hegemony. All legitimate mainstream thought on Earth today is
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descended from the American Puritans, and through them the
English Dissenters.
Given the rise of this “really ugly bug” to world dominion, it
might seem strange to pick on tangential figure such as
Dawkins, but Moldbug selects his target for exquisitely-judged
strategic reasons. Moldbug identifies with Dawkins’ Darwinism,
with his intellectual repudiation of Abrahamic theism, and with
his broad commitment to scientific rationality. Yet he
recognizes, crucially, that Dawkins’ critical faculties shut off –
abruptly and often comically – at the point where they might
endanger
a
still
broader
commitment
to
hegemonic
progressivism. In this way, Dawkins is powerfully indicative.
Militant secularism is itself a modernized variant of the
Abrahamic meta-meme, on its Anglo-Protestant, radical
democratic taxonomic branch, whose specific tradition is antitraditionalism. The clamorous atheism of The God Delusion
represents a protective feint, and a consistent upgrade of
religious reformation, guided by a spirit of progressive
enthusiasm that trumps empiricism and reason, whilst
exemplifying an irritable dogmatism that rivals anything to be
found in earlier God-themed strains.
Dawkins isn’t merely an enlightened modern progressive and
implicit radical democrat, he’s an impressively credentialed
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scientist, more specifically a biologist, and (thus) a Darwinian
evolutionist. The point at which he touches the limit of
acceptable thinking as defined by the memetic super-bug is
therefore quite easy to anticipate. His inherited tradition of lowchurch ultra-protestantism has replaced God with Man as the
locus of spiritual investment, and ‘Man’ has been in the process
of Darwinian research dissolution for over 150 years. (As the
sound, decent person I know you are, having gotten this far with
Moldbug you’re probably already muttering under your breath,
don’t mention race, don’t mention race, don’t mention race,
please, oh please, in the name of the Zeitgeist and the dear sweet
non-god of progress, don’t mention race …) … but Moldbug is
already citing Dawkins, citing Thomas Huxley “…in a contest
which is to be carried out by thoughts and not by bites. The
highest places in the hierarchy of civilization will assuredly not
be within the reach of our dusky cousins.” Which Dawkins
frames by remarking: “Had Huxley… been born and educated
in our time, [he] would have been the first to cringe with us at
[his] Victorian sentiments and unctuous tone. I quote them only
to illustrate how the Zeitgeist moves on.”
It gets worse. Moldbug seems to be holding Huxley’s hand, and
… (ewww!) doing that palm-stroking thing with his finger. This
sure ain’t vanilla-libertarian reaction anymore — it’s getting
seriously dark, and scary. “In all seriousness, what is the
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evidence for fraternism? Why, exactly, does Professor Dawkins
believe that all neohominids are born with identical potential for
neurological development? He doesn’t say. Perhaps he thinks it’s
obvious.”
Whatever one’s opinion on the respective scientific merits of
human biological diversity or uniformity, it is surely beyond
contention that the latter assumption, alone, is tolerated. Even if
progressive-universalistic beliefs about human nature are true,
they are not held because they are true, or arrived at through any
process that passes the laugh test for critical scientific rationality.
They are received as religious tenets, with all of the passionate
intensity that characterizes essential items of faith, and to
question them is not a matter of scientific inaccuracy, but of
what we now call political incorrectness, and once knew as
heresy.
To sustain this transcendent moral posture in relation to racism
is no more rational than subscription to the doctrine of original
sin, of which it is, in any case, the unmistakable modern
substitute. The difference, of course, is that ‘original sin’ is a
traditional doctrine, subscribed to by an embattled social cohort,
significantly under-represented among public intellectuals and
media figures, deeply unfashionable in the dominant world
culture, and widely criticized – if not derided – without any
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immediate assumption that the critic is advocating murder, theft,
or adultery. To question the status of racism as the supreme and
defining social sin, on the other hand, is to court universal
condemnation from social elites, and to arouse suspicions of
thought crimes that range from pro-slavery apologetics to
genocide fantasies. Racism is pure or absolute evil, whose
proper sphere is the infinite and the eternal, or the incendiary
sinful depths of the hyper-protestant soul, rather than the
mundane confines of civil interaction, social scientific realism, or
efficient and proportional legality. The dissymmetry of affect,
sanction, and raw social power attending old heresies and their
replacements, once noticed, is a nagging indicator. A new sect
reigns, and it is not even especially well hidden.
Yet even among the most hardened HBD constituencies,
hysterical sanctification of plus-good race-think hardly suffices
to lend radical democracy the aura of profound morbidity that
Moldbug detects. That requires a devotional relation to the
State.
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 3)
MARCH 19, 2012
The previous installment of this series ended with our hero
Mencius Moldbug, up to his waist (or worse) in the mephitic
swamp of political incorrectness, approaching the dark heart of
his politico-religious meditation on How Dawkins Got Pwned.
Moldbug has caught Dawkins in the midst of a symptomatically
significant, and excruciatingly sanctimonious, denunciation of
Thomas Huxley’s racist “Victorian sentiments” – a sermon
which concludes with the strange declaration that he is quoting
Huxley’s words, despite their self-evident and wholly intolerable
ghastliness, “only to illustrate how the Zeitgeist moves on.”
Moldbug pounces, asking pointedly: “What, exactly, is this
Zeitgeist thing?” It is, indisputably, an extraordinary catch. Here
is a thinker (Dawkins), trained as a biologist, and especially
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fascinated by the (disjunctively) twinned topics of naturalistic
evolution and Abrahamic religion, stumbling upon what he
apprehends as a one-way trend of world-historical spiritual
development, which he then – emphatically, but without the
slightest appeal to disciplined reason or evidence – denies has
any serious connection to the advance of science, human
biology, or religious tradition. The stammering nonsense that
results is a thing of wonder, but for Moldbug it all makes sense:
In fact, Professor Dawkins’ Zeitgeist is … indistinguishable
from … the old Anglo-Calvinist or Puritan concept of
Providence. Perhaps this is a false match. But it’s quite a close
one.
Another word for Zeitgeist is Progress. It’s unsurprising that
Universalists tend to believe in Progress– in fact, in a political
context, they often call themselves progressives. Universalism
has indeed made quite a bit of progress since [the time of
Huxley’s embarrassing remark in] 1913. But this hardly refutes
the proposition that Universalism is a parasitic tradition.
Progress for the tick is not progress for the dog.
What, exactly, is this Zeitgeist thing? The question bears
repeating. Is it not astounding, to begin with, that when one
English Darwinian reaches for a weapon to club another, the
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most convenient cudgel to hand should be a German word —
associated with an abstruse lineage of state-worshipping
idealistic philosophy — explicitly referencing a conception of
historical time that has no discernible connection to the process
of naturalistic evolution? It is as if, scarcely imaginably, during a
comparable contention among physicists (on the topic of
quantum indeterminacy), one should suddenly hear it shouted
that “God does not play dice with the universe.” In fact, the two
examples are intimately entangled, since Dawkins’ faith in the
Zeitgeist is combined with adherence to the dogmatic
progressivism of ‘Einsteinian Religion’ (meticulously dissected,
of course, by Moldbug).
The shamelessness is remarkable, or at least it would be, were it
naively believed that the protocols of scientific rationality
occupied sovereign position in such disputation, if only in
principle. In fact – and here irony is amplified to the very brink
of howling psychosis – Einstein’s Old One still reigns. The
criteria of judgment owe everything to neo-puritan spiritual
hygiene, and nothing whatsoever to testable reality. Scientific
utterance is screened for conformity to a progressive social
agenda, whose authority seems to be unaffected by its complete
indifference to scientific integrity. It reminds Moldbug of
Lysenko, for understandable reasons.
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“If the facts do not agree with the theory, so much worse for
the facts” Hegel asserted. It is the Zeitgeist that is God,
historically incarnated in the state, trampling mere data back into
the dirt. By now, everybody knows where this ends. An
egalitarian moral ideal, hardened into a universal axiom or
increasingly
incontestable
dogma,
completes
modernity’s
supreme historical irony by making ‘tolerance’ the iron criterion
for the limits of (cultural) toleration. Once it is accepted
universally, or, speaking more practically, by all social forces
wielding significant cultural power, that intolerance is
intolerable, political authority has legitimated anything and
everything convenient to itself, without restraint.
That is the magic of the dialectic, or of logical perversity. When
only tolerance is tolerable, and everyone (who matters) accepts
this manifestly nonsensical formula as not only rationally
intelligible, but as the universally-affirmed principle of modern
democratic faith, nothing except politics remains. Perfect
tolerance and absolute intolerance have become logically
indistinguishable, with either equally interpretable as the other,
A = not-A, or the inverse, and in the nakedly Orwellian world
that results, power alone holds the keys of articulation.
Tolerance has progressed to such a degree that it has become a
social police function, providing the existential pretext for new
inquisitional institutions. (“We must remember that those who
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tolerate intolerance abuse tolerance itself, and an enemy of
tolerance is an enemy of democracy,” Moldbug ironizes.)
The spontaneous tolerance that characterized classical liberalism,
rooted in a modest set of strictly negative rights that restricted
the domain of politics, or government intolerance, surrenders
during the democratic surge-tide to a positive right to be
tolerated, defined ever more expansively as substantial
entitlement, encompassing public affirmations of dignity, stateenforced guarantees of equal treatment by all agents (public and
private), government protections against non-physical slights
and humiliations, economic subsidies, and – ultimately –
statistically proportional representation within all fields of
employment,
achievement,
and
recognition.
That
the
eschatological culmination of this trend is simply impossible
matters not at all to the dialectic. On the contrary, it energizes
the political process, combusting any threat of policy satiation in
the fuel of infinite grievance. “I will not cease from Mental
Fight, Nor shall my Sword sleep in my hand: Till we have built
Jerusalem, In England’s green and pleasant land.” Somewhere
before Jerusalem is reached, the inarticulate pluralism of a free
society has been transformed into the assertive multiculturalism
of a soft-totalitarian democracy.
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The Jews of 17th century Amsterdam, or the Huguenots of 18th
century London, enjoyed the right to be left alone, and enriched
their host societies in return. The democratically-empowered
grievance groups of later modern times are incited by political
leaders to demand a (fundamentally illiberal) right to be heard,
with social consequences that are predominantly malignant. For
politicians, however, who identify and promote themselves as
the voice of the unheard and the ignored, the self-interest at
stake could hardly be more obvious.
Tolerance, which once presupposed neglect, now decries it, and
in so doing becomes its opposite. Were this a partisan
development, partisan politics of a democratic kind might
sustain the possibility of reversion, but it is nothing of the kind.
“When someone is hurting, government has got to move”
declared ‘compassionate conservative’ US President George W.
Bush, in a futile effort to channel the Cathedral. When the ‘right’
sounds like this it is not only dead, but unmistakably reeking of
advanced decomposition. ‘Progress’ has won, but is that bad?
Moldbug approaches the question rigorously:
If a tradition causes its hosts to make miscalculations that
compromise their personal goals, it exhibits Misesian morbidity.
If it causes its hosts to act in ways that compromise their genes’
reproductive interests, it exhibits Darwinian morbidity. If
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subscribing to the tradition is individually advantageous or
neutral (defectors are rewarded, or at least unpunished) but
collectively harmful, the tradition is parasitic. If subscribing is
individually disadvantageous but collectively beneficial, the
tradition is altruistic. If it is both individually and collectively
benign, it is symbiotic. If it is both individually and collectively
harmful, it is malignant. Each of these labels can be applied to
either Misesian or Darwinian morbidity. A theme that is
arational, but does not exhibit either Misesian or Darwinian
morbidity, is trivially morbid.
Behaviorally considered, the Misesian and Darwinian systems
are clusters of ‘selfish’ incentives, oriented respectively to
property accumulation and gene propagation. Whilst the
Darwinians conceive the ‘Misesian’ sphere as a special case of
genetically self-interested motivation, the Austrian tradition,
rooted in highly rationalized neo-kantian anti-naturalism, is predisposed to resist such reductionism. Whilst the ultimate
implications of this contest are considerable, under current
conditions it is a squabble of minor urgency, since both
formations are united in ‘hate’, which is to say, in their
reactionary tolerance for incentive structures that punish the
maladapted.
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‘Hate’ is a word to pause over. It testifies with special clarity to
the religious orthodoxy of the Cathedral, and its peculiarities
merit careful notice. Perhaps its most remarkable feature is its
perfect redundancy, when evaluated from the perspective of any
analysis of legal and cultural norms that is not enflamed by neopuritan evangelical enthusiasm. A ‘hate crime’, if it is anything at
all, is just a crime, plus ‘hate’, and what the ‘hate’ adds is telling.
To
restrict
ourselves,
momentarily,
to
examples
of
uncontroversial criminality, one might ask: what is it exactly that
aggravates a murder, or assault, if the motivation is attributed to
‘hate’? Two factors seem especially prominent, and neither has
any obvious connection to common legal norms.
Firstly, the crime is augmented by a purely ideational,
ideological, or even ‘spiritual’ element, attesting not only to a
violation of civilized conduct, but also to a heretical intention.
This facilitates the complete abstraction of hate from criminality,
whereupon it takes the form of ‘hate-speech’ or simply ‘hate’
(which is always to be contrasted with the ‘passion’, ‘outrage’, or
righteous ‘anger’ represented by critical, controversial, or merely
abusive language directed against unprotected groups, social
categories, or individuals). ‘Hate’ is an offense against the
Cathedral itself, a refusal of its spiritual guidance, and a mental
act of defiance against the manifest religious destiny of the
world.
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Secondly, and relatedly, ‘hate’ is deliberately and even
strategically asymmetrical in respect to the equilibrium political
polarity of advanced democratic societies. Between the relentless
march of progress and the ineffective grouching of conservatism
it does not vacillate. As we have seen, only the right can ‘hate’.
As the doxological immunity system of ‘hate’ suppression is
consolidated within elite educational and media systems, the
highly selective distribution of protections ensures that
‘discourse’ – especially empowered discourse – is ratcheted
consistently to the left, which is to say, in the direction of an
ever more comprehensively radicalized Universalism. The
morbidity of this trend is extreme.
Because grievance status is awarded as political compensation
for economic incompetence, it constructs an automatic cultural
mechanism that advocates for dysfunction. The Universalist
creed, with its reflex identification of inequality with injustice,
can conceive no alternative to the proposition that the lower
one’s situation or status, the more compelling is one’s claim
upon society, the purer and nobler one’s cause. Temporal failure
is the sign of spiritual election (Marxo-Calvinism), and to dispute
any of this is clearly ‘hate’.
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This does not compel even the most hard-hearted neoreactionary to suggest, in a caricature of the high Victorian
cultural style, that social disadvantage, as manifested in political
violence, criminality, homelessness, insolvency, and welfare
dependency, is a simple index of moral culpability. In large part
– perhaps overwhelmingly large part – it reflects sheer
misfortune. Dim, impulsive, unhealthy, and unattractive people,
reared chaotically in abusive families, and stranded in broken,
crime-wracked communities, have every reason to curse the
gods before themselves. Besides, disaster can strike anyone.
In regards to effective incentive structures, however, none of
this is of the slightest importance. Behavioral reality knows only
one iron law: Whatever is subsidized is promoted. With a
necessity no weaker than that of entropy itself, insofar as social
democracy seeks to soften bad consequences – for major
corporations no less than for struggling individuals or hapless
cultures — things get worse. There is no way around, or beyond
this formula, only wishful thinking, and complicity with
degeneration. Of course, this defining reactionary insight is
doomed to inconsequence, since it amounts to the supremely
unpalatable conclusion that every attempt at ‘progressive’
improvement is fated to reverse itself, ‘perversely’, into horrible
failure. No democracy could accept this, which means that every
democracy will fail.
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The excited spiral of Misesian-Darwinian degenerative runaway
is neatly captured in the words of the world’s fluffiest Beltway
libertarian, Megan McArdle, writing in core Cathedralmouthpiece The Atlantic:
It is somewhat ironic that the first serious strains caused by
Europe’s changing demographics are showing up in the
Continent’s welfare budgets, because the pension systems
themselves may well have shaped, and limited, Europe’s growth.
The 20th century saw international adoption of social-security
systems that promised defined benefits paid out of future tax
revenue—known to pension experts as “paygo” systems, and to
critics as Ponzi schemes. These systems have greatly eased fears
of a destitute old age, but multiple studies show that as socialsecurity systems become more generous (and old age more
secure), people have fewer children. By one estimate, 50 to 60
percent
of
the
difference
between
America’s
(above-
replacement) birthrate and Europe’s can be explained by the
latter’s more generous systems. In other words, Europe’s
pension system may have set in motion the very demographic
decline that helped make that system—and some European
governments—insolvent.
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Despite McArdle’s ridiculous suggestion that the United States
of America has in some way exempted itself from Europe’s
mortuary path, the broad outline of the diagnosis is clear, and
increasingly accepted as commonsensical (although best
ignored). According to the rising creed, welfare attained through
progeny and savings is non-universal, and thus morallybenighted. It should be supplanted, as widely and rapidly as
possible, by universal benefits or ‘positive rights’ distributed
universally to the democratic citizen and thus, inevitably, routed
through the altruistic State. If as a result, due to the irredeemable
political incorrectness of reality, economies and populations
should collapse in concert, at least it will not damage our souls.
Oh democracy! You saccharine-sweet dying idiot, what do you
think the zombie hordes will care for your soul?
Moldbug comments:
Universalism, in my opinion, is best described as a mystery cult
of power.
It’s a cult of power because one critical stage in its replicative
lifecycle is a little critter called the State. When we look at the big
U’s surface proteins, we notice that most of them can be
explained by its need to capture, retain, and maintain the State,
and direct its powers toward the creation of conditions that
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favor the continued replication of Universalism. It’s as hard to
imagine Universalism without the State as malaria without the
mosquito.
It’s a mystery cult because it displaces theistic traditions by
replacing
metaphysical
superstitions
with
philosophical
mysteries, such as humanity, progress, equality, democracy,
justice, environment, community, peace, etc.
None of these concepts, as defined in orthodox Universalist
doctrine, is even slightly coherent. All can absorb arbitrary
mental energy without producing any rational thought. In this
they are best compared to Plotinian, Talmudic, or Scholastic
nonsense.
As a bonus, here’s the Urban Feature guide to the main
sequence of modern political regimes:
Regime (1) Communist Tyranny
Typical Growth: ~0%
Voice / Exit: Low / Low
Cultural climate: Pyschotic utopianism
Life is … hard but ‘fair’
Transition mechanism: Re-discovers markets at economic
degree-zero
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Regime (2) Authoritarian Capitalism
Typical Growth: 5-10%
Voice / Exit: Low / High
Cultural climate: Flinty realism
Life is … hard but productive
Transition mechanism: Pressurized by the Cathedral to
democratize
Regime (3) Social Democracy
Typical Growth: 0-3%
Voice / Exit: High / High
Cultural climate: Sanctimonious dishonesty
Life is … soft and unsustainable
Transition mechanism: Can-kicking runs out of road
Regime (4) Zombie Apocalypse
Typical Growth: N/A
Voice / Exit: High (mostly useless screaming) / High (with fuel,
ammo, dried food, precious metal coins)
Cultural climate: Survivalism
Life is … hard-to-impossible
Transition mechanism: Unknown
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For all regimes, growth expectations assume moderately
competent population, otherwise go straight to (4)
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4)
APRIL 1, 2012
Re-running the race to ruin.
Liberals are baffled and infuriated that poor whites vote
Republican, yet voting on tribal grounds is a feature of all multiethnic democracies, whether [in] Northern Ireland, Lebanon or
Iraq. The more a majority becomes a minority the more tribal its
voting becomes, so that increasingly the Republicans have
become the “white party”; making this point indelicately got Pat
Buchanan the sack, but many others make it too.
Will it happen here [in the UK]? The patterns are not dissimilar.
In the 2010 election the Conservatives won only 16 per cent of
the ethnic minority vote, while Labour won the support of 72
per cent of Bangladeshis, 78 per cent of African-Caribbeans and
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87 per cent of Africans. The Tories are slightly stronger among
British Hindus and Sikhs – mirroring Republican support
among Asian-Americans – who are more likely to be homeowning professionals and feel less alienated.
The Economist recently asked if the Tories had a “race
problem”, but it may just be that democracy has a race problem.
— Ed West (here)
Without a taste for irony, Mencius Moldbug is all but
unendurable, and certainly unintelligible. Vast structures of
historical irony shape his writings, at times even engulfing them.
How otherwise could a proponent of traditional configurations
of social order – a self-proclaimed Jacobite – compose a body of
work that is stubbornly dedicated to subversion?
Irony is Moldbug’s method, as well as his milieu. This can be
seen, most tellingly, in his chosen name for the usurped
enlightenment, the dominant faith of the modern world:
Universalism. This is a word that he appropriates (and
capitalizes) within a reactionary diagnosis whose entire force lies
in its exposure of an exorbitant particularity.
Moldbug turns continually to history (or, more rigorously,
cladistics), to accurately specify that which asserts its own
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universal significance whilst ascending to a state of general
dominance
that
approaches
the
universal.
Under
this
examination, what counts as Universal reason, determining the
direction and meaning of modernity, is revealed as the minutely
determined branch or sub-species of a cultic tradition,
descended from ‘ranters’, ‘levelers’, and closely related variants
of dissident, ultra-protestant fanaticism, and owing vanishingly
little to the conclusions of logicians.
Ironically, then, the world’s regnant Universalist democraticegalitarian faith is a particular or peculiar cult that has broken
out, along identifiable historical and geographical pathways, with
an epidemic virulence that is disguised as progressive global
enlightenment. The route that it has taken, through England and
New England, Reformation and Revolution, is recorded by an
accumulation of traits that provide abundant material for irony,
and for lower varieties of comedy. The unmasking of the
modern ‘liberal’ intellectual or ‘open-minded’ media ‘truth-teller’
as a pale, fervent, narrowly doctrinaire puritan, recognizably
descended from the species of witch-burning zealots, is reliably
– and irresistibly – entertaining.
Yet, as the Cathedral extends and tightens its grip upon
everything, everywhere, in accordance with its divine mandate,
the response it triggers is only atypically humorous. More
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commonly, when unable to exact humble compliance, it
encounters inarticulate rage, or at least uncomprehending,
smoldering resentment, as befits the imposition of parochial
cultural dogmas, still wrapped in the trappings of a specific, alien
pedigree, even as they earnestly confess to universal rationality.
Consider, for instance, the most famous words of America’s
Declaration of Independence: “We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by
their Creator with certain unalienable Rights …” Could it be
honestly maintained that to submit, scrupulously and sincerely,
to such ‘self-evident’ truths amounts to anything other than an
act of religious re-confirmation or conversion? Or denied that,
in these words, reason and evidence are explicitly set aside, to
make room for principles of faith? Could anything be less
scientific than such a declaration, or more indifferent to the
criteria of genuinely universal reasoning? How could anybody
who was not already a believer be expected to consent to such
assumptions?
That the founding statement of the democratic-republican creed
should be formulated as a statement of pure (and doctrinally
recognizable) faith is information of sorts, but it is not yet irony.
The irony begins with the fact that among the elites of today’s
Cathedral, these words of the Declaration of Independence (as
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well as many others) would be found – almost universally – to
be quaintly suggestive at best, perhaps vaguely embarrassing, and
most certainly incapable of supporting literal assent. Even
amongst libertarian-slanted conservatives, a firm commitment to
‘natural rights’ is unlikely to proceed confidently and
emphatically to their divine origination. For modern ‘liberals’,
believers in the rights-bestowing (or entitlement) State, such
archaic ideas are not only absurdly dated, but positively
obstructive. For that reason, they are associated less with
revered predecessors than with the retarded, fundamentalist
thinking of political enemies. Sophisticates of the Cathedral core
understand, as Hegel did, that God is no more than deep
government apprehended by infants, and as such a waste of
faith (that bureaucrats could put to better use).
Since the Cathedral has ascended to global supremacy, it no
longer has need for Founding Fathers, who awkwardly recall its
parochial ancestry, and impede its transnational public relations.
Rather, it seeks perpetual re-invigoration through their
denigration. The phenomenon of the ‘New Atheism’, with its
transparent progressive affiliations, attests abundantly to this.
Paleo-puritanism must be derided in order for neo-puritanism to
flourish – the meme is dead, long live the meme!
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At the limit of self-parody, neo-puritan parricide takes the form
of the ludicrous ‘War on Christmas’, in which the allies of the
Cathedral sanctify the (radically unthreatened) separation of
Church and State through nuisance agitation against public
expressions of traditional Christian piety, and their ‘Red State’
dupes respond with dyspeptic outrage on cable TV shows. Like
every other war against fuzzy nouns (whether ‘poverty’, ‘drugs’,
or ‘terror’), the outcome is predictably perverse. If resistance to
the War on Christmas is not yet established as the solid center of
Yuletide festivities, it can be confidently expected to become so
in the future. The purposes of the Cathedral are served
nonetheless, through promotion of a synthetic secularism that
separates the progressive faith from its religious foundations,
whilst directing attention away from the ethnically specific,
dogmatic creedal content at its core.
As reactionaries go, traditional Christians are generally
considered to be quite cuddly. Even the most wild-eyed fanatics
of the neo-puritan orthodoxy have trouble getting genuinely
excited about them (although abortion activists get close). For
some real red meat, with the nerves exposed and writhing to
jolts of hard stimulation, it makes far more sense to turn to
another discarded and ceremonially abominated block on the
progressive lineage: White Identity Politics, or (the term
Moldbug opts for) ‘white nationalism’.
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Just as the ratchet progress of neo-puritan social democracy is
radically facilitated by the orchestrated pillorying of its
embryonic religious forms, so is its trend to consistently neofascist political economy smoothed by the concerted repudiation
of a ‘neo-nazi’ (or paleo-fascist) threat. It is extremely
convenient, when constructing ever more nakedly corporatist or
‘third position’ structures of state-directed pseudo-capitalism, to
be able to divert attention to angry expressions of white racial
paranoia, especially when these are ornamented by clumsily
modified nazi insignia, horned helmets, Leni Riefenstahl
aesthetics, and slogans borrowed freely from Mein Kampf. In
the United States (and thus, with shrinking time-lag,
internationally) the icons of the Ku Klux Klan, from white bedsheets, quasi-Masonic titles, and burning crosses, to lynching
ropes, have acquired comparable theatrical value.
Moldbug offers a sanitized white nationalist blog reading list,
consisting of writers who – to varying degrees of success – avoid
immediate reversion to paleo-fascist self-parody. The first step
beyond the boundary of respectable opinion is represented by
Lawrence Auster, a Christian, anti-Darwinist, and ‘Traditionalist
Conservative’ who defends ‘substantial’ (ethno-racial) national
identity
and
opposes
the
liberal
master-principle
of
nondiscrimination. By the time we reach ‘Tanstaafl’, at the
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ripped outer edge of Moldbug’s carefully truncated spectrum, we
have entered a decaying orbit, spiraling into the great black hole
that is hidden at the dead center of modern political possibility.
Before following the Tanstaafl-types into the crushing abyss
where light dies, there are some preliminary remarks to make
about the white nationalist perspective, and its implications.
Even more than the Christian traditionalists (who, even in their
cultural mid-winter, can bask in the warmth of supernatural
endorsement), white identity politics considers itself besieged.
Moderate or measured concern offers no equilibrium for those
who cross the line, and begin to self-identify in these terms.
Instead, the path of involvement demands rapid acceleration to
a state of extreme alarm, or racial panic, conforming to an
analysis focused upon malicious population replacement at the
hands of a government which, in the oft-cited words of Bertolt
Brecht, “has decided to dissolve the people, and to appoint
another one.” ‘Whiteness’ (whether conceived biologically,
mystically, or both) is associated with vulnerability, fragility, and
persecution. This theme is so basic, and so multifarious, that it is
difficult to adequately address succinctly. It encompasses
everything from criminal predation (especially racially-charged
murders, rapes, and beatings), economic exactions and inverse
discrimination, cultural aggression by hostile academic and
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media systems, and ultimately ‘genocide’ – or definitive racial
destruction.
Typically, the prospective annihilation of the white race is
attributed to its own systematic vulnerability, whether due to
characteristic cultural traits (excessive altruism, susceptibility to
moral manipulation, excessive hospitality, trust, universal
reciprocity, guilt, or individualistic disdain for group identity), or
more immediate biological factors (recessive genes supporting
fragile Aryan phenotypes). Whilst it is unlikely that this sense of
unique endangerment is reducible to the chromatic formula
‘White + Color = Color’, the fundamental structure is of this
kind. In its abstract depiction of non-reciprocal vulnerability, it
reflects the ‘one drop rule’ (and Mendelian recessive / dominant
gene combination). It depicts mixture as essentially anti-white.
Because ‘whiteness’ is a limit (pure absence of color), it slips
smoothly from the biological factuality of the Caucasian subspecies into metaphysical and mystical ideas. Rather than
accumulating genetic variation, a white race is contaminated or
polluted by admixtures that compromise its defining negativity –
to darken it is to destroy it. The mythological density of these —
predominantly subliminal – associations invests white identity
politics with a resilience that frustrates enlightened efforts at
rationalistic denunciation, whilst contradicting its own paranoid
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self-representation. It also undermines recent white nationalist
promotions of a racial threat that is strictly comparable to that
facing indigenous peoples, universally, and depicting whites as
‘natives’ cruelly deprived of equal protection against extinction.
There is no route back to tribal innocence, or flat, biological
diversity. Whiteness has been compacted indissolubly with
ideology, whichever the road taken.
“If Blacks can have it, and Hispanics can have it, and Jews can
have it, why can’t we have it?” – That’s the final building block
of white nationalist grievance, the werewolf curse that means it
can only ever be a monster. There’s exactly one way out for
persecuted palefaces, and it leads straight into a black hole. We
promised to get back to Tanstaafl, and here we are, in late
Summer 2007, shortly after he got ‘the Jew thing’. There isn’t
anything very original about his epiphany, which is exactly the
point. He quotes himself:
Isn’t it absurd that anyone would even think to blame
Christianity or WASPs for the rise of PC and its catastrophic
consequences? Isn’t this in fact a reversal of the truth? Hasn’t
the rise and spread of PC eroded the power of Christianity,
WASPs, and whites in general? Blaming them is in effect
blaming the victim.
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Yes, there are Christians, WASPs, and whites who have fallen
for the PC brainwashing. Yes, there are some who have taken it
so deeply to heart that they work to expand and protect it.
That’s the nature of PC. That is its purpose. To control the
minds of the people it seeks to destroy. The left, at its root, is all
about destruction.
You don’t have to be an anti-Semite to notice where these ideas
originate from and who benefits. But you do have to violate PC
to say: Jews.
That’s the labyrinth, the trap, with its pitifully constricted,
stereotypical circuit. “Why can’t we be cuddly racial
preservationists, like Amazonian Indians? How come we always
turn into Neo-Nazis? It’s some kind of conspiracy, which means
it has to be the Jews.” Since the mid-20th century, the political
intensity of the globalized world has streamed, almost
exclusively, out of the cratered ash-pile of the Third Reich. Until
you get the pattern, it seems mysterious that there’s no getting
away from it. After listing some blogs falling under the relatively
genteel category of ‘white nationalism’, Moldbug cautions:
The Internet is also home to many out-and-out racist blogs.
Most are simply unreadable. But some are hosted by relatively
capable writers … On these racist blogs you’ll find racial
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epithets, anti-Semitism (see why I am not an anti-Semite) and
the like. Obviously, I cannot recommend any of these blogs, and
nor will I link to them. However, if you are interested in the
mind of the modern racist, Google will get you there.
Google is overkill. A little link-trawling will get you there. It’s a
‘six degrees of separation’ problem (and more like two, or less).
Start digging into the actually existing ‘reactosphere’, and things
get quite astoundingly ugly very quickly. Yes, there really is
‘hate’, panic, and disgust, as well as a morbidly addictive
abundance of very grim, vitriolic wit, and a disconcertingly
impressive weight of credible fact (these guys just love statistics
to death). Most of all, just beyond the horizon, there’s the black
hole. If reaction ever became a popular movement, its few
slender threads of bourgeois (or perhaps dreamily ‘aristocratic’)
civility wouldn’t hold back the beast for long.
As liberal decency has severed itself from intellectual integrity,
and exiled harsh truths, these truths have found new allies, and
become considerably harsher. The outcome is mechanically, and
monotonously, predictable. Every liberal democratic ‘cause war’
strengthens and feralizes what it fights. The war on poverty
creates a chronically dysfunctional underclass. The war on drugs
creates crystallized super-drugs and mega-mafias. Guess what?
The war on political incorrectness creates data-empowered,
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web-coordinated, paranoid and poly-conspiratorial werewolves,
superbly positioned to take advantage of liberal democracy’s
impending rendezvous with ruinous reality, and to then play
their part in the unleashing of unpleasantnesses that are scarcely
imaginable (except by disturbing historical analogy). When a
sane, pragmatic, and fact-based negotiation of human
differences is forbidden by ideological fiat, the alternative is not
a reign of perpetual peace, but a festering of increasingly selfconscious and militantantly defiant thoughtcrime, nourished by
publicly unavowable realities, and energized by powerful,
atavistic, and palpably dissident mythologies. That’s obvious, on
the ‘Net.
Moldbug considers the danger of white nationalism to be both
over- and understated. On the one hand, the ‘menace’ is simply
ridiculous, and merely reflects neo-puritan spiritual dogma in its
most hysterically oppressive and stubbornly mindless form. “It
should be obvious that, although I am not a white nationalist, I
am not exactly allergic to the stuff,” Moldbug remarks, before
describing it as “the most marginalized and socially excluded
belief system in the history of the world … an obnoxious social
irritant in any circle which does not include tattooed speedfreak
bikers.”
Yet the danger remains, or rather, is under construction.
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I can imagine one possibility which might make white
nationalism genuinely dangerous. White nationalism would be
dangerous if there was some issue on which white nationalists
were right, and everyone else was wrong. Truth is always
dangerous. Contrary to common belief, it does not always
prevail. But it’s always a bad idea to turn your back on it.
…While the evidence for human cognitive biodiversity is indeed
debatable, what’s not debatable is that it is debatable …[even
though] everyone who is not a white nationalist has spent the
last 50 years informing us that it is not debatable …
There’s far more to Moldbug’s essay, as there always is.
Eventually it explains why he rejects white nationalism, on
grounds that owe nothing to conventional reflexes. But the dark
heart of the essay, lifting it beyond brilliance to the brink of
genius, is found early on, at the edge of a black hole:
Why does white nationalism strike us as evil? Because Hitler was
a white nationalist, and Hitler was evil. Neither of these
statements is remotely controvertible. There is exactly one
degree of separation between white nationalism and evil. And
that degree is Hitler. Let me repeat: Hitler.
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The argument seems watertight. (Hitlertight?) But it holds no
water at all.
Why does socialism strike us as evil? Because Stalin was a
socialist, and Stalin was evil. Anyone who wants to seriously
argue that Stalin was less evil than Hitler has an awful long row
to hoe. Not only did Stalin order more murders, his murder
machine had its heyday in peacetime, whereas Hitler’s can at
least be seen as a war crime against enemy civilians. Whether
this makes a difference can be debated, but if it does it puts
Stalin on top.
And yet I have never had or seen anything like the “red flags”
response to socialism [“the sense of the presence of evil”]. If I
saw a crowd of young, fashionable people lining up at the box
office for a hagiographic biopic on Reinhard Heydrich, chills
would run up and down my neck. For Ernesto Guevara, I have
no emotional response. Perhaps I think it’s stupid and sad. I do
think it’s stupid and sad. But it doesn’t freak me out.
Any attempt to be nuanced, balanced, or proportional in the
moral case against Hitler is to entirely misconstrue the nature of
the phenomenon. This can be noted, quite regularly, in Asian
societies, for instance, because the ghost of the Third Reich does
not occupy central position in their history, or rather, their
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religion, although – as the inner sanctum of the Cathedral — it
is determined to (and shows almost every sign of succeeding). A
brief digression on cross-cultural misunderstanding and
reciprocal blindness might be merited at this point. When
Westerners pay attention to the ‘God-Emperor’ style of political
devotion that has accompanied modern totalitarianism in East
Asia, the conclusion typically drawn is that this pattern of
political feeling is exotically alien, morbidly amusing, and
ultimately – chillingly — incomprehensible. Contemporary
comparisons with laughably non-numinous Western democratic
leaders only deepen the confusion, as do clumsy quasi-Marxist
references to ‘feudal’ sensibilities (as if absolute monarchy was
not an alternative to feudalism, and as if absolute monarchs
were worshipped). How could a historical and political figure
ever be invested with the transcendent dignity of absolute
religious meaning? It seems absurd …
“Look, I’m not saying that Hitler was a particularly nice guy …”
– to imagine such word is already to see many things. It might
even provoke the question: Does anybody within the
(Cathedral’s) globalized world still think that Adolf Hitler was
less evil than the Prince of Darkness himself? Perhaps only a
few scattered paleo-Christians (who stubbornly insist that Satan
is really, really bad), and an even smaller number of Neo-Nazi
ultras (who think Hitler was kind of cool). For pretty much
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everybody
else,
Hitler
perfectly
personifies
demonic
monstrosity, transcending history and politics to attain the
stature of a metaphysical absolute: evil incarnate. Beyond Hitler
it is impossible to go, or think. This is surely interesting, since it
indicates an irruption of the infinite within history – a religious
revelation, of inverted, yet structurally familiar, Abrahamic type.
(‘Holocaust Theology’ already implies as much.)
In this regard, rather than Satan, it might be more helpful to
compare Hitler to the Antichrist, which is to say: to a mirror
Messiah, of reversed moral polarity. There was even an empty
tomb. Hitlerism, neutrally conceived, therefore, is less a proNazi ideology than a universal faith, speciated within the
Abrahamic super-family, and united in acknowledging the
coming of pure evil on earth. Whilst not exactly worshipped
(outside the extraordinarily disreputable circles already ventured
into), Hitler is sacramentally abhorred, in a way that touches
upon theological ‘first things’. If to embrace Hitler as God is a
sign of highly lamentable politico-spiritual confusion (at best), to
recognize his historical singularity and sacred meaning is nearmandatory, since he is affirmed by all men of sound faith as the
exact complement of the incarnate God (the revealed antiMessiah, or Adversary), and this identification has the force of
‘self-evident truth’. (Did anybody ever need to ask why the
reductio ad Hitlerum works?)
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Conveniently, like the secularized neo-puritanism that it
swallows, (aversive) Hitlerism can be safely taught in American
schools, at a remarkably high level of religious intensity. Insofar
as progressive or programmatic history continues, this suggests
that the Church of Sacred Hitlerite Abomination will eventually
supplant its Abrahamic predecessors, to become the world’s
triumphant ecumenical faith. How could it not? After all, unlike
vanilla deism, this is a faith that fully reconciles religious
enthusiasm with enlightened opinion, equally adapted, with
consummate amphibious capability, to the convulsive ecstasies
of popular ritual and the letter pages of the New York Times.
“Absolute evil once walked amongst us, and lives still …” How
is this not, already, the principal religious message of our time?
All that remains unfinished is the mythological consolidation,
and that has long been underway.
There’s still some bone-fragment picking to do among the ashes
and debris [in Part 5], before turning to healthier things …
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4a)
APRIL 19, 2012
A multi-part sub-digression into racial terror.
My own sense of the thing is that underneath the happy talk,
underneath the dogged adherence to failed ideas and dead
theories, underneath the shrieking and anathematizing at people
like me, there is a deep and cold despair. In our innermost
hearts, we don’t believe racial harmony can be attained. Hence
the trend to separation. We just want to get on with our lives
away from each other. Yet for a moralistic, optimistic people like
Americans, this despair is unbearable. It’s pushed away
somewhere we don’t have to think about it. When someone
forces us to think about it, we react with fury. That little boy in
the Andersen story about the Emperor’s new clothes? The
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ending would be more true to life if he had been lynched by a
howling mob of outraged citizens.
— John Derbyshire, interviewed at Gawker
We believe in the equal dignity and presumption of equal
decency toward every person — no matter what race, no matter
what science tells us about comparative intelligence, and no
matter what is to be gleaned from crime statistics. It is important
that research be done, that conclusions not be rigged, and that
we are at liberty to speak frankly about what it tells us. But that
is not an argument for a priori conclusions about how individual
persons ought to be treated in various situations — or for
calculating fear or friendship based on race alone. To hold or
teach otherwise is to prescribe the disintegration of a pluralistic
society, to undermine the aspiration of E Pluribus Unum.
— Andrew McCarthy, defending the expulsion of JD from the
National Review
“The Talk” as black Americans and liberals present it (to wit:
necessitated by white malice), is a comic affront — because no
one is allowed (see Barro above) to notice the context in which
black Americans are having run-ins with the law, each other, and
others. The proper context for understanding this, and the
mania that is the Trayvonicus for that matter, is the reasonable
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fear of violence. This is the single most exigent fact here — yet
you decree it must not be spoken.
— Dennis Dale, responding to Josh Barro’s call for JD’s ‘firing’
Quite an experience to live in fear, isn’t it? That’s what it is to be
a slave.
— Bladerunner
There is no part of Singapore, Hong Kong, Taipei, Shanghai, or
very many other East Asian cities where it is impossible to
wander, safely, late at night. Women, whether young or old, on
their own or with small children, can be comfortably oblivious
to the details of space and time, at least insofar as the threat of
assault is concerned. Whilst this might not be quite sufficient to
define a civilized society, it comes extremely close. It is certainly
necessary to any such definition. The contrary case is barbarism.
These lucky cities of the western Pacific Rim are typified by
geographical
locations
and
demographic
profiles
that
conspicuously echo the embarrassingly well-behaved ‘model
minorities’ of Occidental countries. They are (non-obnoxiously)
dominated by populations that – due to biological heredity, deep
cultural traditions, or some inextricable entanglement of the two
– find
polite,
prudent,
and
comparatively
effortless,
and
412
pacific
worthy
social
interactions
of
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reinforcement. They are also, importantly, open, cosmopolitan
societies, remarkably devoid of chauvinistic boorishness or
paranoid ethno-nationalist sentiment. Their citizens are
disinclined to emphasize their own virtues. On the contrary,
they will typically be modest about their individual and collective
attributes and achievements, abnormally sensitive to their
failures and shortcomings, and constantly alert to opportunities
for improvement. Complacency is almost as rare as delinquency.
In these cities an entire — and massively consequential —
dimension of social terror is simply absent.
In much of the Western world, in stark contrast, barbarism has
been normalized. It is considered simply obvious that cities have
‘bad areas’ that are not merely impoverished, but lethally
menacing to outsiders and residents alike. Visitors are warned to
stay away, whilst locals do their best to transform their homes
into fortresses, avoid venturing onto the streets after dark, and –
especially if young and male — turn to criminal gangs for
protection, which further degrades the security of everybody
else. Predators control public space, parks are death traps,
aggressive menace is celebrated as ‘attitude’, property acquisition
is for mugs (or muggers), educational aspiration is ridiculed, and
non-criminal business activity is despised as a violation of
cultural norms. Every significant mechanism of socio-cultural
pressure, from interpreted heritage and peer influences to
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political rhetoric and economic incentives, is aligned to the
deepening of complacent depravity and the ruthless extirpation
of every impulse to self-improvement. Quite clearly, these are
places where civilization has fundamentally collapsed, and a
society that includes them has to some substantial extent failed.
Within the most influential countries of the English-speaking
world, the disintegration of urban civilization has profoundly
shaped the structure and development of cities. In many cases,
the ‘natural’ (one might now say ‘Asian’) pattern, in which
intensive urbanization and corresponding real estate values are
greatest in the downtown core, has been shattered, or at least
deeply deformed. Social disintegration of the urban center has
driven an exodus of the (even moderately) prosperous to
suburban and exurban refuges, producing a grotesque and
historically unprecedented pattern of ‘donut’-style development,
with cities tolerating – or merely accommodating themselves to
– ruined and rotting interiors, where sane people fear to tread.
‘Inner city’ has come to mean almost exactly the opposite of
what an undistorted course of urban development would
produce. This is the geographical expression of a Western – and
especially American – social problem that is at once basically
unmentionable and visible from outer space.
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Surprisingly, the core-crashed donut syndrome has a notably
insensitive yet commonly accepted name, which captures it in
broad outlines – at least according to its secondary
characteristics – and to a reasonable degree of statistical
approximation: White Flight. This is an arresting term, for a
variety of reasons. It is stamped, first of all, by the racial bipolarity that – as a vital archaism – resonates with America’s
chronic social crisis at a number of levels. Whilst superficially
outdated in an age of many-hued multicultural and immigration
issues, it reverts to the undead code inherited from slavery and
segregation, perpetually identified with Faulkner’s words: “The
past is not dead. It isn’t even past.” Yet even in this untypical
moment of racial candor, blackness is elided, and implicitly
disconnected from agency. It is denoted only by allusion, as a
residue, concentrated passively and derivatively by the sifting
function of a highly-adrenalized white panic. What cannot be
said is indicated even as it is unmentioned. A distinctive silence
accompanies the broken, half-expression of a mute tide of racial
separatism, driven by civilizationally disabling terrors and
animosities, whose depths, and structures of reciprocity, remain
unavowable.
What the puritan exodus from Old to New World was to the
foundation of Anglophone global modernity, white flight is to
its fraying and dissolution. As with the pre-founding migration,
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what gives white flight ineluctable relevance here is its subpolitical character: all exit and no voice. It is the subtle, nonargumentative, non-demanding ‘other’ of social democracy and
its dreams – the spontaneous impulse of dark enlightenment, as
it is initially glimpsed, at once disillusioning and implacable.
The core-crashed donut is not the only model of sick city
syndrome (the shanty fringe phenomenon emphasized in Mike
Davis’ Planet of Slums is very different). Nor is donut-disaster
urbanism reducible to racial crisis, at least in its origins.
Technological factors have played a crucial role (most
prominently, automobile geography) as have quite other, longstanding cultural traditions (such as the construction of suburbia
as a bourgeois idyll). Yet all such lineages have been in very large
measure supplanted by, or at least subordinated to, the inherited,
and still emerging, ‘race problem.’
So what is this ‘problem’? How is it developing? Why should
anybody outside America be concerned about it? Why raise the
topic now (if ever)? – If your heart is sinking under the gloomy
suspicion this is going to be huge, meandering, nerve-wracking,
and torturous, you’re right. We’ve got weeks in this chamber of
horrors to look forward to.
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The two simplest, quite widely held, and basically incompatible
answers to the first question deserve to be considered as
important parts of the problem.
Question: What is America’s race problem?
Answer-1: Black people.
Answer-2: White people.
The combined popularity of these options is significantly
expanded, most probably to encompass a large majority of all
Americans, when is taken to include those who assume that one
of these two answers dominates the thinking of the other side.
Between them, the propositions “The problem would be over if
we could just rid ourselves of black hoodlums / white racists”
and / or “They think we’re all hoodlums / racists and want to
get rid of us” consume an impressive proportion of the political
spectrum, establishing a solid foundation of reciprocal terror
and aversion. When defensive projections are added (“We’re not
hoodlums, you’re racists” or “We’re not racists, you’re
hoodlums”), the potential for super-heated, non-synthesizing
dialectics approaches the infinite.
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Not that these ‘sides’ are racial (except in black or white tribalnationalist fantasy). For crude stereotypes, it is far more useful
to turn to the principal political dimension, and its categories of
‘liberal’ and ‘conservative’ in the contemporary, American sense.
To identify America’s race problem with white racism is the
stereotypical liberal position, whilst identifying it with black
social dysfunction is the exact conservative complement.
Although these stances are formally symmetrical, it is their actual
political asymmentry that charges the American race problem
with its extraordinary historical dynamism and universal
significance.
That American whites and blacks – considered crudely as
statistical aggregates — co-exist in a relation of reciprocal fear
and perceived victimization, is attested by the manifest patterns
of urban development and navigation, school choice, gun
ownership, policing and incarceration, and just about every
other expression of revealed (as opposed to stated) preference
that is related to voluntary social distribution and security. An
objective balance of terror reigns, erased from visibility by
complementary yet incompatible perspectives of victimological
supremacism and denial. Yet between the liberal and
conservative positions on race there is no balance whatsoever,
but something closer to a rout. Conservatives are utterly terrified
of the issue, whilst for liberals it is a garden of earthly delight,
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whose pleasures transcend the limits of human understanding.
When any political discussion firmly and clearly arrives at the
topic of race, liberalism wins. That is the fundamental law of
ideological effectiveness in the shadow fragrant shade of the
Cathedral. In certain respects, this dynamic political imbalance is
even the primary phenomenon under consideration (and much
more needs to be said about it, down the road).
The
regular,
excruciating,
soul-crushing
humiliation
of
conservatism on the race issue should come as no surprise to
anybody. After all, the principal role of conservatism in modern
politics is to be humiliated. That is what a perpetual loyal
opposition, or court jester, is for. The essential character of
liberalism, as guardian and proponent of neo-puritan spiritual
truth, invests it with supreme mastery over the dialectic, or
invulnerability to contradiction. That which it is impossible to
think must necessarily be embraced, through faith. Consider
only the fundamental doctrine or first article of the liberal creed,
as promulgated through every public discussion, academic
articulation, and legislative initiative relevant to the topic: Race
doesn’t exist, except as a social construct employed by one race
to exploit and oppress another. Merely to entertain it is to
shudder before the awesome majesty of the absolute, where
everything is simultaneously its precise opposite, and reason
evaporates ecstatically at the brink of the sublime.
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If the world was built out of ideology, this story would already
be over, or at least predictably programmed. Beyond the
apparent zig-zag of the dialectic there is a dominant trend,
heading in a single, unambiguous direction. Yet the liberalprogressive solution to the race problem – open-endedly
escalating, comprehensively systematic, dynamically paradoxical
‘anti-racism’ – confronts a real obstacle that is only very partially
reflected in conservative attitudes, rhetoric, and ideology. The
real enemy, glacial, inchoate, and non-argumentative, is ‘white
flight’.
At this point, explicit reference to the Derbyshire Case becomes
irresistible. There is a very considerable amount of complex,
recent historical context that cries out for introduction – the
cultural convulsion attending the Trayvon Martin incident in
particular – but there’ll be time for that later (oh yes, I’m afraid
so). Derbyshire’s intervention, and the explosion of words it
provoked, while to some extent illuminated by such context, far
exceeds it. That is because the crucial unspoken term, both in
Derbyshire’s now-notorious short article, and also — apparently
— in the responses it generated, is ‘white flight’. By publishing
paternal advice to his (Eurasian) children that has been — not
entirely unreasonably — summarized as ‘avoid black people’, he
converted white flight from a much-lamented but seemingly
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inexorable fact into an explicit imperative, even a cause. Don’t
argue, flee.
The word Derbyshire emphasizes, in his own penumbra of
commentary, and in antecedent writings, is not ‘flight’ or ‘panic’,
but despair. When asked by blogger Vox Day whether he agreed
that the ‘race card’ had become less intimidating over the past
two decades, Derbyshire replies:
One [factor], which I’ve written about more than once, I think,
in the United States, is just despair. I am of a certain age, and I
was around 50 years ago. I was reading the newspapers and
following world events and I remember the civil rights
movement. I was in England, but we followed it. I remember it,
I remember what we felt about it, and what people were writing
about it. It was full of hope. The idea in everyone’s mind was
that if we strike down these unjust laws and we outlaw all this
discrimination, then we’ll be whole. Then America will be made
whole. After an intermediate period of a few years, who knows,
maybe 20 years, with a hand up from things like affirmative
action, black America will just merge into the general population
and the whole thing will just go away. That’s what everybody
believed. Everybody thought that. And it didn’t happen.
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Here we are, we’re 50 years later, and we’ve still got these
tremendous disparities in crime rates, educational attainment,
and so on. And I think, although they’re still mouthing the
platitudes, Americans in their hearts feel a kind of cold despair
about it. They feel that Thomas Jefferson was probably right
and we can’t live together in harmony. I think that’s why you see
this slow ethnic disaggregation. We have a very segregated
school system now. There are schools within 10 miles of where
I’m sitting that are 98 percent minority. In residential housing
too, it’s the same thing. So I think there is a cold, dark despair
lurking in America’s collective heart about the whole thing.
This is a version of reality that few want to hear. As Derbyshire
recognizes, Americans are a predominantly Christian, optimistic,
‘can-do’ people, whose ‘collective heart’ is unusually maladapted
to an abandonment of hope. This is a country culturally hardwired to interpret despair not merely as error or weakness, but
as sin. Nobody who understands this could be remotely
surprised to find bleak hereditarian fatalism being rejected —
typically with vehement hostility — not only by progressives,
but also by the overwhelming majority of conservatives. At
NRO, Andrew C. McCarthy no doubt spoke for many in
remarking:
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There is a world of difference, though, between the need to be
able to discuss uncomfortable facts about IQ and incarceration,
on the one hand, and, on the other, to urge race as a rationale
for abandoning basic Christian charity.
Others went much further. At the Examiner, James Gibson
seized upon “John Derbyshire’s vile racist screed” as the
opportunity to teach a wider lesson – “the danger of
conservatism divorced from Christianity”:
… since Derbyshire does not believe “that Jesus of Nazareth
was divine . . . and that the Resurrection was a real event,”; he
cannot comprehend the great mystery of the Incarnation,
whereby the Divine truly did take on human flesh in the person
of Jesus of Nazareth and suffered death at the hands of a fallen
humanity in order to redeem that humanity out of its state of
fallenness.
Herein lies the danger of a conservative socio-political
philosophy divorced from a robust Christian faith. It becomes a
dead ideology spawning a view of humanity that is toxic,
fatalistic, and (as Derbyshire proves abundantly) uncharitable.
It was, of course, on the left that the fireworks truly ignited.
Elspeth Reeve at the Atlantic Wire contended that Derbyshire
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had clung on to his relation with the National Review because
he was offering the magazine’s “less enlightened readers” what
they wanted: “dated racial stereotypes.” Like Gibson on the
right, she was keen for people to learn a wider lesson: don’t
think for a minute this stops with Derbyshire. (The stunningly
uncooperative comments thread to her article is worth noting.)
At Gawker, Louis Peitzman jumped the shark (in the approved
direction) by describing Derbyshire’s “horrifying diatribe” as the
“most racist article possible,” a judgment that betrays extreme
historical ignorance, a sheltered life, unusual innocence, and a
lack of imagination, as well as making the piece sound far more
interesting than it actually is. Peitzman’s commentators are
impeccably liberal, and of course uniformly, utterly, shatteringly
appalled (to the point of orgasm). Beyond the emoting,
Peitzman doesn’t offer much content, excepting only a little
extra emoting – this time mild satisfaction mixed with residual
rage – at the news that Derbyshire’s punishment has at least
begun (“a step in the right direction”) with his “canning” from
the National Review.
Joanna Schroeder (writing at something called the Good Feed
Blog) sought to extend the purge beyond Derbyshire, to include
anybody who had not yet erupted into sufficiently melodramatic
paroxysms of indignation, starting with David Weigel at Slate
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(who she doesn’t know “in real life, but in reading this piece, it
seems you just might be a racist, pal”). “There are so many …
racist, dehumanizing references to black people in Derbyshire’s
article that I have to just stop myself here before I recount the
entire thing point by point with fuming rage,” she shares. Unlike
Peitzman, however, at least Schroeder has a point – the racial
terror dialectic — “… propagating the idea that we should be
afraid of black men, of black people in general, makes this world
dangerous for innocent Americans.” Your fear makes you scary
(although apparently not with legitimate reciprocity).
As for Weigel, he gets the terror good and hard. Within hours
he’s back at the keyboard, apologizing for his previous
insouciance, and for the fact he “never ended up saying the
obvious: People, the essay was disgusting.”
So what did Derbyshire actually say, where did it come from,
and what does it mean to American politics (and beyond)? This
sub-series will comb through the spectrum from left to right in
search of suggestions, with socio-geographically manifested
‘white’ panic / despair as a guiding thread …
Coming next: The Liberal Ecstasy
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4b)
MAY 3, 2012
Obnoxious observations.
Although black families and parents of boys aren’t the only ones
who worry about the safety of adolescents, Tillman, Brown and
other parents say raising black boys is perhaps the most stressful
aspect of parenting because they’re dealing with a society that is
fearful and hostile toward them, simply because of the color of
their skin.
“Don’t believe it? Walk a day in my shoes,” Brown said.
Brown said that at 14, his son is at that critical age when he’s
always worried about his safety because of profiling.
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“I don’t want to scare him or have him paint people with a
broad brush, but, historically, we black males have been
stigmatized as the purveyors of crime and wherever we are,
we’re suspect,” Brown said.
Black parents who don’t make that fact clear, he and others said,
do it at their sons’ peril.
“Any African-American parent not having that conversation is
being irresponsible,” Brown said. “I see this whole thing as an
opportunity for us to speak frankly, openly and honestly about
race relations.”
— Gracie Bonds Staples (Star-Telegram)
When communities resist an influx of Section 8 housingvoucher holders from the inner city, say, they are reacting
overwhelmingly to behavior. Skin color is a proxy for that
behavior. If inner-city blacks behaved like Asians — cramming
as much knowledge into their kids as they can possibly fit into
their skulls — the lingering wariness towards lower-income
blacks that many Americans unquestionably harbor would
disappear. Are there irredeemable racists among Americans? To
be sure. They come in all colors, and we should deplore all of
them. But the issue of race in the United States is more complex
than polite company is usually allowed to express.
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— Heather Mac Donald (City Journal)
“Let’s talk about the elephant in the room. I’m black, OK” the
woman said, declining to be identified because she anticipated
backlash due to her race. She leaned in to look a reporter
directly in the eyes. “There were black boys robbing houses in
this neighborhood,” she said. “That’s why George was
suspicious of Trayvon Martin.”
— Chris Francescani (Reuters)
“In brief, dialectics can be defined as the doctrine of the unity of
opposites. This embodies the essence of dialectics,” Lenin notes,
“but it requires explanations and development.” That is to say:
further discussion.
The sublimation (Aufhebung) of Marxism into Leninism is an
eventuality that is best grasped crudely. By forging a
revolutionary communist politics of broad application, almost
entirely divorced from the mature material conditions or
advanced social contradictions that had been previously
anticipated, Lenin demonstrated that dialectical tension
coincided, exhaustively, with its politicization (and that all
reference to a ‘dialectics of nature’ is no more than retrospective
subordination of the scientific domain to a political model).
Dialectics are as real as they are made to be.
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The dialectic begins with political agitation, and extends no
further than its practical, antagonistic, factional and coalitional
‘logic’. It is the ‘superstructure’ for itself, or against natural
limitation, practically appropriating the political sphere in its
broadest graspable extension as a platform for social
domination. Everywhere that there is argument, there is an
unresolved opportunity to rule.
The Cathedral incarnates these lessons. It has no need to
espouse Leninism, or operational communist dialectics, because
it recognizes nothing else. There is scarcely a fragment of the
social ‘superstructure’ that has escaped dialectical reconstruction,
through articulate antagonism, polarization, binary structuring,
and reversal. Within the academy, the media, even the fine arts,
political super-saturation has prevailed, identifying even the
most minuscule elements of apprehension with conflictual
‘social critique’ and egalitarian teleology. Communism is the
universal implication.
More dialectics is more politics, and more politics means
‘progress’ – or social migration to the left. The production of
public agreement only leads in one direction, and within public
disagreement, such impetus already exists in embryo. It is only in
the absence of agreement and of publicly articulated
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disagreement, which is to say, in non-dialectics, non-argument,
sub-political diversity, or politically uncoordinated initiative, that
the ‘right-wing’ refuge of ‘the economy’ (and civil society more
widely) is to be found.
When no agreement is necessary, or coercively demanded,
negative (or ‘libertarian’) liberty is still possible, and this nonargumentative ‘other’ of dialectics is easily formulated (even if,
in a free society, it doesn’t need to be): Do your own thing.
Quite clearly, this irresponsible and negligent imperative is
politically intolerable. It coincides exactly with leftist depression,
retrogression, or depoliticization. Nothing cries out more
urgently to be argued against.
At the opposite extreme lies the dialectical ecstasy of theatrical
justice, in which the argumentative structure of legal proceedings
is coupled with publicization through the media. Dialectical
enthusiasm finds its definitive expression in a courtroom drama
that combines lawyers, journalists, community activists, and
other agents of the revolutionary superstructure in the
production of a show trial. Social contradictions are staged,
antagonistic cases articulated, and resolution institutionally
expected. This is Hegel for prime-time television (and now for
the Internet). It is the way that the Cathedral shares its message
with the people.
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Sometimes, in its impatient passion for progress, this message
can trip over itself, because even though the agents of the
Cathedral are infinitely reasonable, they are ever less sensible,
often strikingly incompetent, and prone to making mistakes.
This is to be expected on theological grounds. As the state
becomes God, it degenerates into imbecility, on the model of
the holy fool. The media-politics of the Trayvon Martin
spectacle provides a pertinent example.
In the United States, as in any other large country, lots of things
happen every day, exhibiting innumerable patterns of varying
obscurity. For instance, on an average day, there are roughly
3,400 violent crimes, including 40 murders, 230 rapes, 1,000
robberies, and 2,100 aggravated assaults, alongside 25,000 nonviolent property crimes (burglaries and thefts). Very few of these
will be widely publicized, or seized upon as educational,
exemplary, and representative. Even were the media not inclined
towards a narrative-based selection of ‘good stories’, the sheer
volume of incidents would compel something of the kind.
Given this situation, it is all but inevitable that people will ask:
Why are they telling us this?
Almost everything about the death of Trayvon Martin is
controversial, except for media motivation. On that topic there
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is near unanimity. The meaning or intended message of the story
of the case could scarcely have been more transparent: White
racist paranoia makes America dangerous for black people. It
would thus rehearse the dialectic of racial terror (your fear is
scary), designed – as always — to convert America’s reciprocal
social nightmare into a unilateral morality play, allocating
legitimate dread exclusively to one side of the country’s principal
racial divide. It seemed perfect. A malignantly deluded white
vigilante guns down an innocent black child, justifying black fear
(‘the talk’) whilst exposing white panic as a murderous
psychosis. This is a story of such archetypal progressive meaning
that it cannot be told too many times. In fact, it was just too
good to be true.
It soon became evident, however, that media selection – even
when reinforced by the celebrity / ‘community activist’ ragemachine – hadn’t sufficed to keep the story on script, and both
of the main actors were drifting from their assigned roles. If
progressively-endorsed stereotypes were to be even remotely
preserved, vigorous editing would be required. This was
especially necessary because certain evil, racist, bigoted readers
of the Miami Herald were beginning to forge a narrativewrecking mental connection between ‘Trayvon Martin’ and
‘burglary tool’.
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As for the killer, George Zimmerman, the name said it all. He
was clearly going to be a hulking, pasty-faced, storm-trooper
look-alike, hopefully some kind of Christian gun-nut, and maybe
– if they really hit pay-dirt – a militia movement type with a
history of homophobia and anti-abortion activism. He started
off ‘white’ – for no obvious reason beyond media incompetence
and narrative programming – then found himself transformed
into a ‘white Hispanic’ (a category that seems to have been
rapidly innovated on the spot), before gradually shifted through
a series of ever more reality-compliant ethnic complications,
culminating in the discovery of his Afro-Peruvian great
grandfather.
In the heart of the Cathedral it was well into head-scratching
time. Here was the great Amerikkkan defendant being prepped
for his show trial, the President had pitched in emotionally on
behalf of the sacred victim, and the coordinated ground game
had been advanced to the simmering brink of race riots, when
the message began falling apart, to such an extent that it now
threatened to decay into an annoyingly irrelevant case of blackon-black violence. It was not only that George Zimmerman had
black ancestry – making him simply ‘black’ by the left’s own
social constructivist standards – he had also grown up amicably
among black people, with two African-American girls as “part of
the household for years,” had entered into joint business venture
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with a black partner, he was a registered Democrat, and even
some kind of ‘community organizer’ …
So why did Martin die? Was it for carrying iced tea and a bag of
Skittles while black (the media and community activist approved,
‘son Obama might have had’ version), for scoping out burglary
targets (the Kluxer racial profiling version), or for breaking
Zimmerman’s nose, knocking him over, sitting on top of him,
and smashing his head repeatedly against the sidewalk (to be
decided in court)? Was he a martyr to racial injustice, a low-level
social predator, or a human symptom of American urban crisis?
The only thing that was really clear when legal proceedings
began, beyond the squalid sadness of the episode, was that it
was not resolving anything.
For a sense of just how disconcertingly the approved lesson had
disintegrated by the time Zimmerman was charged with second
degree murder, it is only necessary to read this post by HBDblogger oneSTDV, describing the dialectical derangements of
the race-warrior right:
Despite the disturbing nature of the “charges” against
Zimmerman, many in the alt-right refuse to grant Zimmerman
any sympathy or to even view this as a seminal moment in
modern leftism’s anarcho-tyrannical reign. According to these
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individuals, the Spanish-speaking, registered Democrat mestizo
got what was coming to him — the ire of the black mob and the
elite left indirectly buttressed by Zimmerman himself. Due to his
voting record, multicultural background, and mentoring of
minority youth, they see Zimmerman as emblematic of the left’s
assault on white America, a sort of ground soldier in the
campaign against American whiteness. [Bolding in original]
The pop PC police were ready to move on. With the great show
trial collapsing into narrative disorder, it was time to refocus on
the Message, facts be damned (and double damned). ‘Jezebel’
best exemplifies the hectoring, vaguely hysterical tone:
You know how you can tell that black people are still oppressed?
Because black people are still oppressed. If you claim that you
are not a racist person (or, at least, that you’re committed to
working your ass off not to be one — which is really the best
that any of us can promise), then you must believe that people
are fundamentally born equal. So if that’s true, then in a vacuum,
factors like skin color should have no effect on anyone’s
success. Right? And therefore, if you really believe that all
people are created equal, then when you see that drastic racial
inequalities exist in the real world, the only thing that you could
possibly conclude is that some external force is holding certain
people back. Like…racism. Right? So congratulations! You
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believe in racism! Unless you don’t actually think that people are
born equal. And if you don’t believe that people are born equal,
then you’re a f*****g racist.
Does anyone “really believe that people are born equal,” in the
way it is understood here? Believe, that is, not only that a formal
expectation of equal treatment is a prerequisite for civilized
interaction, but that any revealed deviation from substantial
equality of outcome is an obvious, unambiguous indication of
oppression? That’s “the only thing you could possibly
conclude”?
At the very least, Jezebel should be congratulated for expressing
the progressive faith in its purest form, entirely uncontaminated
by sensitivity to evidence or uncertainty of any kind, casually
contemptuous of any relevant research – whether existent or
merely conceivable – and supremely confident about its own
moral invincibility. If the facts are morally wrong, so much
worse for the facts – that’s the only position that could possibly
be adopted, even if it’s based upon a mixture of wishful
thinking, deliberate ignorance, and insultingly childish lies.
To call the belief in substantial human equality a superstition is
to insult superstition. It might be unwarranted to believe in
leprechauns, but at least the person who holds to such a belief
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isn’t watching them not exist, for every waking hour of the day.
Human inequality, in contrast, and in all of its abundant
multiplicity, is constantly on display, as people exhibit their
variations in gender, ethnicity, physical attractiveness, size and
shape,
strength,
health,
agility,
charm,
humor,
wit,
industriousness, and sociability, among countless other features,
traits, abilities, and aspects of their personality, some
immediately and conspicuously, some only slowly, over time. To
absorb even the slightest fraction of all this and to conclude, in
the only way possible, that it is either nothing at all, or a ‘social
construct’ and index of oppression, is sheer Gnostic delirium: a
commitment beyond all evidence to the existence of a true and
good world veiled by appearances. People are not equal, they do
not develop equally, their goals and achievements are not equal,
and nothing can make them equal. Substantial equality has no
relation to reality, except as its systematic negation. Violence on
a genocidal scale is required to even approximate to a practical
egalitarian program, and if anything less ambitious is attempted,
people get around it (some more competently than others).
To take only the most obvious example, anybody with more
than one child knows that nobody is born equal (monozygotic
twins and clones perhaps excepted). In fact, everybody is born
different, in innumerable ways. Even when – as is normally the
case – the implications of these differences for life outcomes are
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difficult to confidently predict, their existence is undeniable, or
at least: sincerely undeniable. Of course sincerity, or even
minimal cognitive coherence, is not remotely the issue here.
Jezebel’s position, whilst impeccable in its political correctness,
is not only factually dubious, but rather laughably absurd, and
actually – strictly speaking — insane. It dogmatizes a denial of
reality so extreme that nobody could genuinely maintain, or even
entertain it, let alone plausible explain or defend it. It is a tenet
of faith that cannot be understood, but only asserted, or
submitted to, as madness made law, or authoritarian religion.
The political commandment of this religion is transparent:
Accept progressive social policy as the only possible solution to
the sin problem of inequality. This commandment is a
‘categorical imperative’ – no possible fact could ever undermine,
complicate, or revise it. If progressive social policy actually
results in an exacerbation of the problem, ‘fallen’ reality is to
blame, since the social malady is obviously worse than had been
originally envisaged, and only redoubled efforts in the same
direction can hope to remedy it. There can be nothing to learn
in matters of faith. Eventually, systematic social collapse teaches
the lesson that chronic failure and incremental deterioration
could not communicate. (That’s macro-scale social Darwinism
for dummies, and it’s the way that civilizations end.)
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Due to it’s exceptional correlation with substantial variation in
social outcomes in modern societies, by far the most
troublesome dimension of human bio-diversity is intelligence or
general problem solving ability, quantified as IQ (measuring
Spearman’s ‘g’). When ‘statistical common sense’ or profiling is
applied to the proponents of Human Bio-Diversity, however,
another significant trait is rapidly exposed: a remarkably
consistent deficit of agreeableness. Indeed, it is widely accepted
within the accursed ‘community’ itself that most of those
stubborn and awkward enough to educate themselves on the
topic of human biological variation are significantly ‘socially
retarded’, with low verbal inhibition, low empathy, and low
social integration, resulting in chronic maladaptation to group
expectations. The typical EQs of this group can be extracted as
the approximate square-root of their IQs. Mild autism is typical,
sufficient to approach their fellow beings in a spirit of detached,
natural-scientific curiosity, but not so advanced as to compel
total cosmic disengagement. These traits, which they themselves
consider – on the basis of copious technical information — to
be substantially heritable, have manifest social consequences,
reducing employment opportunities, incomes, and even
reproductive potential. Despite all the free therapeutic advice
available in the progressive environment, this obnoxiousness
shows no sign of diminishing, and might even be intensifying.
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As Jezebel shows so clearly, this can only possibly be a sign of
structural oppression. Why can’t obnoxious people get a break?
The history is damning. ‘Sociables’ have always had it in for the
obnoxious, often declining to marry or do business with them,
excluding them from group activities and political office,
labeling them with slurs, ostracizing and avoiding them.
‘Obnoxiousness’ has been stigmatized and stereotyped in
extremely negative terms, to such an extent that many of the
obnoxious have sought out more sensitive labels, such as
‘socially-challenged’,
or
‘differently
socially
abled’.
Not
uncommonly, people have been verbally or even physically
assaulted for no other reason than their radical obnoxiousness.
Most tragically of all, due to their complete inability to get on
with one another, the obnoxious have never been able to
politically mobilize against the structural social oppression they
face, or to enter into coalitions with their natural allies, such as
cynics,
debunkers,
contrarians,
and Tourette
Syndrome
sufferers. Obnoxiousness has yet to be liberated, although it’s
probable that the Internet will ‘help’ …
Consider John Derbyshire’s essay in infamy The Talk: Nonblack
Version, focusing initially on its relentless obnoxiousness, and
attentive to the negative correlation between sociability and
objective reason. As Derbyshire notes elsewhere, people are
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generally incapable of differentiating themselves from group
identities, or properly applying statistical generalizations about
groups to individual cases, including their own. A rationally
indefensible, but socially inevitable, reification of group profiles
is psychologically normal – even ‘human’ – with the result that
noisy, non-specific, statistical information is erroneously
accepted as a contribution to self-understanding, even when
specific information is available.
From the perspective of socially autistic, low-EQ, rational
analysis, this is simply mistaken. If an individual has certain
characteristics, the fact of belonging to a group that has similar
or dissimilar average characteristics is of no relevance
whatsoever. Direct and determinate information about the
individual is not to any degree enriched by indirect and
indeterminate (probabilistic) information about the groups to
which the individual belongs. If an individual’s test results are
known, for instance, no additional insight is provided by
statistical inferences about the test results that might have been
expected based on group profiling. An Ashkenazi Jewish moron
is no less moronic because he is an Ashkenazi Jew. Elderly
Chinese nuns are unlikely to be murderers, but a murderer who
happens to be an elderly Chinese nun is neither more nor less
murderous than one who is not. This is all extremely obvious, to
obnoxious people.
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To normal people, however, it is not obvious at all. In part this
is because rational intelligence is scarce and abnormal among
humans, and in part because social ‘intelligence’ works with
what everyone else is thinking, which is to say, with irrational
groupish sentiment, meager information, prejudices, stereotypes,
and heuristics. Since (almost) everybody else is taking short-cuts,
or ‘economizing’ on reason, it is only rational to react
defensively to generalizations that are likely to be reified or
inappropriately applied — over-riding or substituting for
specific perceptions. Anybody who anticipates being pre-defined
through a group identity has an expanded ego-investment in that
group and the way it is perceived. A generic assessment,
however objectively arrived at, will immediately become
personal, under (even quite remotely) normal conditions.
Obnoxious reason can stubbornly insist that anything average
cannot be about you, but the message will not be generally
received. Human social ‘intelligence’ is not built that way. Even
supposedly sophisticated commentators blunder repeatedly into
the most jarring exhibitions of basic statistical incomprehension
without the slightest embarrassment, because embarrassment
was designed for something else (and for almost exactly the
opposite). The failure to understand stereotypes in their
scientific, or probabilistic application, is a functional prerequisite
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of sociability, since the sole alternative to idiocy in this respect is
obnoxiousness.
Derbyshire’s article is noteworthy because it succeeds in being
definitively obnoxious, and has been recognized as such, despite
the spluttering incoherence of most rejoinders. Among the
things that ‘the talk’ and ‘the counter-talk’ share is a theatrical
structure of pseudo-private conversation designed to be
overheard. In both cases, a message that parents are compelled
to deliver to their children is staged as the vehicle for a wider
social lesson, aimed at those who, through action or inaction,
have created a world that is intolerably hazardous to them.
This form is intrinsically manipulative, making even the ‘original’
talk a tempting target of parody. In the original, however, a tone
of anguished sincerity is engineered through a deliberate
performance of innocence (or ignorance). Listen son, I know
this will be difficult to understand … (Oh why, oh why are they
doing this to us?). The counter-talk, in stark contrast, melds its
micro-social drama with the clinically non-sociable discourse of
“methodical inquiries in the human sciences” – treating
populations as fuzzy bio-geographical units with quantifiable
characteristics, rather than as legal-political subjects in
communication. It derides innocence, and – by implication – the
criterion of sociability itself. Agreement, agreeableness, count
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for nothing. The rigorously and redundantly compiled statistics
say what they say, and if we cannot live with that, so much the
worse for us.
Yet even to a reasonably sympathetic, or scrupulously
obnoxious, reading, Derbyshire’s article provides grounds for
criticism. For instance, and from the beginning, it is notable that
the racial reciprocal of “nonblack Americans” is ‘black
Americans’, not “American blacks” (the term Derbyshire
selects). This reversal of word order, switching nouns and
adjectives, quickly settles into a pattern. Does it matter that
Derbyshire requests the extension of civility to any “individual
black” (rather than to ‘black individuals’)? It certainly makes a
difference. To say that someone is ‘black’ is to say something
about them, but to say that someone is ‘a black’ is to say who
they are. The effect is subtly, yet distinctly, menacing, and
Derbyshire is too well-trained, algebraically, to be excused from
noticing it. After all, ‘John Derbyshire is a white’ sounds equally
off, as does any analogous formulation, submerging the
individual in the genus, to be retrieved as a mere instance, or
example.
The more intellectually substantive aspect of this over-reach into
gratuitous incivility have been examined by William Saletan and
Noah Millman, who make very similar points, from the two
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sides of the liberal/conservative divide. Both writers identify a
fissure or methodical incongruity in Derbyshire’s article,
stemming from its commitment to the micro-social application
of macro-social statistical generalizations. Stereotypes, however
rigorously confirmed, are essentially inferior to specific
knowledge in any concrete social situation, because nobody ever
encounters a population.
As a liberal of problematic standing, Saletan has no choice but
to recoil melodramatically from Derbyshire’s “stomach-turning
conclusions,” but his reasons for doing so are not consumed by
his gastro-emotional crisis. “But what exactly is a statistical
truth?” he asks. “It’s a probability estimate you might fall back
on if you know nothing about [a particular individual]. It’s an
ignorant person’s weak substitute for knowledge.” Derbyshire,
with his Aspergery attention to the absence of black Fields
Medal winners, is “…a math nerd who substitutes statistical
intelligence for social intelligence. He recommends group
calculations instead of taking the trouble to learn about the
person standing in front of you.”
Millman
emphasizes
(obnoxious)
social
the
ironic
scientific
reversal
knowledge
that
into
switches
imperative
ignorance:
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The “race realists” like to say that they are the ones who are
curious about the world, and the “politically correct” types are
the ones who prefer to ignore ugly reality. But the advice
Derbyshire gives to his children encourages them not to be too
curious about the world around them, for fear of getting hurt.
And, as a general rule, that’s terrible advice for kids – and not
the advice that Derbyshire has followed in his own life.
Millman’s conclusion is also instructive:
So why am I arguing with Derb at all? Well, because he’s a
friend. And because even lazy, socially-irresponsible talk
deserves to be refuted, not merely denounced. Is Derbyshire’s
piece racist? Of course it’s racist. His whole point is that it is
both rational and morally right for his children to treat black
people significantly differently from white people, and to fear
them. But “racist” is a descriptive term, not a moral one. The
“race realist” crowd is strongly convinced of the accuracy of
Derbyshire’s major premises, and they are not going to be
argued out of that conviction by the assertion such conviction is
“racist” – nor, honestly, should they be. For that reason, I feel
it’s important to argue that Derbyshire’s conclusions do not
follow simply from those premises, and are, in fact, morally
incorrect even if those premises are granted for the sake of
argument.
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[Brief intermission …]
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4c)
MAY 17, 2012
The Cracker Factory.
In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check.
When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent
words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence,
they were signing a promissory note to which every American
was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes,
black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the
unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.
Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given
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the Negro people a bad check, a check that has come back
marked “insufficient funds.”
— Martin Luther King Jr.
Conservatism … is a white people’s movement, a scattering of
outliers notwithstanding.
Always has been, always will be. I have attended at least a
hundred conservative gatherings, conferences, cruises, and
jamborees: let me tell you, there ain’t too many raisins in that
bun. I was in and out of the National Review offices for twelve
years, and the only black person I saw there, other than when
Herman Cain came calling, was Alex, the guy who runs the mail
room. (Hey, Alex!)
This isn’t because conservatism is hostile to blacks and mestizos.
Very much the contrary, especially in the case of Conservatism
Inc. They fawn over the occasional nonwhite with a puppyish
deference that fairly fogs the air with embarrassment. (Q: What
do you call the one black guy at a gathering of 1,000
Republicans? A: “Mr. Chairman.”)
It’s just that conservative ideals like self-sufficiency and minimal
dependence on government have no appeal to underperforming
minorities — groups who, in the statistical generality, are short
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of the attributes that make for group success in a modern
commercial nation.
Of what use would it be to them to embrace such ideals? They
would end up even more decisively pooled at the bottom of
society than they are currently.
A much better strategy for them is to ally with as many
disaffected
white
and
Asian
subgroups
as
they
can
(homosexuals, feminists, dead-end labor unions), attain electoral
majorities, and institute big redistributionist governments to give
them make-work jobs and transfer wealth to them from
successful groups.
Which is what, very rationally and sensibly, they do.
— John Derbyshire
Neo-secessionists are all around us… and free speech gives
them a cozy blanket of protection. Rick Perry insinuating Texas
could secede rather than adhere to the federal healthcare law,
Todd Palin belonging to a political association advocating
Alaskan secession, and Sharron Angle talking about ‘second
amendment remedies’ to handle disputes with federal authorities
are all examples of dangerous secessionist rhetoric permeating
through modern discourse. The media focuses our attention at
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Civil War reenactors and pick-up trucks with Confederate flags
flying on them. But public figures are influenced as well, by
academics who struggle to perpetuate a most dangerous brand
of revisionism.
— Practically Historical
African-Americans are the conscience of our country.
— commenter ‘surfed’ at Walter Russell Mead’s blog (edited for
spelling)
America’s racial ‘original sin’ was foundational, dating back
before the birth of the United States to the clearing of aboriginal
peoples by European settlers, and – still more saliently – to the
institution of chattel slavery. This is the Old Testament history
of American black-white relations, set down in a providential
narrative
of
escape
from
bondage,
in
which
factual
documentation and moral exhortation are indissolubly fused.
The combination of prolonged and intense social abuse in a
pattern set by the Torah, recapitulating the primordial moralpolitical myth of the Western tradition, has installed the story of
slavery and emancipation as the unsurpassable frame of the
American historical experience: let my people go.
‘Practically Historical’ (cited above), quotes Lincoln on the Civil
War:
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Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the
bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall
be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall
be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three
thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the
Lord are true and righteous altogether.”
The New Testament of race in America was written in the
1960s, revising and specifying the template. The combination of
the Civil Rights Movement, the 1965 Immigration and
Nationality Act, and the Republican Southern Strategy
(appealing to disaffected whites in the states of the old
Confederacy) forged a partisan identification between Blacks
and the Democratic Party that amounted to a liberal-progressive
rebirth, setting the terms for partisan racial polarization that
have endured – and even strengthened – over subsequent
decades. For a progressive movement compromised by a history
of systematic eugenicist racism, and a Democratic Party
traditionally aligned with white southern obduracy and the Ku
Klux Klan, the civil rights era presented an opportunity for
atonement, ritual purification, and redemption.
Reciprocally, for American conservatism (and its increasingly
directionless Republican Party vehicle), this progression spelt
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protracted death, for reasons that continue to elude it. The Idea
of America was now inextricable from a vehement renunciation
of the past, and even of the present, insofar as the past still
shaped it. Only an ‘ever more perfect union’ could conform to
it. At the most superficial level, the broad partisan implications
of the new order were unmistakable in a country that was
becoming ever more democratic, and ever less republican, with
effective sovereignty nationally concentrated in the executive,
and the moral urgency of activist government installed as a
principle of faith. For what had already become the ‘Old Right’
there was no way out, or back, because the path backwards
crossed the event horizon of the civil rights movement, into
tracts of political impossibility whose ultimate meaning was
slavery.
The left thrives on dialectics, the right perishes through them.
Insofar as there is a pure logic of politics, it is that. One
immediate consequence (repeatedly emphasized by Mencius
Moldbug) is that progressivism has no enemies to the left. It
recognizes only idealists, whose time has not yet come. Factional
conflicts on the left are politically dynamic, celebrated for their
motive potential. Conservatism, in contrast, is caught between a
rock and a hard place: bludgeoned from the left by the
juggernaut of post-constitutional statism, and agitated from ‘the
right’ by inchoate tendencies which are both unassimilable (to
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the mainstream) and often mutually incompatible, ranging from
extreme (Austro-libertarian) varieties of laissez-faire capitalist
advocacy to strains of obstinate, theologically-grounded social
traditionalism, ultra-nationalism, or white identity politics.
‘The right’ has no unity, actual or prospective, and thus has no
definition symmetrical to that of the left. It is for this reason that
political dialectics (a tautology) ratchets only in one direction,
predictably, towards state expansion and an increasingly coercive
substantial-egalitarian ideal. The right moves to the center, and
the center moves to the left.
Regardless of mainstream conservative fantasies, liberalprogressive mastery of American providence has become
uncontestable, dominated by a racial dialectic that absorbs
unlimited contradiction, whilst positioning the Afro-American
underclass as the incarnate critique of the existing social order,
the criterion of emancipation, and the sole path to collective
salvation. No alternative structure of historical intelligibility is
politically tolerable, or even – strictly speaking – imaginable,
since resistance to the narrative is un-American, anti-social, and
(of course) racist, serving only to confirm the existence of
systematic racial oppression through the symbolic violence
manifested in its negation. To argue against it is already to prove
it correct, by concretely demonstrating the same benighted
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forces of social retardation that are being verbally denied. By
resisting the demand for orchestrated social re-education,
knuckle-dragging ‘bitter clingers’ only show how much there still
is to do.
At its most abstract and all-encompassing, the liberalprogressive racial dialectic abolishes its outside, along with any
possibility of principled consistency. It asserts — at one and the
same time — that race does not exist, and that its sociallyconstructed pseudo-existence is an instrument of inter-racial
violence. Racial recognition is both mandatory, and forbidden.
Racial identities are meticulously catalogued for purposes of
social remedy, hate crime detection, and disparate impact
studies,
targeting
groups
for
‘positive
discrimination’,
‘affirmative action’, or ‘diversity promotion’ (to list these terms
in their rough order of historical substitution), even as they are
denounced as meaningless (by the United Nations, no less), and
dismissed as malicious stereotypes, corresponding to nothing
real. Extreme racial sensitivity and absolute racial desensitization
are demanded simultaneously. Race is everything and nothing.
There is no way out.
Conservatism is dialectically incompetent by definition, and so
abjectly clueless that it imagines itself being able to exploit these
contradictions, or – in its deluded formulation – liberal cognitive
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dissonance. The conservatives who triumphantly point out such
inconsistencies seem never to have skimmed the output of a
contemporary humanities program, in which thick rafts of
internally conflicted victimage are lovingly woven out of
incompatible grievances, in order to exult in the radical
progressive
promise
of
their
discordant
lamentations.
Inconsistency is fuel for the Cathedral, demanding activist
argumentation, and ever heightened realizations of unity.
Integrative public debate always moves things to the left — that
might not seem an especially difficult point to grasp, but to
understand it is to expose the fundamental futility of mainstream
conservatism, and that is in almost nobody’s interest, so it will
not be understood.
Conservatism is incapable of working dialectics, or simultaneous
contradiction, but that does not prevent it from serving progress
(on the contrary). Rather than celebrating the power of
inconsistency,
it
stumbles
through
contradictions,
decompressed, in succession, in the manner of a fossil
exhibition, and a foil. After “standing athwart history, yelling
‘Stop!’” during the Civil Rights Era, and thus banishing itself
eternally to racial damnation, the conservative (and Republican)
mainstream reversed course, seizing upon Martin Luther King
Jr. as an integral part of its canon, and seeking to harmonize
itself with “a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.”
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I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out
the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons
of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be
able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state
sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of
oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and
justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a
nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin
but by the content of their character.
Captivated by King’s appeal to constitutional and biblical
traditionalism, by his rejection of political violence, and by his
uninhibited paeans to freedom, American conservatism
gradually came to identify with his dream of racial reconciliation
and race blindness, and to accept it as the true, providential
meaning of its own most sacred documents. At least, this
became the mainstream, public, conservative orthodoxy, even
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though it was consolidated far too late to neutralize suspicions
of insincerity, failed almost entirely to convince the black
demographic itself, and would remain open to escalating
derision from the left for its empty formalism.
So compelling was King’s restatement of the American Creed
that, retrospectively, its triumph over the political mainstream
seems simply inevitable. The further American conservatism
departed from the Masonic rationalism of the founders, in the
direction of biblical religiosity, the more indistinguishable its
faith became from a Black American experience, mythically
articulated through Exodus, in which the basic framework of
history was an escape from bondage, borne towards a future in
which “all of God’s children — black men and white men, Jews
and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics — will be able to join
hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: ‘Free at
last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!’”
The genius of King’s message lay in its extraordinary power of
integration. The flight of the Hebrews from Egypt, the
American War of Independence, the abolition of chattel slavery
in the wake of the American Civil War, and the aspirations of
the civil rights era were mythically compressed into a single
archetypal episode, perfectly consonant with the American
Creed, and driven forwards not only by irresistible moral force,
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but even by divine decree. The measure of this integrative
genius, however, is the complexity it masters. A century after the
“joyous daybreak” of emancipation from slavery, King declares,
“the Negro still is not free.”
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly
crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of
discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a
lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material
prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished
in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in
his own land.
The story of Exodus is exit, the War of Independence is exit,
and the emancipation from slavery is exit, especially when this is
exemplified by the Underground Railroad and the model of selfliberation, escape, or flight. To be ‘manacled’ by segregation,
‘chained’ by discrimination, trapped on a ‘lonely island of
poverty’, or ‘exiled’ in one’s ‘own land’, in contrast, has no
relation to exit whatsoever, beyond that which spell-binding
metaphor can achieve. There is no exit into social integration
and
acceptance,
equitably
distributed
prosperity,
public
participation, or assimilation, but only an aspiration, or a dream,
hostage to fact and fortune. As the left and the reactionary right
were equally quick to notice, insofar as this dream ventures
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significantly beyond a right to formal equality and into the realm
of substantial political remedy, it is one that the right has no
right to.
In the immediate wake of the John Derbyshire affair, Jessica
Valenti at The Nation blog makes the point clearly:
… this isn’t just about who has written what — it’s about the
intensely racist policies that are par for the conservative course.
Some people would like to believe that racism is just the explicit,
said-out-loud discrimination and hatred that is easily identifiable.
It’s not — it’s also pushing xenophobic policies and supporting
systemic inequality. After all, what’s more impactful — a
singular racist like Derbyshire or Arizona’s immigration law? A
column or voter suppression? Getting rid of one racist from one
publication doesn’t change the fact that the conservative agenda
is one that disproportionately punishes and discriminates against
people of color. So, I’m sorry, folks — you don’t get to support
structural inequality and then give yourself a pat on the back for
not being overtly racist.
The ‘conservative agenda’ cannot ever be dreamy (hopeful and
inconsistent) enough to escape accusations of racism – that’s
intrinsic to the way the racial dialectic works. Policies broadly
compatible with capitalistic development, oriented to the
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rewarding of low time-preference, and thus punishing
impulsivity, will reliably have a disparate impact upon the least
economically functional social groups. Of course, the dialectic
demands that the racial aspect of this disparate impact can and
must be strongly emphasized (for the purpose of condemning
incentives to human capital formation as racist), and at the same
time forcefully denied (in order to denounce exactly the same
observation as racist stereotyping). Anyone who expects
conservatives to navigate this double-bind with political agility
and grace must somehow have missed the late 20th century. For
instance, the doomed loser idiots conservatives at the
Washington Examiner, noticing with alarm that:
House Democrats received training this week on how to address
the issue of race to defend government programs … The
prepared content of a Tuesday presentation to the House
Democratic Caucus and staff indicates that Democrats will seek
to portray apparently neutral free-market rhetoric as being
charged with racial bias, conscious or unconscious.
There are no alternative versions of an ever more perfect union,
because union is the alternative to alternatives. Searching for
where the alternatives might once have been found, where
liberty still meant exit, and where dialectics were dissolved in
space, leads into a clown-house of horrors, fabricated as the
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shadow, or significant other, of the Cathedral. Since the right
never had a unity of its own, it was given one. Call it the Cracker
Factory.
When James C. Bennett, in The Anglosphere Challenge, sought
to identify the principal cultural characteristics of the Englishspeaking world, the resulting list was generally familiar. It
included, besides the language itself, common law traditions,
individualism, comparatively high-levels of economic and
technological openness, and distinctively emphatic reservations
about centralized political power. Perhaps the most striking
feature, however, was a marked cultural tendency to settle
disagreements in space, rather than time, opting for territorial
schism, separatism, independence, and flight, in place of
revolutionary transformation within an integrated territory.
When Anglophones disagree, they have often sought to
dissociate in space. Instead of an integral resolution (regime
change), they pursue a plural irresolution (through regime
division), proliferating polities, localizing power, and diversifying
systems of government. Even in its present, highly attenuated
form, this anti-dialectical, de-synthesizing predisposition to
social disaggregation finds expression in a stubborn, sussurous
hostility to globalist political projects, and in a vestigial attraction
to federalism (in its fissional sense).
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Splitting, or fleeing, is all exit, and (non-recuperable) antidialectics. It is the basic well-spring of liberty within the
Anglophone tradition. If the function of a Cracker Factory is to
block off all the exits, there’s only one place to build it – right
here.
Like Hell, or Auschwitz, the Cracker Factory has a simple slogan
inscribed upon its gate: Escape is racist. That is why the
expression ‘white flight’ – which says exactly the same thing –
has never been denounced for its political incorrectness, despite
the fact that it draws upon an ethnic statistical generalization of
the kind that would, in any other case, provoke paroxysms of
outrage. ‘White flight’ is no more ‘white’ than low timepreference is, but this broad-brush insensitivity is deemed
acceptable, because it structurally supports the Cracker Factory,
and the indispensable confusion of ancient (or negative) liberty
with original (racial) sin.
You absolutely, definitely, mustn’t go there … so, of course, we
will … [next]
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4d)
JUNE 15, 2012
Odd Marriages.
The origins of the word ‘cracker’ as a term of ethnic derision are
distant and obscure. It seems to have already circulated, as a slur
targeting poor southern whites of predominantly Celtic ancestry,
in the mid-18th century, derived perhaps from ‘corn-cracker’ or
the Scots-Irish ‘crack’ (banter). The rich semantic complexion of
the term, inextricable from the identification of elaborate racial,
cultural, and class characteristics, is comparable to that of its
unmentionable dusky cousin – “the ‘N-‘word” – and draws from
the same well of generally recognized but forbidden truths. In
particular, and emphatically, it testifies to the illicit truism that
people are more excited and animated by their differences than
by their commonalities, ‘clinging bitterly’ – or at least tenaciously
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– to their non-uniformity, and obstinately resisting the universal
categories of enlightened population management. Crackers are
grit in the clockwork of progress.
The most delectable features of the slur, however, are entirely
fortuitous (or Qabbalistic). ‘Crackers’ break codes, safes, organic
chemicals – sealed or bonded systems of all kinds – with
eventual geopolitical implication. They anticipate a crack-up,
schism or secession, confirming their association with the
anathematized disintegrative undercurrent of Anglophone
history. No surprise, then – despite the linguistic jumps and
glitching – that the figure of the recalcitrant cracker evokes a
still-unpacified South, insubordinate to the manifest destiny of
Union. This returns it, by short-circuit, to the most problematic
depths of its meaning.
Contradictions demand resolution, but cracks can continue to
widen, deepen, and spread. According to the cracker ethos,
when things can fall apart – it’s OK. There’s no need to reach
agreement, when it’s possible to split. This cussedness, pursued
to its limit, tends to a hill-billy stereotype set in a shack or
rusting trailer at the end of an Appalachian mountain path,
where all economic transactions are conducted in cash (or
moonshine), interactions with government agents are conducted
across the barrel of a loaded shotgun, and timeless anti-political
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wisdom is summed in the don’t-tread-on-me reflex: “Get off my
porch.” Naturally, this disdain for integrative debate (dialectics)
is coded within the mainstream of Anglocentric global history –
which is to say, Yankee evangelical Puritanism – as a deficiency
not only of cultural sophistication, but also of basic intelligence,
and even the most scrupulous adherent of social constructivist
righteousness
immediately
reverts
to
hard-hereditarian
psychometrics when confronted by cracker obstreperousness.
To those for whom a broad trend of socio-political progress
seems like a simple, incontestable fact, the refusal to recognize
anything of the kind is perceived as clear evidence of
retardation.
Since stereotypes generally have high statistical truth-value, it’s
more than possible that crackers are clustered heavily on the left
of the white IQ bell-curve, concentrated there by generations of
dysgenic pressure. If, as Charles Murray argues, the efficiency of
meritocratic selection within American society has steadily risen
and conspired with assortative mating to transform class
differences into genetic castes, it would be passing strange if the
cracker stratum were to be characterized by conspicuous
cognitive elevation. Yet some awkwardly intriguing questions
intervene at this point, as long as one diligently pursues the
stereotype. Assortative mating? How can that work, when
crackers marry their cousins? Oh yes, there’s that. Drawing on
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population groups beyond the north-western Hajnal Line,
traditional cracker kinship patterns are notably atypical of the
exogamous Anglo (WASP) norm.
The tireless ‘hbdchick’ is the crucial resource on this topic. Over
the course of a truly monumental series of blog posts, she
employs Hamiltonian conceptual tools to investigate the
borderland where nature and culture intersect, comprising
kinship structures, the differentiations they require in the
calculus of inclusive fitness, and the distinctive ethnic profiles in
the evolutionary psychology of altruism that result. In particular,
she directs attention to the abnormality of (North-West)
European history, where obligatory exogamy – through rigorous
proscription of cousin marriage – has prevailed for 1,600 years.
This distinctive orientation towards outbreeding, she suggests,
plausibly accounts for a variety of bio-cultural peculiarities, the
most historically significant of which is a unique pre-eminence
of reciprocal (over familial) altruism, as indicated by emphatic
individualism, nuclear families, an affinity with ‘corporate’
(kinship-free)
institutions,
highly-developed
contractual
relationships among strangers, relatively low levels of nepotism
/ corruption, and robust forms of social cohesion independent
of tribal bonds.
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Inbreeding, in contrast, creates a selective environment favoring
tribal collectivism, extended systems of family loyalty and honor,
distrust of non-relatives and impersonal institutions, and – in
general – those ‘clannish’ traits which mesh uncomfortably with
the leading values of (Eurocentric) modernity, and are thus
denounced for their primitive ‘xenophobia’ and ‘corruption’.
Clannish values, of course, are bred in clans, such as those
populating Britain’s Celtic fringe and borderlands, where cousin
marriage persisted, along with its associated socio-economic and
cultural forms, especially herding (rather than farming), and a
disposition towards extreme, vendetta-style violence.
This analysis introduces the central paradox of ‘white identity’,
since the specifically European ethnic traits that have structured
the moral order of modernity, slanting it away from tribalism
and towards reciprocal altruism, are inseparable from a unique
heritage of outbreeding that is intrinsically corrosive of
ethnocentric solidarity. In other words: it is almost exactly weak
ethnic groupishness that makes a group ethnically modernistic,
competent at ‘corporate’ (non-familial) institution building, and
thus objectively privileged / advantaged within the dynamic of
modernity.
This paradox is most fully expressed in the radical forms of
European ethnocentric revivalism exemplified by paleo- and
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neo-Nazism, confounding its proponents and antagonists alike.
When
exceptionally
advanced
‘race-treachery’
is
your
quintessential racial feature, the opportunity for viable ethnosupremacist politics disappears into a logical abyss – even if
occasions for large-scale trouble-making no doubt remain.
Admittedly, a Nazi, by definition, is willing (and eager) to
sacrifice modernity upon the altar of racial purity, but this is
either not to understand, or to tragically affirm, the inevitable
consequence – which is to be out-modernized (and thus
defeated). Identity politics is for losers, inherently and
unalterably, due to an essentially parasitical character that only
works from the left. Because inbreeding systematically contraindicates for modern power, racial Übermenschen make no real
sense.
In any case, however endlessly fascinating Nazis may be, they
are not any kind of reliable key to the history or direction of
cracker culture, beyond setting a logical limit to the
programmatic construction and usage of white identity politics.
Tattooing swastikas on their foreheads does nothing to change
that. (Hatfields vs McCoys is more Pushtun than Teuton.)
The conjunction taking place in the Cracker Factory is quite
different, and far more perplexing, entangling the urbane,
cosmopolitan advocates of hyper-contractarian marketization
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with romantic traditionalists, ethno-particularists, and nostalgics
of the ‘Lost Cause’. It is first necessary to understand this
entanglement in its full, mind-melting weirdness, before
exploring its lessons. For that, some semi-random strippeddown data-points might be helpful:
* The Mises Institute was founded in Auburn, Alabama.
* Ron Paul newsletters from the 1980s contain remarks of a
decidedly Derbyshirean hue.
* Derbyshire hearts Ron Paul.
* Murray Rothbard has written in defense of HBD.
* lewrockwell.com contributors include Thomas J. DiLorenzo
and Thomas Woods
* Tom Palmer doesn’t heart Lew Rockwell or Hans-Hermann
Hoppe because “Together They Have Opened the Gates of Hell
and Welcomed the Most Extreme Right-Wing Racists,
Nationalists, and Assorted Cranks”
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* Libertarians / constitutionalists account for 20% of the SPLC
‘Radical Right’ watch list (Chuck Baldwin, Michael Boldin, Tom
DeWeese, Alex Jones, Cliff Kincaid, and Elmer Stewart Rhodes)
… perhaps that’s enough to be going on with (although there’s
plenty more within easy reach). These points have been selected,
questionably, crudely, and prejudicially, to lend impressionistic
support to a single basic thesis: fundamental socio-historical
forces are crackerizing libertarianism.
If the tentative research conclusions drawn by hbdchick are
accepted as a frame, the oddity of this marriage between
libertarian and neo-confederate themes is immediately apparent.
When positioned on a bio-cultural axis, defined by degrees of
outbreeding, the absence of overlap – or even proximity – is
dramatically exposed. One pole is occupied by a radically
individualistic doctrine, focused near-exclusively upon mutable
networks of voluntary interchange of an economic type (and
notoriously insensitive to the very existence of non-negotiable
social bonds). Close to the other pole lies a rich culture of local
attachment, extended family, honor, contempt for commercial
values, and distrust of strangers. The distilled rationality of fluid
capitalism is juxtaposed to traditional hierarchy and nonalienable value. The absolute prioritization of exit is jumbled
amongst folkways from which no exit is even imaginable.
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Stapling the two together, however, is a simple, ever more
irresistible conclusion: liberty has no future in the Anglophone
world outside the prospect of secession. The coming crack-up is
the only way out.
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The Dark Enlightenment (Part 4e)
JULY 3, 2012
Cross-coded history.
Democracy is the opposite of freedom, almost inherent to the
democratic process is that it tends towards less liberty instead of
more, and democracy is not something to be fixed. Democracy
is inherently broken, just like socialism. The only way to fix it is
to break it up. — Frank Karsten
Historian (mainly of science) Doug Fosnow called for the USA’s
“red” counties to secede from the “blue” ones, forming a new
federation. This was greeted with much skepticism by the
audience, who noted that the “red” federation would get
practically no seacoast. Did Doug really think such a secession
was likely to happen? No, he admitted cheerfully, but anything
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would be better than the race war he does think is likely to
happen, and it is intellectuals’ duty to come up with less horrific
possibilities.– John Derbyshire
Thus, rather than by means of a top-down reform, under the
current conditions, one’s strategy must be one of a bottom-up
revolution. At first, the realization of this insight would seem to
make the task of a liberal-libertarian social revolution
impossible, for does this not imply that one would have to
persuade a majority of the public to vote for the abolition of
democracy and an end to all taxes and legislation? And is this
not sheer fantasy, given that the masses are always dull and
indolent, and even more so given that democracy, as explained
above, promotes moral and intellectual degeneration? How in
the world can anyone expect that a majority of an increasingly
degenerate people accustomed to the “right” to vote should ever
voluntarily renounce the opportunity of looting other people’s
property? Put this way, one must admit that the prospect of a
social revolution must indeed be regarded as virtually nil. Rather,
it is only on second thought, upon regarding secession as an
integral part of any bottom-up strategy, that the task of a liberallibertarian revolution appears less than impossible, even if it still
remains a daunting one. – Hans-Hermann Hoppe
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Conceived generically, modernity is a social condition defined by
an integral trend, summarized as sustained economic growth
rates that exceed population increases, and thus mark an escape
from normal history, caged within the Malthusian trap. When, in
the interest of dispassionate appraisal, analysis is restricted to the
terms of this basic quantitative pattern, it supports sub-division
into the (growth) positive and negative components of the
trend:
techno-industrial
(scientific
and
commercial)
contributions to accelerating development on the one hand, and
socio-political counter-tendencies towards the capture of
economic product by democratically empowered rent-seeking
special interests on the other (demosclerosis). What classical
liberalism gives (industrial revolution) mature liberalism takes
away (via the cancerous entitlement state). In abstract geometry,
it describes an S-curve of self-limiting runaway. As a drama of
liberation, it is a broken promise.
Conceived particularly, as a singularity, or real thing, modernity
has ethno-geographical characteristics that complicate and
qualify its mathematical purity. It came from somewhere,
imposed itself more widely, and brought the world’s various
peoples into an extraordinary range of novel relations. These
relations were characteristically ‘modern’ if they involved an
overflowing of previous Malthusian limits, enabling capital
accumulation, and initiating new demographic trends, but they
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conjoined concrete groups rather than abstract economic
functions. At least in appearance, therefore, modernity was
something done by people of a certain kind with, and not
uncommonly to (or even against), other people, who were
conspicuously unlike them. By the time it was faltering on the
fading slope of the S-curve, in the early 20th century, resistance
to its generic features (‘capitalistic alienation’) had become
almost entirely indistinguishable from opposition to its
particularity (‘European imperialism’ and ‘white supremacy’). As
an inevitable consequence, the modernistic self-consciousness of
the system’s ethno-geographical core slid towards racial panic, in
a process that was only arrested by the rise and immolation of
the Third Reich.
Given modernity’s inherent trend to degeneration or selfcancellation, three broad prospects open. These are not strictly
exclusive, and are therefore not true alternatives, but for
schematic purposes it is helpful to present them as such.
(1) Modernity 2.0. Global modernization is re-invigorated from
a new ethno-geographical core, liberated from the degenerate
structures of its Eurocentric predecessor, but no doubt
confronting long range trends of an equally mortuary character.
This is by far the most encouraging and plausible scenario (from
a pro-modernist perspective), and if China remains even
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approximately on its current track it will be assuredly realized.
(India, sadly, seems to be too far gone in its native version of
demosclerosis to seriously compete.)
(2) Postmodernity. Amounting essentially to a new dark age, in
which Malthusian limits brutally re-impose themselves, this
scenario assumes that Modernity 1.0 has so radically globalized
its own morbidity that the entire future of the world collapses
around it. If the Cathedral ‘wins’ this is what we have coming.
(3) Western Renaissance. To be reborn it is first necessary to die,
so the harder the ‘hard reboot’ the better. Comprehensive crisis
and disintegration offers the best odds (most realistically as a
sub-theme of option #1).
Because competition is good, a pinch of Western Renaissance
would spice things up, even if – as is overwhelmingly probable
— Modernity 2.0 is the world’s principal highway to the future.
That depends upon the West stopping and reversing pretty
much everything it has been doing for over a century, excepting
only scientific, technological, and business innovation. It is
advisable to maintain rhetorical discipline within a strictly
hypothetical mode, because the possibility of any of these things
is deeply colored by incredibility:
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(1) Replacement of representational democracy by constitutional
republicanism (or still more extreme anti-political governmental
mechanisms).
(2) Massive downsizing of government and its rigorous
confinement to core functions (at most).
(3) Restoration of hard money (precious metal coins and bullion
deposit notes) and abolition of central banking.
(4) Dismantling of state monetary and fiscal discretion, thus
abolishing
practical
macroeconomics
and
liberating
the
autonomous (or ‘catallactic’) economy. (This point is redundant,
since it follows rigorously from 2 & 3 above, but it’s the real
prize, so worth emphasizing.)
There’s more – which is to say, less politics – but it’s already
absolutely clear that none of this is going to happen short of an
existential civilizational cataclysm. Asking politicians to limit
their own powers is a non-starter, but nothing less heads even
remotely in the right direction. This, however, isn’t even the
widest or deepest problem.
Democracy might begin as a defensible procedural mechanism
for limiting government power, but it quickly and inexorably
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develops into something quite different: a culture of systematic
thievery. As soon as politicians have learnt to buy political
support from the ‘public purse’, and conditioned electorates to
embrace looting and bribery, the democratic process reduces
itself to the formation of (Mancur Olson’s) ‘distributional
coalitions’ – electoral majorities mortared together by common
interest in a collectively advantageous pattern of theft. Worse
still, since people are, on average, not very bright, the scale of
depredation available to the political establishment far exceeds
even the demented sacking that is open to public scrutiny.
Looting the future, through currency debauchment, debt
accumulation,
growth
destruction,
and
techno-industrial
retardation is especially easy to conceal, and thus reliably
popular. Democracy is essentially tragic because it provides the
populace with a weapon to destroy itself, one that is always
eagerly seized, and used. Nobody ever says ‘no’ to free stuff.
Scarcely anybody even sees that there is no free stuff. Utter
cultural ruination is the necessary conclusion.
Within the final phase of Modernity 1.0, American history
becomes the master narrative of the world. It is there that the
great Abrahamic cultural conveyor culminates in the secularized
neo-puritanism of the Cathedral, as it establishes the New
Jerusalem in Washington DC. The apparatus of Messianicrevolutionary purpose is consolidated in the evangelical state,
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which is authorized by any means necessary to install a new
world order of universal fraternity, in the name of equality,
human rights, social justice, and – above all – democracy. The
absolute moral confidence of the Cathedral underwrites the
enthusiastic pursuit of unrestrained centralized power, optimally
unlimited in its intensive penetration and its extensive scope.
With an irony altogether hidden from the witch-burners’ spawn
themselves, the ascent of this squinting cohort of grim moral
fanatics to previously unscaled heights of global power coincides
with the descent of mass-democracy to previously unimagined
depths of gluttonous corruption. Every five years America steals
itself from itself again, and fences itself back in exchange for
political support. This democracy thing is easy – you just vote
for the guy who promises you the most stuff. An idiot could do
it. Actually, it likes idiots, treats them with apparent kindness,
and does everything it can to manufacture more of them.
Democracy’s relentless trend to degeneration presents an
implicit case for reaction. Since every major threshold of sociopolitical ‘progress’ has ratcheted Western civilization towards
comprehensive ruin, a retracing of its steps suggests a reversion
from the society of pillage to an older order of self-reliance,
honest industry and exchange, pre-propagandistic learning, and
civic self-organization. The attractions of this reactionary vision
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are evidenced by the vogue for 18th century attire, symbols, and
constitutional documents among the substantial (Tea Party)
minority who clearly see the disastrous course of American
political history.
Has the ‘race’ alarm sounded in your head yet? It would be
amazing if it hadn’t. Stagger back in imagination before 2008,
and the fraught whisper of conscience is already questioning
your prejudices against Kenyan revolutionaries and black
Marxist professors. Remain in reverse until the Great Society /
Civil Rights era and the warnings reach hysterical pitch. It’s
perfectly obvious by this point that American political history
has progressed along twin, interlocking tracks, corresponding to
the capacity and the legitimation of the state. To cast doubt
upon its scale and scope is to simultaneously dispute the sanctity
of its purpose, and the moral-spiritual necessity that it command
whatever resources, and impose whatever legal restraints, may
be required to effectively fulfill it. More specifically, to recoil
from the magnitude of Leviathan is to demonstrate insensitivity
to the immensity – indeed, near infinity – of inherited racial
guilt, and the sole surviving categorical imperative of senescent
modernity – government needs to do more. The possibility,
indeed near certainty, that the pathological consequences of
chronic government activism have long ago supplanted the
problems they originally targeted, is a contention so utterly
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maladapted to the epoch of democratic religion that its practical
insignificance is assured.
Even on the left, it would be extraordinary to find many who
genuinely believe, after sustained reflection, that the primary
driver of government expansion and centralization has been the
burning desire to do good (not that intentions matter). Yet, as
the twin tracks cross, such is the electric jolt of moral drama,
leaping the gap from racial Golgotha to intrusive Leviathan, that
skepticism is suspended, and the great progressive myth
installed. The alternative to more government, doing ever more,
was to stand there, negligently, whilst they lynched another
Negro. This proposition contains the entire essential content of
American progressive education.
The twin historical tracks of state capability and purpose can be
conceived as a translation protocol, enabling any recommended
restraint upon government power to be ‘decoded’ as malign
obstruction of racial justice. This system of substitutions
functions so smoothly that it provides an entire vocabulary of
(bipartisan) ‘code-words’ or ‘dog-whistles’ – ‘welfare’, ‘freedom
of association’, ‘states rights’ – ensuring that any intelligible
utterance on the Principal (left-right) Political Dimension
occupies a double registry, semi-saturated by racial evocations.
Reactionary regression smells of strange fruit.
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… and that is before backing out of the calamitous 20th century.
It was not the Civil Rights Era, but the ‘American Civil War’ (in
the terms of the victors) or ‘War between the States’ (in those of
the vanquished) that first indissolubly cross-coded the practical
question of Leviathan with (black/white) racial dialectics, laying
down the central junction yard of subsequent political
antagonism and rhetoric. The indispensable primary step in
comprehending this fatality snakes along an awkward diagonal
between mainstream statist and revisionist accounts, because the
conflagration that consumed the American nation in the early
1860s was wholly but non-exclusively about emancipation from
slavery and about states rights, with neither ‘cause’ reducible to
the other, or sufficient to suppress the war’s enduring
ambiguities. Whilst there are any number of ‘liberals’ happy to
celebrate the consolidation of centralized government power in
the triumphant Union, and, symmetrically, a (far smaller)
number of neo-confederate apologists for the institution of
chattel slavery in the southern states, neither of these
unconflicted stances capture the dynamic cultural legacy of a war
across the codes.
The war is a knot. By practically dissociating liberty into
emancipation and independence, then hurling each against the
other in a half-decade of carnage, blue against gray, it was settled
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that freedom would be broken on the battlefield, whatever the
outcome of the conflict. Union victory determined that the
emancipatory sense of liberty would prevail, not only in
America, but throughout the world, and the eventual reign of
the Cathedral was assured. Nevertheless, the crushing of
American’s second war of secession made a mockery of the first.
If the institution of slavery de-legitimated a war of
independence, what survived of 1776? The moral coherence of
the Union cause required that the founders were reconceived as
politically illegitimate white patriarchal slave-owners, and
American history combusted in progressive education and the
culture wars.
If independence is the ideology of slave-holders, emancipation
requires the programmatic destruction of independence. Within
a
cross-coded
history,
the
realization
of
freedom
indistinguishable from its abolition.
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The Dark Enlightenment
(Part 4f(inal))
JULY 20, 2012
Approaching the Bionic Horizon.
It’s time to bring this long digression to a conclusion, by
reaching out impatiently towards the end. The basic theme has
been mind control, or thought-suppression, as demonstrated by
the Media-Academic complex that dominates contemporary
Western societies, and which Mencius Moldbug names the
Cathedral. When things are squashed they rarely disappear.
Instead, they are displaced, fleeing into sheltering shadows, and
sometimes turning into monsters. Today, as the suppressive
orthodoxy of the Cathedral comes unstrung, in various ways,
and numerous senses, a time of monsters is approaching.
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The central dogma of the Cathedral has been formalized as the
Standard Social Scientific Model (SSSM) or ‘blank slate theory’.
It is the belief, completed in its essentials by the anthropology of
Franz Boas, that every legitimate question about mankind is
restricted to the sphere of culture. Nature permits that ‘man’ is,
but never determines what man is. Questions directed towards
natural characteristics and variations between humans are
themselves properly understood as cultural peculiarities, or even
pathologies. Failures of ‘nurture’ are the only thing we are
allowed to see.
Because the Cathedral has a consistent ideological orientation,
and sifts its enemies accordingly, comparatively detached
scientific appraisal of the SSSM easily veers into raw antagonism.
As Simon Blackburn remarks (in a thoughtful review of Steven
Pinker’s The Blank Slate), “The dichotomy between nature and
nurture rapidly acquires political and emotional implications. To
put it crudely, the right likes genes and the left likes culture …”
At the limit of reciprocal loathing, hereditarian determinism
confronts social constructivism, with each committed to a
radically pared-back model of causality. Either nature expresses
itself as culture, or culture expresses itself in its images
(‘constructions’) of nature. Both of these positions are trapped
at opposite sides of an incomplete circuit, structurally blinded to
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the culture of practical naturalism, which is to say: the technoscientific / industrial manipulation of the world.
Acquiring knowledge and using tools is a single dynamic circuit,
producing techno-science as an integral system, without real
divisibility into theoretical and practical aspects. Science
develops in loops, through experimental technique and the
production of ever more sophisticated instrumentation, whilst
embedded within a broader industrial process. Its advance is the
improvement of a machine. This intrinsically technological
character of (modern) science demonstrates the efficiency of
culture as a complex natural force. It neither expresses a preexisting natural circumstance, nor does it merely construct social
representations. Instead, nature and culture compose a dynamic
circuit, at the edge of nature, where fate is decided.
According
to
the
self-reinforcing
presupposition
of
modernization, to be understood is to be modifiable. It is to be
expected, therefore, that biology and medicine co-evolve. The
same historical dynamic that comprehensively subverts the
SSSM through inundating waves of scientific discovery
simultaneously volatilizes human biological identity through
biotechnology. There is no essential difference between learning
what we really are and re-defining ourselves as technological
contingencies, or technoplastic beings, susceptible to precise,
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scientifically-informed transformations. ‘Humanity’ becomes
intelligible as it is subsumed into the technosphere, where
information processing of the genome – for instance — brings
reading and editing into perfect coincidence.
To describe this circuit, as it consumes the human species, is to
define our bionic horizon: the threshold of conclusive natureculture fusion at which a population becomes indistinguishable
from its technology. This is neither hereditarian determinism,
nor social constructivism, but it is what both would have
referred to, had they indicated anything real. It is a syndrome
vividly anticipated by Octavia Butler, whose Xenogenesis trilogy
is devoted to the examination of a population beyond the bionic
horizon. Her Oankali ‘gene traders’ have no identity separable
from the biotechnological program that they perpetually
implement upon themselves, as they commercially acquire,
industrially produce, and sexually reproduce their population
within a single, integral process. Between what the Oankali are,
and the way they live, or behave, there is no firm difference.
Because they make themselves, their nature is their culture and
(of course) reciprocally. What they are is exactly what they do.
Religious traditionalists of the Western Orthosphere are right to
identify the looming bionic horizon with a (negative) theological
event. Techno-scientific auto-production specifically supplants
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the fixed and sacralized essence of man as a created being,
amidst the greatest upheaval in the natural order since the
emergence of eukaryotic life, half a billion years ago. It is not
merely an evolutionary event, but the threshold of a new
evolutionary phase. John H. Campbell heralds the emergence of
Homo autocatalyticus, whilst arguing: “In point of fact, it is hard
to imagine how a system of inheritance could be more ideal for
engineering than ours is.”
John H. Campbell? – a prophet of monstrosity, and the perfect
excuse for a monster quote:
“Biologists suspect that new forms evolve rapidly from very tiny
outgroups of individuals (perhaps even a single fertilized female,
Mayr, 1942) at the fringe of an existing species. There the stress
of an all but uninhabitable environment, forced inbreeding
among isolated family members, “introgression” of foreign
genes from neighboring species, lack of other members of the
species to compete against or whatever, promotes a major
reorganization of the genomic program, possibly from modest
change in gene structure. Nearly all of these transmogrified
fragments of species die out, but an occasional one is fortunate
enough to fit a new viable niche. It prospers and expands into a
new species. Its conversion into a statistically constrained gene
pool then stabilizes the species from further evolutionary
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change. Established species are far more notable for their stasis
than change. Even throwing off a new daughter species does not
seem to change an existing species. No one denies that species
can gradually transform and do so to various extents, but this
so-called “anagenesis” is relatively unimportant compared to
geologically-sudden major saltation in the generation of novelty.
Three implications are important.
1. Most evolutionary change is associated with the origin of new
species.
2. Several modes of evolution may operate simultaneously. In
this case the most effective dominates the process.
3. Tiny minorities of individuals do most of the evolving instead
of the species as a whole.
A second important characteristic of evolution is self-reference
(Campbell, 1982). The Cartesian cartoon of an autonomous
external “environment” dictating the form of a species like a
cookie cutter cutting stencils from sheets of dough is dead, dead
wrong. The species molds its environment as profoundly as the
environment “evolves” the species. In particular, the organisms
cause the limiting conditions of the environment over which
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they compete. Therefore the genes play two roles in evolution.
They are the targets of natural selection and they also ultimately
induce and determine the selection pressures that act upon
them. This circular causality overwhelms the mechanical
character of evolution. Evolution is dominated by feedback of
the evolved activities of organisms on their evolution.
The third seminal realization is that evolution extends past the
change in organisms as products of evolution to change in the
process itself. Evolution evolves (Jantsch, 1976; Balsh, 1989;
Dawkins, 1989; Campbell, 1993). Evolutionists know this fact
but have never accorded the fact the importance that it deserves
because it is incommensurate with Darwinism. Darwinists, and
especially modern neodarwinists, equate evolution to the
operation of a simple logical principle, one that is prior to
biology: Evolution is merely the Darwinian principle of natural
selection in action, and this is what the science of evolution is
about.
Since
principles
cannot
change
with
time
or
circumstances, evolution must be fundamentally static.
Of course, biological evolution is not like this at all. It is an
actual complex process, not a principle. The way that it takes
place can, and indisputably does, change with time. This is of
utmost importance because the process of evolution advances as
it proceeds (Campbell, 1986). Preliving matter in the earth’s
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primordial soup was able to evolve only by subdarwinian
“chemical” mechanisms. Once these puny processes created
gene molecules with information for their self-replication then
evolution was able to engage natural selection. Evolution then
wrapped the self-replicating genomes within self-replicating
organisms to control the way that life would respond to the
winds of selection from the environment. Later, by creating
multicellular
organisms,
evolution
gained
access
to
morphological change as an alternative to slower and less
versatile biochemical evolution. Changes in the instructions in
developmental programs replaced changes in enzyme catalysts.
Nervous systems opened the way for still faster and more potent
behavioral, social and cultural evolution. Finally, these higher
modes produced the prerequisite organization for rational,
purposeful evolution, guided and propelled by goal-directed
minds. Each of these steps represented a new emergent level of
evolutionary capability.
Thus, there are two distinct, but interwoven, evolutionary
processes. I call them “adaptive evolution” and “generative
evolution.” The former is familiar Darwinian modification of
organisms to enhance their survival and reproductive success.
Generative evolution is entirely different. It is the change in a
process instead of structure. Moreover, that process is
ontological. Evolution literally means “to unfold” and what is
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unfolding is the capacity to evolve. Higher animals have become
increasingly adept at evolving. In contrast, they are not the least
bit fitter than their ancestors or the lowest form of microbe.
Every species today has had exactly the same track record of
survival; on average, every higher organism alive today still will
leave only two offspring, as was the case a hundred million years
ago, and modern species are as likely to go extinct as were those
in the past. Species cannot become fitter and fitter because
reproductive success is not a cumulative parameter.
For racial nationalists, concerned that their grandchildren should
look like them, Campbell is the abyss. Miscegenation doesn’t get
close to the issue. Think face tentacles.
Campbell is also a secessionist, although entirely undistracted by
the concerns of identity politics (racial purity) or traditional
cognitive elitism (eugenics). Approaching the bionic horizon,
secessionism takes on an altogether wilder and more monstrous
bearing – towards speciation. The folks at euvolution capture
the scenario well:
Reasoning that the majority of humankind will not voluntarily
accept qualitative population-management policies, Campbell
points out that any attempt to raise the IQ of the whole human
race would be tediously slow. He further points out that the
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general thrust of early eugenics was not so much species
improvement as the prevention of decline. Campbell’s eugenics,
therefore, advocates the abandonment of Homo sapiens as a
‘relic’ or ‘living fossil’ and the application of genetic technologies
to intrude upon the genome, probably writing novel genes from
scratch using a DNA synthesizer. Such eugenics would be
practiced by elite groups, whose achievements would so quickly
and radically outdistance the usual tempo of evolution that
within ten generation the new groups will have advanced beyond
our current form to the same degree that we transcend apes.
When seen from the bionic horizon, whatever emerges from the
dialectics of racial terror remains trapped in trivialities. It’s time
to move on.
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Lure of the Void (Part 1)
AUGUST 15, 2012
The Frontier of Disillusionment.
…the idea that we are no longer able to accomplish feats we
once could do (like travel to the Moon) clashes with the
prevailing narrative that we march forever forward. Not only
can’t we get to the Moon at present, but the U.S. no longer has a
space shuttle program — originally envisioned to make space
travel as routine as air travel. And for that matter, I no longer
have the option to purchase a ticket to fly trans-Atlantic at
supersonic speeds on the Concorde. Narratives can break.
— Tom Murphy (bolding in original)
Shanghai’s 2010 World Expo included an entire pavilion
dedicated to urban futures. Among the exhibits was a looping
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video on a large screen, depicting varieties of futuristic city-types
as speculative animations, light-heartedly, and with obvious
orientation to youngsters. Since children are the denizens of the
future, it makes sense to treat them as the target audience for a
vision of tomorrow’s world, but the effect was also
disconcerting, as if parenthesizing what was shown in a form of
deniable, non-abrasive irony. This is what the future used to
look like. Does it still? On this point, a subtle reserve concealed
itself as a concession to childish credibility, or even
inconsequential fantasy.
One of the four future cities on display had been constructed
off-planet, in earth-orbit. It was populated by happy humans (or,
at least, humanoids). No date was predicted. Untethered from
firm futuristic commitment, it intersected adult perception as a
fragment of cross-cultural memory.
Imagine a city in space, as a child might. Given the strategic
obscurity of this statement, when encountered at a carefullycrafted international event, in a sophisticated, cosmopolitan,
global, Chinese city, in 2010, it is tempting to approach it
through analogy. Half a century ago, when Western children
were encouraged to imagine such things, during the twilight
decades of modernity (1.0), was a sincere promise being made to
them that they would inherit the solar system? If so, is such a
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promise now being humorously referenced, or is it being redirected, and re-made?
The 2010 Expo had a Space Pavilion, too, which only deepened
the perplexity. Given the opportunity to re-activate Expo
traditions of techno-industrial grandiosity, it was a spectacular
miss-launch, containing almost nothing in the way of
monumental hardware. The content fell into two broad
categories: video-based immersive special effects (highlyappreciated by kids), and vanilla-domestic applications of space
technology, on the approximate model of NASA’s lamentable
“we’re the guys who brought you the non-stick frying-pan” PR
campaign. Anybody hoping for soul-crushing cyclopean
military-analog launch vehicles and the acrid stink of rocket fuel
had clearly wandered into the wrong century. Contemporary
international etiquette prevailed, and according to that, the
business of blazing into orbit is far too crude – even primitive
— to be vigorously publicized.
So even in China, at least in its 2010 window to the world, offplanet aspirations were stirred together indissolubly with
childhood fantasy. The unmistakable insinuation, harmonized
with the commanding heights of world opinion, was that such
hard SF dreams had been outgrown. Rather than staring through
a window into the spark-torched clangorous workshop of
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China’s emerging national space program, Western visitors
found their gazes bounced from mirrored glass, into a
‘postmodern’ vacuum of collapsed expectations, amongst the
eroded ruins of Apollo. Four decades of Occidental space failure
smiled politely back. You lost it, didn’t you? (A quick trip across
the Huangpu to the drearily mundane USA Pavilion sufficed for
unambiguous confirmation.)
The dismissal of a human off-planet future as a childish dream
has plenty to build upon. The world’s publishers and book
shops have long accommodated their classification systems to
the sleazy ambiguity of the ‘science fiction / fantasy genre’, in
which futurism smears into oneirism, and the vestiges of hard
SF programs (telecommunication satellites, moon bases, space
elevators…) are scattered amongst fantastic elves-in-space
mythologies (from Star Wars to Avatar). Competitive prophecies
decay into polemical allegories, making statements about
anything and everything except the shape of the future.
Of all the cultural ripples from the truncation of the Apollo-era
space trajectory, none is more telling than the rising popularity
of ‘Moon Hoax’ conspiracy theorizing. Not satisfied with the
prospective evacuation of the heavens, the moon hoaxers began
systematically editing space-travelers out of the past, beginning
with the lunar landings. Whilst clearly maddening to space
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technologists, American patriots, NASA supporters, and
sensible types in general, this form of ‘denialism’ is not only
historically comprehensible, but even inevitable. If nobody
seriously contests the fact that Columbus reached the New
World, it is at least in part because what was then started kept
happening.
Something
began,
and
continued.
Nothing
comparable can be said about the process of lunar colonization,
and that, in itself, is a provocative oddity. When forecasts are
remembered, abandoned outcomes can be expected to mess up
memories.
Old-school space enthusiast Sylvia Engdahl finds the whole
situation pathological, and subjects it to a kind of jerry-built
psychoanalysis. With defiant optimism, she attributes “the
present hiatus in space travel” to xenophobic trauma:
Much is said about the positive effect of the photos of Earth
obtained by Apollo 8, which for the first time showed our planet
as a globe, a fragile refuge amid barren surroundings, and
thereby
launched
the
environmental
movement.
The
concomitant negative impact — the spread of gut-level
knowledge that space is an actual place containing little that’s
familiar to us and perhaps much that we’d rather not meet — is
not spoken of. But it may be no less significant. Could this be
one of the reasons why interest in space died so soon after the
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first Moon landing, resulting in the cancellation of the last few
planned Apollo missions?
She elaborates:
Most people do not want to contemplate the significance of an
open universe. They do not let uneasiness about it into their
minds, but underneath, as the collective unconscious of
humankind absorbs the knowledge, they grasp it, and react with
dismay disguised as apathy. It does not occur to them that they
might be disturbed by the prospect of space exploration. Rather,
they believe that although in theory they want humankind to
reach new worlds, it’s of low priority compared to the problems
of here and now. … [T]he widespread conviction that the public
no longer cares about space may also be a rationalization.
Engdahl hints at a modern variant of the Orpheus myth, and
captures something of arresting significance. We were told not
to look back from orbit, but of course, we did, and what we saw
pulled us back down. The damnation of our extraterrestrial outleap gave birth to a lucid environmentalist vision — the earth
seen from space. That is why Tom Murphy turns to the Grand
Archdruid of the Ancient Order of Druids in America, John
Michael Greer, to transmute elegiac disillusionment into
acceptance:
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The orbiters are silent now, waiting for the last awkward journey
that will take them to the museums that will warehouse the
grandest of our civilization’s failed dreams. There will be no
countdown, no pillar of flame to punch them through the
atmosphere and send them whipping around the planet at
orbital speeds. All of that is over. …In the final analysis, space
travel was simply the furthest and most characteristic offshoot
of industrial civilization, and depended — as all of industrial
civilization depends — on vast quantities of cheap, highly
concentrated, readily accessible energy. That basic condition is
coming to an end around us right now.
Disillusionment is simply awakening from childish things, the
druids tell us. This is a point Murphy is keen to endorse: “space
fantasies can prevent us from tackling mundane problems.”
Intriguingly, his initial step towards acceptance involves a
rectification of false memory, through a (sane) analog of ‘Moon
Hoax’ denial. Surveying his students on their understanding of
recent space history (“since 1980 or so”), he discovered that no
less than 52% thought humans had departed the earth as far as
the moon in that time (385,000 km distant). Only 11% correctly
understood that no manned expedition had escaped Low Earth
Orbit (LEO) since the end of the Apollo program (600 km out).
Recent human space activity, at least in the way it was imagined,
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had not taken place. It was predominantly a collective
hallucination.
Murphy’s
highly-developed
style
of
numerate
druidism
represents the null hypothesis in the space settlement debate:
perhaps we’re not out there because there’s no convincing
reason to expect anything else. Extraterrestrial space isn’t a
frontier, even a tough one, but rather an implacably hostile
desolation that promises nothing except grief and waste. There’s
some scientific data to be gleaned, and also (although Murphy
doesn’t emphasize this) opportunities for political theatrics.
Other than that, however, there’s nothing beyond LEO worth
reaching for.
The neo-druidic starting point is unapologetically down to earth.
It begins with energy physics, and the remorseless fact that
doing just about anything heats things up. According to
Murphy’s calculations, a modest 2.3% global economic growth
rate suffices to bring the planetary surface to the boiling point of
water within four centuries, even in the complete absence of
(positive) greenhouse effects. Economic growth is essentially
exponential, and that guarantees that we’re cooked, due to
elementary thermodynamic principles, efficiency limits, and the
geophysics of heat dissipation. Within this big picture,
conventional ‘energy crisis’ concerns are no more than
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complicating details, although Murphy engages them thoroughly.
(He provides a neat summary of his argument, with internal
links, here.)
From the neo-druidic perspective, the space ‘frontier’ is a
horizon of sheer escapism, attracting those who stubbornly deny
the necessity of limitation (pestilential growth-addicts):
…relying on space to provide an infinite resource base into
which we grow/expand forever is misguided. Not only is it
much harder than many people appreciate, but it represents a
distraction to the message that growth cannot continue on Earth
and we should get busy planning a transition to a non-growthbased, truly sustainable existence.
Since plenty of irrepressible growth-mongers seriously want to
get out there, Murphy trowels on the discouragement in thick,
viscous layers. Most of the deterrent factors are relatively
familiar, but none of them are frivolous, or easily dismissed. The
principal problem is the most qualitative (and druidic): human
adaptation to terrestrial conditions. This is strikingly illuminated
by a consideration of terrestrial ‘frontier’ environments that
remain almost entirely unexploited, despite environmental
features that are overwhelmingly more benign than anything to
be found off-planet. When compared to any conceivable space
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station, asteroid mining camp, lunar base, or Mars colony, even
the most ‘difficult’ places on earth — the seabed, for instance,
or the Antarctic — are characterized by extreme hospitability,
with ready access to breathable air, nutrients, fuels, and other
essential resources, a moderate temperature range, protection
from cosmic radiation, and proximity to existing human
settlements. This is to be contrasted with typical extraterrestrial
conditions of hard vacuum, utter exposure, complete absence of
bio-compatible chemistry, and mind-jarring distances.
Murphy touched upon these distances in his survey of student
space ignorance. If earth is represented by a “standard” 30centimeter globe, LEO is 1.5 centimeters from the surface, and
the moon a full 9 meters further out. For intuitive purchase
upon more expansive space visions, however, a re-calibration is
required.
It makes sense to model the earth as a small apple (8.5 cm in
diameter), because then an astronomical unit (AU, the mean
earth-sun distance of roughly 150 million kilometers, 93 million
miles, or 500 light seconds) shrinks to a kilometer, with the sun
represented by a sphere a little over 10 meters in diameter. The
moon now lies less than 2.7 meters out from our toy earth, but
Mars is never less than 400 meters away, the nearest asteroids a
kilometer away. The distance to the edge of the planetary solar
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system (Neptune) is at least 29 kilometers, and within this spatial
volume (a sphere of roughly 113,400 AU³), less than one part in
27 billion is anything other than desolate vacuum, with almost
all the rest being solar furnace. On the toy scale, the outer edge
of the solar system, and the Oort cloud, lies 50,000 kilometers
from the earth. The distance from our shriveled apple to the
nearest star, Proxima Centauri, is 277,600 toy kilometers (or 41.5
trillion real ones).
If space colonization is being construed as an escape from
terrestrial resource constraints, then a pattern of activity needs
to be knitted across these distances, producing — at a minimum
— an energy surplus. In a non-frictional kinetic system,
governed almost purely by (macroscopic) conservation of
momentum, the basic currency of space activity is ‘delta-v’, or
the transformation of velocity. Delta-v is broadly proportional
to energy expenditure on “small burns”, when fuel consumption
makes a negligible difference to total propelled mass, but when
complete flights or “large burns” are calculated, the math
becomes nonlinear, since the reduction of fuel payload becomes
a critical factor in the equation (subtracting inertial resistance as
it adds motive force). In practical terms, the prospective offplanet (‘space-faring’) energy economy consists of the
consumption of propellant to move propellant about, with non-
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fuel vehicle mass contributing little more than a rounding error
in the calculations.
Somewhat counter-intuitively, it is possible to get the rocket
moving faster than the exhaust velocity once the fuel mass
exceeds 63% of the total initial mass. In order to get delta-v
values in the 20 km/s range when the exhaust velocity is less
than 5 km/s requires almost nothing but fuel. …[T]he large
delta-v’s required to get around the solar system require a lot of
fuel…
This double-registry of fuel within the nonlinear equations of
“rocket math” – as payload and propellant – is the key to
Murphy’s deep skepticism about the viability of off-planet
energy economics. The fuel resources strewn within the inner
solar system – even assuming their absolute abundance – cannot
be moved around usefully for less energy than they provide.
Jupiter offers the most tantalizing example. This methane-rich
gas giant might be superficially apprehended as an immense
cosmic fuel depot, but even the most generous calculations of
delta-v requirements for a Jupiter ‘tanker-run’ imply energy
expenditures at least an order of magnitude higher than energy
obtained – from the ‘scooping’ operation alone. The inner solarsystem is abundant in “stranded resources” that cannot
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conceivably be extracted at a cost lower than their value. That, at
least, is the coherent neo-druidic perspective.
…and yet, in the yawning void, where the space settlements
were meant to have been, the stirrings have not ceased. There
even seems to be, unmistakably, a quickening of pace. Chinese
‘Taikonauts’, private (American) ‘NewSpace’ businesses, and
ever more advanced robots are venturing out beyond the
wreckage of dead dreams. Are they heading anywhere that
works, or that even makes sense?
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Lure of the Void (Part 2)
SEPTEMBER 6, 2012
The right stuff in the rough.
… it’s important to understand what Apollo was, and wasn’t. It
was a victory in the Cold War over the Soviets, but because we
were at war, we waged it with a state socialist enterprise. What it
was not was the first step of opening up the frontier to
humanity, and it was in fact a false start that has created a
template for NASA and a groove in which we’ve been stuck for
over four decades now, with many billions spent and little useful
progress.
— Rand Simberg
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The opening of the American west in the first decades of the
19th century and the opening of the space frontier in these first
decades of the 21st century are very similar.
— Mike Snead
Fascism makes our heads spin, which is unfortunate, because an
inability to gaze unwaveringly into the dominant ‘third way’
model of political economy (corporate nationalism) makes the
history of the last century unintelligible. For amateur space
historians, dropping in briefly on the Moon Nazis is simply
unavoidable.
SS Sturmbannführer Wernher von Braun, Deputy Associate
Administrator for Planning at NASA Headquarters, Washington
DC (1970-2), helps with the introduction. Technical director of
the Nazi rocket program at Peenemünde, which culminated in
the creation of the A-4 (V-2) ballistic missile, von Braun was
brought to America in 1945 as the top prize of Operation
Paperclip. His contribution to US rocket development, through
Redstone to Apollo (and the moon), was central and
indispensable. NASA Socialism was born on the Dark Side of
the Moon. (This probably isn’t the right time to wander too
deeply into Pynchon territory, but, roughly speaking, that’s
where we are.)
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If fascism sounds unduly harsh, more comfortable terminology
lies within easy reach. ‘Technocracy’ will do fine. The name is
less important than the essentials, which were already clearly
formulated in the work of a previous German immigrant to the
United States, Friedrich List, who devoted an influential book to
outlining The National System of Political Economy (1841).
According to List, the ‘cosmopolitanism’ of mainstream
(Smithean) political economy was insufficiently attentive to the
collective national interest. Industrial development was too
important to be surrendered to the interplay of private economic
agents, and should instead be considered a strategic imperative,
within the context of international competition. Only by
leveraging the power of the state to regulate trade, foster
modern industries, and drive the development of critical
infrastructure, could a country hope to advance its interests in
the international arena. Development was war by other means,
and sometimes the same ones.
When eagerly embraced by Henry Clay, who connected List’s
ideas with the founding tradition from Alexander Hamilton,
these ideas became the basis of the American System. Economic
nationalism was to be pursued along the threefold path of
managed trade (tariffs), state-controlled finance (central
banking),
and
state-directed
infrastructure
development
(especially transportation systems). Such policies were already
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‘progressive’ or fascist technocratic in that they subordinated
private-cosmopolitan economic interests to national purposes,
but this took place flexibly, without the more recent
encrustations
of
anti-business
entitlement
spending,
or
class
Cathedralist
warfare,
large-scale
cultural
policing.
Capitalism was to be steered, and even promoted, rather than
milked, deliberately ruined, or replaced. Due to its patriotic
direction,
elitism,
and
affinity
with
militarization,
this
technocratic progressivism could easily be understood as a
phenomenon of ‘the right’, or at least (in Walter Russell Mead’s
words) the “Bipartisan Establishment.”
Apollo
perfectly
exemplified
American
technocratic
progressivism in the teutonized, neo-Hamiltonian tradition. A
small step for a man, and a substantial leap for mankind, it was a
colossal high-jump for the US Leviathan, marking an
unambiguous triumph in the structured competition with its
principal geo-strategic and ideological rival. The Apollo program
wasn’t exactly part of the ballistic missile arms race with the
Soviet Union, but it was close enough to contribute to its
symbolic, mass-psychological, and deterrent purpose. Landing a
man on the moon was a type of overkill, relative to landing a
nuke on Moscow, and it expressed a super-abundant payloaddelivery capability that had won a war of messages.
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In an article originally published in The American Spectator
(November 10, 2010), Iain Murray and Rand Simberg describe
the moon race as Big Government’s Final Frontier, remarking
that:
There’s something about space policy that makes conservatives
forget their principles. Just one mention of NASA, and
conservatives are quite happy to check their small-government
instincts at the door and vote in favor of massive government
programs and harsh regulations that stifle private enterprise.
They conclude:
It is time for conservatives to recognize that Apollo is over. We
must recognize that Apollo was a centrally planned monopolistic
government program for a few government employees, in the
service of Cold War propaganda and was therefore itself an
affront to American values. If we want to seriously explore, and
potentially exploit space, we need to harness private enterprise,
and push the technologies really needed to do so.
Whilst it would be pointlessly upsetting to translate this into a
call for the denazification of outer space, it would be equally
misleading to read it as nothing of the kind. Progressive
technocracy, in a range of national flavors, is the only effective
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space politics the world has ever seen, and it is still far more
likely — in the near-term — to be modernized than radically
supplanted. Space development poses such an immense
collective challenge that it sucks even liberty-oriented
conservatives such as Simberg towards accommodation with the
activist, catalytic, neo-Hamiltonian state. At least initially, there’s
simply no other place where the clanking machinery of
Leviathan is more at home.
Popular culture has picked up on this well. Among the many
reasons for the ecstatic reception to Ridley Scott’s Alien (1979)
was appreciation for its ‘realistic’ tonal portrait of practical space
activity. Science and commerce played their parts, but the
leading edge was dominated by quasi-military heavy metal,
funded by massive budgets based on gravely obscure strategic
objectives, directed and crewed by hard, obedient, buzz-cut
types who did whatever it took to get things done. Weapons
research trumped all other considerations. Breaking out into the
deep frontier required a rigid, armored-bulkhead seriousness
that civilians would never quite understand.
When suddenly stripped of its Cold War context, the proxy
warfaring of the rocket-state lost coherent motivation, and
immediately veered off course into increasingly ludicrous
pseudo-objectives. By the closing years of the 20th century, all
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pretense of a big push outwards had been dissipated amongst
commoditized LEO satellite maintenance, unconvincing zerogravity science projects, ritualistic space-station diplomacy,
multicultural astronaut PR, and even cynical make-work
schemes for dangerously competent ex-Soviet technicians.
Clever science continued, based on robot probes and space
telescopes, but none of that even hinted at an impetus towards
space settlement, or even manned spacecraft, and typically
advised explicitly against it. Despite all the very real ‘right stuff’
heroism, putting people in space was a circus act, and perhaps it
always had been.
Whatever else outer space may be, it’s a place where the right
goes schizoid, and the more that it’s thought about, the more
jagged the split. The seemingly straightforward, dynamictraditional, and extremely stimulating ‘image’ of the frontier
illuminates the point. The frontier is a space of attenuated
formal authority, where entrepreneurial, ‘bottom-up’ processes
of social formation and economic endeavor are cultivated
amongst archetypal ‘rugged individualists’, its affinity with
libertarian
impulses
so
tight
that
it
establishes
the
(‘homesteading’) model of natural property rights, and yet,
equally undeniably, it is a zone of savage, informal warfare,
broken open as a policy decision, pacified through the
unremitting application of force, and developed as a strategic
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imperative, in the interest of territorial-political integration. By
fleeing the state, in the direction of the frontier, the settler or
colonist extends the reach of the state towards the frontier,
drawing it outwards, and enhancing its ferocity, or roughening it.
The path of anti-governmental flight confuses itself with a
corresponding expansion, hardening, and re-feralization of the
state, as the cavalry learn from the Indians, in a place without
rules. Then the railroad comes. The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress
meets Starship Troopers.
“A strategy for achieving economic benefit from space must
involve both government and industry, as did the development
of the American West,” argues Martin Elvis, and no one
seriously disagrees. Whenever realism is prioritized on the
extraterrestrial horizon, some variant of rough-and-dirty
technocratic progressivism always waits on the launch-pad,
ready to piggy-back business off-planet on patriotic, Leviathanfunded, first-stage boosters. Over-hasty denazification is strictly
for earth-bound softies The neo-Hamiltonian jump-leads work
too well to drop. As usual, Simberg expresses this best:
The United States should become a spacefaring nation, and the
leader of a spacefaring civilization.
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That means that access to space should be almost as routine (if
not quite as affordable) as access to the oceans, and with similar
laws and regulations. It means thousands, or millions, of people
in space — and not just handpicked government employees, but
private citizens spending their own money for their own
purposes. It means that we should have the capability to detect
an asteroid or comet heading for Earth and to deflect it in a
timely manner. Similarly it means we should be able to mine
asteroids or comets for their resources, for use in space or on
Earth, potentially opening up new wealth for the planet. It
means that we should explore the solar system the way we did
the West: not by sending off small teams of government
explorers — Lewis and Clark were the extreme exception, not
the rule — but by having lots of people wandering around and
peering over the next rill in search of adventure or profit.
We should have massively parallel exploration — and not just
exploration, but development, as it has worked on every
previous frontier.
Which brings us to ‘NewSpace’…
[Next]
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Lure of the Void (Part 3a)
SEPTEMBER 29, 2012
There are two related questions posed by human exploration.
First, is there anything economically useful to do out there, that
pays your way? And second, can you live off the land, and use
local resources to survive, or will we always be tied to support
from earth? If the answer to both is yes, then you get space
colonies, self-sustainable life off-planet. If the answer to both is
no, then space is like Mt. Everest. Tourists might go to Mt.
Everest, sherpas might make a living off of it, but no one really
lives there.
If the answer is that you can live off the land, but it’s not
economically useful, it’s like Antarctica. It was 40 years between
the last time we were there, when Shackleton reached
Antarctica, and when the U.S. Navy went back in 1912. There’s
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a similar lapse between going to the Moon the first time and,
hopefully, when we’ll return. In that case, you can form an
outpost and live there, but you’re sustained by constant funding,
since engineering doesn’t pay for itself. If the answer is that
there are economically useful things to do, such as mining
Helium-3 on the Moon, but we’re always reliant on Earth for
basic necessities, then space becomes a North Sea oil platform.
You can make money there, but it will always be a hostile
environment.
These are four very radically different human futures. And
they’re all part of a larger question: Is there a human future
beyond Earth? It’s a question ranks up there with whether
there’s intelligent life elsewhere in the universe. We can search
for life with probes and telescopes, but to determine the living
range of humanity, we’re going to have to send humans into
space.
— Scott Pace
What should the payload be? It does not matter. That is the
point. This is not about getting a useful payload into space: That
is almost irrelevant. It is about guaranteeing a market for
companies offering launch services to get things going. I mean
this totally. If we could think of nothing better to launch,
concrete blocks would be fine. My philosophy is:
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Launching anything is good. — Paul Almond
The material base for a space-faring future is not only stranded
in space, but also stranded in time. Not only are the
gravitationally-unlocked resources from which it would assemble
itself strewn across intimidating immensities of vacant distance,
but the threshold where it all begins to come together – in an
autocatalytic extraterrestrial economy – is separated from the
world of present, practical incentives by dread gulfs of
incalculable loss. In a variant of the old joke, if getting off-planet
is the goal, a planet is the absolutely worst place to set out from.
“I can tell you how to get there,” the local helpfully remarked.
“But you shouldn’t start from here.”
Being out there could quickly start to make sense, as long as we
were already there. Experimenting with this perspective-switch
makes the animating impulse clearer. Most tellingly, it exposes
how deeply planets suck, so that merely not being on one is
worth almost anything. That’s the end game, the final strategy,
ultimately arranging everything, with anti-gravity as the key.
Once gravity is perceived as the natural archetype of
imprisonment, keeping you somewhere, whether you want to be
there or not, the terrestrial-economic motivations for off-planet
expansion are revealed in their fundamental spuriousness. The
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reason to be in space is to be in space, freed from planetary
suckitude, and any benefits to Earth-dwellers that accrue on the
way are mere stepping stones. Off-planet resources diverted to
the surface of the Earth are, in the ultimate spacer scheme,
wasted, or at least strategically sacrificed (since such wastage is
almost certainly required in the interim). In the final analysis, the
value of anything whatsoever is degraded in direct proportion to
the gravitational influences brought to bear upon it, and descent
from the heavens is a fall.
A wider cosmo-developmental view sharpens resolution
(although this requires that Smart’s invaluable insights are
strictly set aside, and black holes avoided with maximum
prejudice). Smear into fast-forward until the process of
extraterrestrial escape has been substantially accomplished, then
freeze the screens. Fleeing gravity can now be seen as no more
than the first step in a more thorough, antagonistic contestation
with gravity and its works. Asteroids and comets are being
pulverized, quarried, or bored into sponges, leaving moons,
planets, and the sun itself as the local problems of interest. Such
bodies are ‘problems’ because they deform space with gravity
wells, which trap resources, but their status as development
obstacles can be abstracted further. These worlds, at least
partially isolated from the emerging deep-space commercium by
their own mass, have been shaped by gravity into approximate
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spheres, which is to say – from the developmental perspective –
into the very worst shapes that are mathematically possible,
since they minimize the ratio of (reactive) surface to volume,
and thus restrict resource accessibility to the greatest conceivable
extent. Way out there, in deep space and the deep future, the
gathering developmental impulse is to go full Vogon, and
demolish them completely.
When seen from outside, planets are burial sites, where precious
minerals are interred. By digging through the earth’s mantle, for
instance, all the way down to its interior end, 3,000km beneath
the surface, one reaches a high-pressure iron-nickel deposit over
6,500km in diameter – a planet-vaulted metal globe roughly
160,000,000,000 cubic kilometers in size, doped by enough gold
and platinum to coat the entire surface of the earth to a depth of
half a meter. To a moderately advanced off-world civilization,
pondering the practicalities of its first planet-scale demolition,
leaving this buried resource trove in place has a roboticindustrial opportunity cost that can be conservatively estimated
in the region of 1.6 x 10^23 human-level intelligences, a mineral
stockpile sufficient to manufacture a trillion sentient selfreplicating probes for every star in the galaxy. (Even ardent
conservationists have to recognize how tasty this morsel will
look.)
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Lift-off, then, is merely a precursor to the first serious plateau of
anti-gravity technology, which is oriented towards the more
profoundly productive task of pulling things apart, in order to
convert comparatively inert mass-spheres into volatile clouds of
cultural
substance.
Assuming
a
fusion-phase
energy
infrastructure, this initial stage of off-world development
culminates in the dismantling of the sun, terminating the
absurdly wasteful main-sequence nuclear process, salvaging its
fuel reserves, and thus making the awakened solar-system’s
contribution to the techno-industrial darkening of the galaxy.
(Quit squandering hydrogen, and the lights dim.)
Focus for a few seconds on the economic irritability that arises
at the sight of an oil-well flaring off natural gas, through sheer
mindless incompetence, then glance at the sun. ‘Unsustainable’
doesn’t begin to capture it. Clearly, this energy machinery is
utterly demented, amounting to an Azathothic orgy of spilled
photons. The entire apparatus needs to be taken apart, through
extreme solar surgery. Since this project has yet to receive
sustained consideration, however, the specific engineering details
can be safely bracketed for now.
The inexorable logic of techno-industrial efficiency, on its antigravity vector, means that the only consistent motivation for
leaving the earth is to dismantle the sun (along with the rest of
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the solar-system), but that doesn’t play well in Peoria.
Unsurprisingly, therefore, those sensitized to political realities,
media perceptions, and public relations are inclined to
emphasize other things, depicting the earth as a destination for
cosmic bounty or — even more immediately — for juicy taxfunded pork, rather than as a tricky but highly-rewarding
demolition problem.
Conspicuously missing from the public space debate, therefore,
is any frank admission that, “(let’s face it folks) — planets are
misallocations of matter which don’t really work. No one wants
to tell you that, but it’s true. You know that we deeply respect
the green movement, but when we get out there onto the main
highway of solar-system redevelopment, and certain very rigid,
very extreme environmentalist attitudes – Gaian survivalism,
terrestrial holism, planetary preservationism, that sort of thing
— are blocking the way forward, well, let me be very clear about
this, that means jobs not being created, businesses not being
built, factories closing down in the asteroid belt, growth
foregone. Keeping the earth together means dollars down the
drain – a lot of dollars, your dollars. There are people, sincere
people, good people, who strongly oppose our plans to
deliberately disintegrate the earth. I understand that, really I do,
you know – honestly – I used to feel that way myself, not so
long ago. I, too, wanted to believe that it was possible to leave
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this world in one piece, just as it has been for four billion years
now. I, too, thought the old ways were probably best, that this
planet was the place we belonged, that we should – and could
— still find some alternative to pulling it apart. I remember
those dreams, really I do, and I still hold them close to my heart.
But, people, they were just dreams, old and noble dreams, but
dreams, and today I’m here to tell you that we have to wake up.
Planets aren’t our friends. They’re speed-bumps on the road to
the future, and we simply can’t afford them anymore. Let’s back
them up digitally, with respect, yes, even with love, and then let’s
get to work…” [Thunderous applause]
Since, during the present stage of extraterrestrial ambition,
pandering to the partisans of cosmic disintegrationism cannot
reasonably be conceived as a sure-fire election winner, it is only
to be expected that rhetoric of this kind has been muted. Yet, in
the absence of some such vision, or consistently extrapolated
alignment with anti-gravity, the off-planet impulse is condemned
to arbitrariness, insubstantiality, and insincerity of expression.
Absent an uncompromised sense of something else, why not
stick to this? The result has been, perhaps predictably, a reign of
near-silence on the topic of extraterrestrial projects, even in
regard to its most limited, immediate, and practically
unobjectionable varieties.
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If escaping the earth – and gravitational confinement in general
— is not an intelligible end, but only a means, what provides the
motivation? It is into this cramped, awkwardly-deformed crevice
of aspiration that NewSpace must insinuate itself. To speak of
‘insincerity’ might seem unduly harsh – since there is no reason
to suspect conscious deception, or even carefully-calibrated
reservation, when NewSpace advocates outline their plans. An
enveloping structure of implausibility nevertheless announces
itself in every project that is advanced, manifested through the
incommensurability between the scale of the undertaking and
the rewards that supposedly incentivize it. Space tourism,
asteroid
mining,
micro-gravity
experimentation
and
manufacturing… really? Is it genuinely imaginable that these
paltry goals finally or sufficiently motivate a prolonged struggle
against the terrestrial gravity-trap, rather than serving as fragile
pretexts or rationalizations for the pursuit of far more
compelling, yet hazy, unarticulated, or even completely
unsuspected objectives?
When this question is extended backwards, and outwards, it
gathers force. Stretch it back to the moon, and out to Mars, and
the inference becomes increasingly irresistible. None of these
‘missions’ made, or make, any sense whatsoever, except insofar
as they abbreviate some wider, undisclosed impulse. Space
activity is not the means to a targeted end, but the end to be
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advanced by a sequence of missions, whose specific content is
therefore derivative, and devoid of intrinsic significance. Once
the inarticulate outward momentum decays, leaving nothing but
an arbitrary extraterrestrial destination to represent it, the naked
absurdity that is exposed rapidly extinguishes the last, flickering
embers of popular motivation. Four decades of explicit lunar
nihilism attest abundantly to that.
Whilst the partial privatization of space activity (‘NewSpace’)
creatively displaces the problem of purpose, it does not radically
dispel it. To some degree, NewSpace substitutes the economic
motivations of disparate private operators for the political
justification of a concentrated public bureaucracy, and by doing
so it relieves the pressure to maintain coherent, communicable,
and consensual objectives. Space ambitions are freed to enter
the fragmented, competitive terrain of idiosyncrasy, variety,
experimentation, and even personally-financed frivolity. It might
even be thought that seriousness becomes optional.
When examined more doggedly, however, it is clear that the
basic problem persists. The terrestrial gravity-well produces a
split between the surface of the earth, and ‘orbit’ (or beyond),
and private capital is no less severely divided by this schism than
Rocket-State ‘public’ hardware. Whilst convertible temporarily
into forms of inert, stored value, capital is an essentially modern
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phenomenon, born in industrial revolution, and typically defined
by the diversion of immediate consumption into ‘roundabout’
production, which is to say: machinery. It is reproduced, or
accumulated, by circulating through machines, or apparatus, and
it is upon this that the gravity-well compels a decision: is
NewSpace capital to be invested, unambiguously, in space?
A serious space program is, fundamentally and irreducibly, a
process or terrestrial evacuation. It requires the consistent
relocation (or de-location) of enterprise, resources, and
productive capabilities from the earth into space, at least until
the threshold of extraterrestrial autocatalysis is reached, at which
point a break has been achieved, and an autonomous off-planet
economy
established.
Whatever
the
opportunities
for
obfuscation (which are probably considerable), the basic
decision remains unaffected. The accumulation of a terrestrial
fortune is not at all the same, and is in fact almost certainly
economically inconsistent, with the sustained investment in an
off-planet industrial infrastructure. Either stuff is being shifted
into space, irrevocably, or not.
[moon cake break]
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Lure of the Void (Part 3b)
OCTOBER 26, 2012
Menace in the west.
Recognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their
large rocket engines, which gives them many months of leadtime, and recognizing the likelihood that they will exploit this
lead for some time to come in still more impressive successes,
we nevertheless are required to make new efforts on our own.
For while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we
can guarantee that any failure to make this effort will make us
last. We take an additional risk by making it in full view of the
world, but as shown by the feat of astronaut Shepard, this very
risk enhances our stature when we are successful. But this is not
merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our eagerness to
share its meaning is not governed by the efforts of others. We
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go into space because whatever mankind must undertake, free
men must fully share. … I believe that this nation should
commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of
landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the
earth.
— John F Kennedy
[James Anthony Froude’s] “The Bow of Ulysses” … endorses
the old colonialism, nostalgically recalling the days when Britain
was not an empire, but rather British colonialists were pirates
and brigands, who robbed, conquered and eventually ruled,
gradually making the transition from mobile banditry to
stationary banditry without the British government paying much
attention. In “The Bow of Ulysses” Froude condemns
nineteenth century imperialism as unworkably left wing, and
inevitably leading [to] the destruction of the British empire, and
thus the ruin of the subjects of the British empire, all of which
ensued as he envisaged … The imperialists, those advocating
British Empire, were the left, and the colonialists were the right.
And the colonialists correctly predicted that if this were to go
on, we would get the left that we now have – one of the many
strange facts one encounters if one reads old books.
— James A Donald
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The peculiarities of the ‘space race’ have yet to be fully unfolded.
Through its extraordinary formality, reducing extraterrestrial
ambitions to a binary, international competition to put the first
man on the moon, it seems – retrospectively – to owe more to
the culture and history of organized sports than to technological
and economic accomplishments. There would, by definition, be
a winner and a loser, which is to say a Boolean decision,
conventional and indisputable. Then it would be over. Perhaps it
was seen to be pointing at something further, but in fact the
moon was a finishing line.
Within a broad geo-strategic context, the space race was a
symptom of thermonuclear stand-off. A modern history of
warfare that had descended inexorably from a restrained game
of princes to unleashed total war, amongst ideologicallymobilized peoples, targeting their basic institutions, industrial
infrastructures, and even demographic root-stocks, had
consummated itself – virtually – in the MAD potential for swift,
reciprocal
extermination.
Under
these
circumstances,
a
regressive sublimation was called for, relaying conflict through
chivalric representatives – even Homeric heroes – who
competed on behalf of the super-lethal populations they
appeased. The flight of an astronaut symbolized antagonism,
substituting for a nuclear strike. In this sense, victory in the
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space race was a thinly-disguised advance payment on the
conclusion of the Cold War.
This sublimation is only half of the story, however, because a
double displacement took place. Whilst the space race
substituted a formal (chivalric) outcome for a military result, it
also marginalized the long-envisaged prospect of informal space
colonization, replacing it with a predominantly conventional (or
socio-political) objective. The price of unambiguous symbolic
triumph was a ‘triumph’ that relapsed into the real ambiguity of
(mere) symbolism, with reality-denying, postmodernist, ‘moon
hoax’ temptations already rising. When nothing is won except
winning itself, it could scarcely be otherwise. A champion is not
a settler, or anything close to one.
What is this real ambiguity? It begins on the frontier, with a
series of questions that reaches beyond the meaning of the space
race, and into the identity of America. As a country settled
within the modern epoch, and thus exhaustively determined by
the dynamics of colonialism, America has been condensed from
a frontier.
In extended parenthesis, it is worth noting explicitly that the
continent’s aboriginal population was not yet America, but
something earlier, and other, encountered on the frontier. The
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idea of a ‘Native American’ is an exercise in historical
misdirection, when it is not merely a thoughtless oxymoron.
This is not to suggest that these populations were unable to
become American, as many did, once America had begun in the
modern period. By innovating distinctive modes of secession,
they were even — in certain cases — able to become radically
American. A reservation casino in institutional flight from the
IRS is vastly more American than the Federal Reserve, in a sense
that will (hopefully) become evident.
The foundation of America was a flight into the frontier,
extending a trajectory of escape into a perpetually receding
space, or open horizon — the future made geography, and only
subsequently a political territory. This original, informal, and
inherently obscure space project is as old as America itself –
exactly as old. As Frederick Jackson Turner had already noted in
1893, for America an open frontier is an existential necessity,
which is to say: the basic condition of American existence. Once
the frontier closes, borders take over, exceptionality withers into
insubstantial rhetoric (or worse, its neoconservative facsimile)
and necrosis begins.
In this respect, America cannot be sustained as a state with a
space program. It requires an open horizon, extended beyond
the earth if necessary, sufficient to support a prolongation of its
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constitutive colonial process. Only on and out of this frontier
does America have a future, although ‘the USA’ could (more)
comfortably persist without it. That is why, beneath, alongside,
and beyond the space race, the frontier ‘myth’ has been
spontaneously extended to extraterrestrial vistas considered as
an essentially American prospect. (NASA and its works are quite
incidental to this, at best.)
Since this claim invites accusations of gratuitous controversy, it
is worth re-visiting it, at a more languid pace. Even after reemphasizing that America is not the same as – and is indeed
almost the precise opposite of – the USA, obvious objections
present themselves. Is not the Russian space program the
world’s most economically plausible? Is not the upward curve of
recent Chinese space activity vastly more exuberant? Hasn’t the
United Nations claimed the heavens on behalf of a common
humanity? What, other than cultural-historical accident, and the
unwarranted arrogance stemming from it, could imaginably
make ‘an essentially American prospect’ of outer space?
The counter-point to all of these objections is colonialism,
understood through its radical, exceptional, American lineage.
Colonialism of this ultimate variety consolidates itself from the
frontier, and passes through revolutionary thresholds of a very
specific type: wars of independence, or secession (rather than
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comprehensive regime changes) that are pro-colonial (rather
than anti-colonial) in nature. The colony, as colony, breaks away,
and in doing so creates a new society. Successful examples of
such events are extremely rare – even singular, or exceptional.
There is America, and then there are ‘lost causes’, with
considerable (and increasing) overlap between them.
What has any of this to do with outer space, beyond
impressionistic analogy? Gravity cements the connection.
Dividing the surface of the earth and extraterrestrial space is an
effective difference, or practical problem, that can be quite
precisely quantified in technological terms (fuel to deliverable
payload ratios), and summarized economically. For purposes of
comparison, transporting freight across the Pacific costs
US$4/kg (by air), or US$0.16/kg by ocean-bound container
vessel (US$3,500 per TEU, or 21,600 kg). To lift 1 kg of cargo
into Low Earth Orbit (LEO), in stark contrast, costs over
US$4,000 (it was over US$10,000 by Space Shuttle). Call it the
Rift: an immense structural re-supply problem, incentivizing
economic self-sufficiency with overwhelming force. Each
kilogram of extraterrestrial product has saved US$4,000 before
further calculations get started. Out in space, the Rift is the
bottom line: a cold, anti-umbilical reality.
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Whatever the historic colonial impetus to the American way –
separation and social re-foundation – is reinforced by orders of
magnitude in LEO and beyond. This is an environment that
might have been precision-engineered for revolutionary
colonialism, as science fiction writers have long recognized. On
the flip side lies a more obviously explanatory conclusion:
Because developments beyond the Rift are inherently
uncontrollable, there is no readily discernible motivation for
terrestrial political-economic agencies to fund the emergence of
off-planet societies that are on an irresistible conveyor-belt to
independence, whilst voraciously consuming resources, opening
an avenue of escape, and ultimately laying the void foundations
for a competitor civilization of a radically unprecedented, and
thus ominously unpredictable kind.
It follows clearly that the status quo politics of space
colonization are almost fully expressed by space colonization
not happening. When understood in relation to the eclipsed
undercurrent of the frontier analogy — social fission through
revolutionary colonialism or wars of independence — the
‘failure’ of large-scale space colonization projects to emerge
begins to look like something else entirely: an eminently rational
determination on the part of the world’s most powerful
territorial states to inhibit the development of socio-
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technological
potentials
characterized
by
an
‘American’
(revolutionary colonial) tendency.
Of course, in a world that grown familiar with interchangeable
anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist declarations, the terms of this
(Froude
/
Moldbug
/
Donald)
analysis
are
initially
disconcerting. When detached from the confusions and
conflations of a disturbed periphery, however, the pattern is
compelling. Colonists are, by their very nature, in flight from the
metropolis. It is less than a single step from this
acknowledgement to the recognition that they tend to
independence
of
action,
social
fission,
and
political
disintegration, following trends that imperialists – with equal
inevitability — seek to curtail. Since colonization, strictly
understood, is cultural and demographic transplantation, it only
acquires its sense of expansion when restrained under imperial
auspices. Whilst colonial and rebellious are not even close to
synonymous expressions, they are nevertheless mutually
attracted, in near-direct proportion to the rift that separates
colony from metropolis. A colonial venture is a rebellion of the
most practical and productive kind, either re-routing a rebellion
from time into space, or completing itself in a rebellion that
transforms an expedition into an escape. Since the triumph of
imperialism over colonialism beginning in the second half of the
19th century, it is only in (and as) America that this system of
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relations has persisted, tenuously, and in large measure occulted
by the rise of an imperial state.
It is helpful, then, to differentiate in principle (with minimal
moral excitability) between a colonial space project, oriented to
extraterrestrial settlement, and an imperial space program, or
policy, designed to ensure terrestrial control over off-planet
development, maintain political integrity, and thus secure returns
on investment across the Rift. From the perspective of the
territorial state, an (imperial) space program that extracted
economic value from beyond earth’s gravity well would be ideal,
but this is an ambition unsupported by the vaguest flickerings of
historical precedent (and obstructed by at least four orders of
magnitude of yawning economic gulf). Second best, and quite
satisfactory, is the simple prevention of colonial space projects,
substituting political space theater as an expensive (but low-risk
and affordable) alternative. The occasional man on the moon
poses no great threat to the order of the world, so long as we
“bring him safely back to earth.”
America was an escape from the Old World, and this definition
suffices to describe what it still is – insofar as it still is – as well
as what it can be, all that it can be, and what any escape from the
new old world – if accurately named, would also be. When
outlined by the shadows of dark enlightenment, America is the
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problem that the USA was designed to solve, the door that the
USA closes, the proper name for a society born from flight.
As Nietzsche never exactly said: Am I understood? America
against the stars and stripes …
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Anarchy on the Old Right
NOVEMBER 6, 2012
About that empty chair …
Over at The American Conservative, the Old Right has
expressed its smoldering dismay at the country’s political
prospects through a fit of paralyzed dissensus.
The 29 members of the TAC symposium split fairly evenly
between (Democrat) Barack Obama, (Republican) Mitt Romney,
and (Libertarian) Gary Johnson. Each musters four definite
commitments, with Andrew J. Bacevich, Leon Hadar, Scott
McConnell, and Noah Millman for Obama; Marian Kester
Coombs, James P. Pinkerton, Stephen B. Tippins Jr., and John
Zmirak for Romney; and Doug Bandow, Peter Brimelow, Scott
Galupo, and Bill Kauffman for Johnson.
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Philip Giraldi epitomizes the spirit of anti-neoconservative
obstreperousness with his declared electoral intentions, wavering
between a vote for Johnson, a Ron Paul write-in, or a Romneyspavining Obama choice if the race is tight. James Bovard is also
torn between Johnson and a Ron Paul write-in (but without
mention of an anti-Romney Obama option). Like Johnson,
Romney picks up two additional ‘maybes’ (from W. James Antle
III, Bradley J. Birzer). The Constitution Party’s Virgil Goode
musters just one solid supporter (Sean Scallon). There’s also a
write-in for Rand Paul (Daniel McCarthy), and four
indecipherables (Jeremy Beer, Rod Dreher, William S. Lind, and
Steve Sailer).
Decisive winner among the TAC writers, however, is Nobody,
supported by seven unambiguous abstentions (Michael Brendan
Dougherty, David Gordon, Robert P. Murphy, Justin
Raimondo, Sheldon Richman, and Gerald J. Russello), and
probably an eighth (Paul Gottfried, poised at the democraticallyabstemious edge of the indecipherables).
Perhaps questions like this are souring the mood.
Why not opt for the real deal?
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Regime Redecoration Randoms
NOVEMBER 6, 2012
Which lucky guy gets to take the blame?
Here in Shanghai, we receive the US presidential election results
on Wednesday morning, making this the last chance to venture
reckless predictions. Who gets to seize the poisoned chalice and
assume responsibility for the financial collapse of the United
States of America?
Feel the hate. Negativity reigns supreme in this election, with
oppositional or defensive motivations almost wholly purified of
positive contamination. According to The Economist, negative
political ads have accounted for an unprecedented 90% of the
total. The words of PJ Media commenter Subotai Bahadur distill
the sentiment perfectly: “Romney was not my first, second, or
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third choice, but I will crawl over ground glass to vote for him.”
To be fondly remembered as ‘the ground-glass election.’
Way of the Salamander. Urban Future isn’t inclined to deride
Mormonism as weird (being weird is what religions are for), but
there are bound to be significant cultural implications to the
inauguration of a Mormon president in an unusually apocalyptic
time. The Mormon faith is the science fiction version of
Abrahamic religion extending an evolutionary bridge from man
to God – a path of practical divinization. No surprise, then, to
discover that there’s a Mormon Transhumanist Association.
When combined with the irreverence that latches onto any
decaying, chaos-wracked administration it could get seriously
entertaining …but then we’d miss the classic version of
Cathedral II (Return of the Clerisy), replaced by a strange remake. Voters need to choose their flavor of ground glass
carefully.
Prophet motive. At Zero Hedge, Strauss & Howe generational
cycle-theorist Jim Quinn hangs on to the apocalyptic theme. He
argues that – at the brink of the ‘Fourth Turning’ – Mitt
Romney’s age, which places him in the ‘prophet generation’,
makes him odds on favorite to lead the global superpower into
Armageddon (so we have that to look forward to).
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Reckless predictions?
(1) Discounting systematic media dishonesty points to a
substantial Romney victory.
(2) Winning this one is going to have been the most stupid thing
that the stupid party ever did.
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Forward!
NOVEMBER 7, 2012
Maximum warp into Left Singularity.
That was all thoroughly unambiguous. It turns out that Obama
really is the FDR for this turn of the gyre. Nate Silver and Paul
Krugman are vindicated. The New York Times is the gospel of
the age. Conservatism is crushed and humiliated. The brake
pedal has been hurled out of the window. There’s no stopping it
now.
The day before the election, Der Spiegel described “the United
States as a country that doesn’t understand the signs of the times
and has almost willfully — flying in the face of all scientific
knowledge — chosen to be backward.” For the magazine’s staff
writers, the problem was utterly straightforward. “The hatred of
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big government has reached a level in the United States that
threatens the country’s very existence.” Retrogressive forces
were impeding the country’s progress by refusing to grasp the
obvious identity of Leviathan and social advancement. It should
now be obvious to everyone – even charred tea partiers
gibbering shell-shocked in the ruins — that contemporary
American democracy provides all the impetus necessary to
bulldoze such obstructionism aside. The State is God, and all
shall bend to its will. Forward!
With the ascension of USG to godhood, a new purity is attained,
and a fantastic (and Titanic) experiment progresses to a new
stage. It is no longer necessary to enter into controversy with the
shattered detritus of the right, henceforth all that matters is the
test of strength between concentrated political motivation and
the obduracy of reality itself. Which is to say: the final resistance
to be overcome is the insolent idea of a reality principle, or
outside. Once there is no longer any way of things that exists
independently of the State’s sovereign desire, Left Singularity is
attained. This is the eschatological promise that sings its
hallelujahs in every progressive breast. It translates perfectly into
the colloquial chant: yes we can!
Of course, it needs to be clearly understood that ‘we’ – now and
going forward – means the State. Through the State we do
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anything and everything, which we can, if not really, then at least
truly, as promised. The State is ‘us’ as God. Hegel already saw all
this, but it took progressive educational systems to generalize
the insight. Now our time has come, or is coming. All together
now: yes we can! Nothing but a brittle reactionary realism stands
in our way, and that is something we can be educated out of (yes
we can). We have! See our blasted enemies strewn in utter
devastation before us.
The world is to be as we will it to be. Surely.
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What We Deserve
NOVEMBER 9, 2012
Good? Probably not. But hard – oh yes (oh yes!).
Obama got what he wanted — a second term. Now the people
who voted for him are going to get what they voted for… and
what they deserve — a financial collapse that makes 2008 seem
like the good ‘ol days.– ‘libertarianNYC’
Because when Maistre says that every nation gets the
government it deserves, I believe him. Maistre didn’t think his
great law was a law of physics. He thought it was a law of God. I
am not a religious person, but I agree. History has convinced me
that when laws of God are broken, bad shit happens. – Mencius
Moldbug
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Deserving’ must be the most useless and obfuscating word in
the dictionary.– Maurice Spandrell
The mysteries of the ideological spectrum are deep enough to
absorb endless exploration. Why, for instance, should there be
an ideological spectrum at all? Are not human disagreements
over social decisions naturally multi-dimensional? How can
opinions about the optimum scale of government statistically
predict attitudes to affirmative action, immigration, gun control,
drug prohibition, abortion, gay marriage, climate change, and
foreign policy? Does it not seem near-magical that the seating
arrangements of the late-18th century French National
Assembly continue to organize the terminology of ideological
orientation up to the present day?
At times, however, perplexity recedes, and certain basic patterns
emerge with startling clarity. This is evident today in the United
States – the world’s great circus of ideological antagonism — in
the wake of its latest, spectacular performance.
As polarization intensifies – which it does – the essential is
expressed through the extremes, and the alternatives are
simplified. Which is it to be: politics or economics? There can be
no sustainable co-existence. One must utterly eradicate the
other.
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Either politics, or economics, deserves to be completely
destroyed — politics for its incontinent lust for absolute power,
or economics for its icy indifference to public concerns. The
conflict of visions is irreconcilable. From the pure perspective of
terminal politics, all market rewards are arbitrary and illegitimate,
whilst from that of economics, people are entitled to precisely
nothing.
Speaking on behalf of the political losers, Russ Roberts (at Cafe
Hayek) adopts a light-hearted approach:
Talking about the election to many friends and family who had
been rooting for Romney, I found their emotions ran the entire
gamut from despair to despondency. Everybody was way down.
I found myself unexpectedly blue as well. Our emotions were
not so much caused by the Romney defeat. Few of us were
particularly excited about him. It was the Obama victory that
concerned us. … There was plenty to be discouraged about
before this election. I’m not sure the election provides much
new information.
The despair of the Right is not the product of a single
lamentable election result, but is grounded in the relentlessly
gathering realization that it is inherently maladapted to politics.
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When the Right attains power, it is by becoming something
other than itself, betraying its partisans not only incidentally and
peripherally, through timidity or incompetence, but centrally and
fundamentally, by practically advancing an agenda that almost
perfectly negates its supposed ideological commitments. It
builds that which it had promised to destroy, and further
enthralls that which it had promised to liberate. Its victories
mean ever less, its defeats ever more. To win is at most a lesser
evil, whilst to lose opens new, unprecedented horizons of
calamity, initiating previously unimagined adventures in horror.
Dean Kalahar captures the mood:
The electorates’ decision once and for all confirms a definition
of America that values hopes, feelings and equality of results
over the realities of human nature, history, and the foundational
principles that hold western civilization together. There is now
no doubt that the tipping point of geometrically increasing
cultural decline has been crossed. … Our economic system has
lost the culture war.
The left has its own frustrations, which its ever-greater
approximation to total political dominion cannot appease, and in
fact exacerbate. The more that it subordinates its enemies to its
will, the more its will conforms to the image of its enemies – not
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the economy as it was, evasive and morally disinterested, but the
economy as it was caricatured and denounced: narrowly and
brutally self-interested, sublime in its gargantuan greed, radically
corrupt, and irreparably dysfunctional. The cartoon plutocrat reappears as the consummate political insider in a shot-silk Che
Guevara tee-shirt, minutely dictating the content of legislation,
and pursuing a career trajectory that smoothly alternates
between the chairs of regulatory agencies and Wall Street
boardrooms. Through a perverse, ineliminable double-entry
book-keeping, the fiscal mountains of government largesse are
registered, simultaneously, as an orgiastic feast of crony capitalist
money creation. Public altruism and private avarice lock into
exact logico-mathematical identity.
The gyre turns. ‘Right’ administrations become sclerotic big
government bureaucracies, whilst ‘Left’ administrations become
the cynical public relations façade for rapacious banking cartels.
In either case, government equates to treachery, executed by a
party that necessarily abuses its own political partisans. Since
politics is ever-increasingly the preserve of the Left, this is not
an oscillator, but a ratchet, with a predictable direction (into Left
Singularity, “moving the electorate ever leftwards by making it
ever more dysfunctional”).
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The Right, the party of the economy, is losing all credibility as a
Party, especially to itself. In the war of annihilation that
contemporary ideological schism has become, the substitute,
characteristic battle-cry could be confidently anticipated, even
were it not already so distinctly heard: the market will avenge
these offenses. Nemesis. Let the temple crash.
Expect to hear much more of this, however much it revolts you.
Things will fall apart (even more, far more …), or not, but in
either case we will know what we really deserve. Reality is God,
but which is the true religion?
In the immortal words of HL Mencken: “Democracy is the
theory that the common people know what they want, and
deserve to get it good and hard.”
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Reality Rules
NOVEMBER 20, 2012
Why Social Darwinism isn’t going anywhere.
The name social Darwinism is a modern name given to the
various theories of society that emerged in England and the
United States in the 1870s, which, it is alleged, sought to apply
biological concepts to sociology and politics. The term social
Darwinism<em> gained widespread currency when used in
1944 to oppose these earlier concepts. Today, because of the
negative connotations of the theory of social Darwinism,
especially after the atrocities of the Second World War
(including the Holocaust), few people would describe
themselves as Social Darwinists and the term is generally seen as
pejorative. — Wikipedia
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… no one calls himself a social Darwinist. Not now, not ever.
Not Herbert Spencer. The term is always used to label one’s
opponents. In that sense it’s clearly a more abusive term than
“socialist,” a term that millions of people have proudly claimed.
— David Boaz
Urban Future somehow missed the excited side-track discussion
that bolted to the conclusion: America voted in November 2012
to spare itself from Social Darwinism. Yet, sadly belated as it
may be, our rejoinder is unchanged: nothing ever gets spared
from Darwinism. That’s what Darwinism is.
The fact that the term Social Darwinism survives only as a slur is
abundantly telling, and suffices on its own to explain the
ideological ‘evolution’ of recent times. In a nutshell, the
dominant usage of ‘social Darwinism’ says “markets are a kind
of Nazi thing.” Checkmate in one move.
Markets implement a Darwinian process by eliminating failure.
Schumpeter called it ‘creative destruction’. The principle unit of
selection is the business enterprise, which is able to innovate,
adapt, propagate, and evolve precisely insofar as it is also
exposed to the risk of perishing. None of this is especially
complicated, or even controversial. In a sane world it is what
‘social Darwinism’ would mean. It is certainly what Herbert
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Spencer was really talking about (although he never adopted the
label).
The fundamental tenet of Social Darwinism would then be
compressible into a couple of words: reality rules. There’s more,
of course, but nothing especially challenging. The further
additions are really subtractions, or reservations – intellectual
economies, negative principles, and non-commitments. That’s
because Darwinism – whether ‘social’ or otherwise – is built
from subtractions. Deducting all supernatural causality and
transcendent agencies leaves Darwinism as the way complex
structures get designed. (Not constructed, but designed, in
conformity with a naturalistic theory of plans, blueprints,
recipes, or assembly codes, of the kind that have naturally
invited supernatural explanation. Darwinism only applies to
practical information.)
Subtractions put it together. For instance, remove the
extravagant hypothesis that something big and benevolent is
looking after us, whether God, the State, or some alternative
Super-Dad, and the realistic residue indicates that our mistakes
kill us. It follows that anything still hanging around has a history
of avoiding serious mistakes, which it may or may not be
persisting with – and persistence will tell. If we’re forgetting
important lessons, we’ll pay (in the currency of survival).
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If this is mere tautology, as has not infrequently been alleged,
then there’s not even any need for controversy. But of course,
controversy there is, plentifully, and so deeply entrenched that
the most banal expositions capture it best. Consider this, from
the self-assuredly pedestrian United States History site:
Social Darwinism was the application of Charles Darwin’s
scientific theories of evolution and natural selection to
contemporary social development. In nature, only the fittest
survived — so too in the marketplace. This form of justification
was enthusiastically adopted by many American businessmen as
scientific proof of their superiority.
What is this supremely typical paragraph really saying? That
some American businesses survived, were thus seen as “the
fittest” (= they had survived), ‘justified’ (= they had survived),
and ‘proven to be superior’ (= they had survived), in other
words, a string of perfectly empty identity statements that is in
some way supposed to embody a radically disreputable form of
ruthless social extremism. This same systematic logical error,
seen with tedious insistence in all instance of commentary on
‘social Darwinism’, was baptized by Schopenhauer ‘hypostasis of
the concept’. It seizes upon something, repeats it exactly but in
different terms, and then pretends to have added information.
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Once this error is corrected for, substantial discussion of the
topic is exposed in its full, dazzling vacuity.
A writhing David Boaz cites the Encyclopedia Britannica [entry
on Social Darwinism, which describes it as:
… the theory that persons, groups, and races are subject to the
same laws of natural selection as Charles Darwin had perceived
in plants and animals in nature. According to the theory, which
was popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the weak
were diminished and their cultures delimited, while the strong
grew in power and in cultural influence over the weak…. The
poor were the “unfit” and should not be aided; in the struggle
for existence, wealth was a sign of success. At the societal level,
social Darwinism was used as a philosophical rationalization for
imperialist, colonialist, and racist policies, sustaining belief in
Anglo-Saxon or Aryan cultural and biological superiority.
It is immediately clear that this passage, too, follows the alreadyfamiliar pattern, clocking ‘hypostasis of the concept’ to the edge
of spontaneous combustion. Worse still, it tries to put its
hypostasized ‘information’ to work through the positive
proposition — tacitly insinuated rather than firmly stated – that
“persons, groups, and races” are something other than “animals
in nature.” Nature, it seems, ceased to apply at some threshold
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of human social development, when people stopped being
animals, and became something else. Man is not only doubled
(as a natural being and something else), but divided between
incommensurable kingdoms, whose re-integration is morally
akin to “rationalization for imperialist, colonialist, and racist
policies” and – why not admit it? — fascist genocide.
Define nature in such a way that we’re not part of it, or you’re
engaged in Nazi apologetics says Encyclopedia Britannica.
There’s obviously something about social Darwinism that gets
people excited — several things, actually. Plugging the
spontaneous theory of laissez faire capitalism into traumatic
association with the Third Reich is thrilling enough, especially
because that’s the basic platform for the epoch of actually
existing fascism (which we still inhabit), but there’s more.
The most obvious clue, from which the Encyclopedia Britannica
passage unravels like a piece of incompetent knitting, is the
magical appearance of ‘should’ – “The poor were the ‘unfit’ and
should not be aided.” This is another preposterous hypostasis,
naturally (and unnaturally), but equally typical. At the evolution
site talkorigins, John S. Wilkins tells us: “’Social Darwinism’ …
holds that social policy should allow the weak and unfit to fail
and die, and that this is not only good policy but morally right.”
The intellectual perversity here is truly fascinating.
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Any naturalistic social theory subtracts, or at least suspends,
moral evaluation. It says: this is the way things are (however we
might want them to be). Yet here, through hypostatic doubling,
or redundancy, such neutral realism is converted into a bizarre,
morally-charged stance: nature should happen. Social Darwinism
is not attempting to explain, but rather siding with reality (those
Nazis!).
This is, quite simply and literally, madness. Left dissatisfied by
mere denial of the modest proposition that reality rules, the
denunciation of social Darwinism proceeds smoothly to the
accusation that realists are aiding and abetting the enemy. The
unforgivable crime is to accept that there are consequences, or
results, other than those we have agreed to allow.
The reality is that practical decisions have real consequences. If
those consequences are annulled by, or absorbed into, a more
comprehensive social entity, then that entity inherits them. What
it incentivizes it grows into. The failures it selects for become its
own. When maladaptive decisions are displaced, or aggregated,
they are not dispelled, but reinforced, generalized, and
exacerbated. Whatever the scale of the social being under
consideration, it either finds a way to work, and to reward what
works, or it perishes, whether as a whole, or in pieces. That is
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the ‘social Darwinism’ that will return, eventually, because reality
rules, and rather than joining the clamor of denunciation, Boaz
would have been prescient to reclaim it.
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Left Singularity
JANUARY 7, 2013
Winter is coming.
Leftists are not troubled by the fear that the masses might revolt
against the left, but rather each leftist fears he might fail to keep
up with the ever changing line, find himself a few years, or
weeks, or days behind the current ever changing political
correctness, and find himself deemed a rightist. // Which
historically halts only in bloodshed. There is no equivalent right
singularity, as repressive right wing regimes forbid interest in
politics, while repressive left wing regimes command interest in
politics. // The left singularity is the same each time in its
approach to infinite leftism, but differs chaotically and
surprisingly each time in its ending short of infinite leftism. —
James A. Donald
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What we worry about most is that we’ll see a vicious cycle
develop: poor governance hurts the economy, which radicalizes
and polarizes public opinion, which leads to worse governance
and worse economic outcomes… and so on down the line. —
Walter Russell Mead
21st Century politics sees no need for truth. When government
believes itself to be responsible for the economy and convinces
the people of that, it has put itself into a box. …When
recessions occur … it causes government to pursue policies
which reinforce its lies. It is these policies which created the
current economic crisis in the first place.– ‘Monty Pelerin’ (via
Zero Hedge)
Dark Enlightenment begins with the recognition that reality is
unpopular, so that the ‘natural’ course of political development,
under democratic conditions, is reliably based upon the promise
of an alternative. Pandering to fantasy is the only platform that
delivers electoral support. When the dreams turn bad it is
politically obvious that they have not been held firmly or
sincerely enough, their radicalism has been insufficient, and a
more far-reaching solution is imperative. Since either deliberate
or merely inertial rightist sabotage is clearly to blame, the
beatings will continue until morale improves.
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This syndrome, essentially indistinguishable from political
modernity, calls for a cybernetic theory of accelerating social
deterioration, or self-reinforcing economic repression. The trend
that dark enlightenment recoils from demands explanation,
which is found in the diagram of Left Singularity.
A singularity, of any kind, is the limit of a process dominated by
positive feedback, and thus driven to an extreme. In its pure
mathematical expression, the trend is not merely exponential,
but parabolic, asymptotically closing upon infinity in finite time.
The ‘logic of history’ converges upon an absolute limit, beyond
which further prolongation is strictly impossible. From this
ultimate, impassable barrier, dark enlightenment retrogresses
into political history, prophetically inflamed by its certainty of
the end. Unless democracy disintegrates before the wall, it will
hit the wall.
“Increased repression brings increased leftism, increased leftism
brings increased repression, in an ever tighter circle that turns
ever faster. This is the left singularity,” Donald writes. The
principal dark hypothesis is evident: on the left slope, failure is
not self-corrective, but rather the opposite. Dysfunction
deepens itself through the circuit of disappointment:
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As society moves ever leftwards, ever faster, leftists get ever
more discontented with the outcome, but of course, the only
cure for their discontent that it is permissible to think, is faster
and further movement left.
It is necessary, then, to accept the leftist inversion of Clausewitz,
and the proposition that politics is war by other means, precisely
because it retains the Clausewitzean tendency to the extreme
(making it ‘prone to escalation’). This is the reason why modern
political history has a characteristic shape, which combines a
duration of escalating ‘progress’ with a terminal, quasi-punctual
interruption, or catastrophe – a restoration or ‘reboot’. Like
mould in a Petri dish, progressive polities ‘develop’ explosively
until all available resources have been consumed, but unlike
slime colonies they exhibit a dynamism that is further
exaggerated (from the exponential to the hyperbolic) by the fact
that resource depletion accelerates the development trend.
Economic decay erodes productive potential and increases
dependency, binding populations ever more desperately to the
promise of political remedy. The progressive slope steepens
towards the precipice of supreme radicality, or total absorption
into the state … and somewhere fractionally before then, either
before or after it has stolen everything you own, taken your
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children,
unleashed
mass
killing,
and
descended
into
cannibalism, it ends.
It can’t eat the Petri dish, or abolish reality (in reality). There is a
limit. But humanity gets a chance to show what it’s capable of,
on the downside. As Whiskey commented (on this Sailer
thread): “This Enlightenment is ‘Dark’ because it tells us true
things we’d rather not know or read or hear, because they paint
a not-so-lovely picture of human nature at its rawest.” Progress
takes us into the raw.
Gregory
Bateson
referred
to
cybernetic
escalation
as
‘schismogenesis’, which he identified in a number of social
phenomena. Among these was substance abuse (specifically
alcoholism), whose abstract dynamics, at the level of the
individual, are difficult to distinguish from collective political
radicalization. The alcoholic is captured by a schismogenetic
circuit, and once inside, the only attractive solution is to head
further in. At each step of life disintegration, one needs a drink
more than ever. There goes the job, the savings, the wife and
kids, and there’s nowhere to look for hope except the bar, the
vodka bottle, and eventually that irresistible can of floor polish.
Escape comes – if it comes before the morgue – in ‘hitting
bottom’. Escalation to the extreme reaches the end of the road,
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or the story, where another might – possibly – begin.
Schismogenesis predicts catastrophe.
Hitting bottom has to be horrible. A long history brought you to
this, and if this isn’t obviously, indisputably, an intolerable state
of ultimate degradation, it will carry on. It isn’t finished until it
really can’t go on, and that has to be several notches worse than
can be anticipated. Left Singularity is deep into the dregs of the
floor polish, with everything gone. It’s worse than anything you
can imagine, and there’s no point at all trying to persuade people
they’ve arrived there before they know they have. ‘Things could
be better than this’ won’t cut it. That’s what progress is for, and
progress is the problem.
That which cannot continue, will stop. Trees do not grow to the
sky. This does not, however, necessarily mean that freedom will
be restored and everything will be lovely. The last time we had
theocracy, we had stagnation for four hundred years.
The explosive expansion of spending and regulation represents a
collapse of discipline within the ruling elite. The way the system
is supposed to work, and the way it mostly did work several
decades ago, is that the American Federal Government can only
spend money on something if the House of Representatives, the
Senate, and the President agree to spend money on that thing,
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so no government employee can be employed, except all three
agree he should be employed, so the government cannot do
anything unless all three agree that it be done. A public servant,
and indeed his entire department, was apt to be fired if he pissed
off anyone. Conversely, the individual was free to do anything,
unless all three agree that he be stopped from doing that thing.
We are now approaching the reverse situation, where for an
individual to do anything requires a pile of permissions from
diverse governmental authorities, but any governmental
authority can spend money on anything unless there is near
unanimous opposition to them spending money.
Obviously this cannot continue. Eventually the money runs out,
in that we shall have a hyperinflationary crisis, and revert to
some other form of money, such as the gold standard. As that
happens, the increasingly lawless behavior of the rulers against
the ruled will become increasingly lawless behavior of the rulers
against each other. Civil war, or something close to civil war, or
the dire and immediate threat of civil war will ensue. At that
point, we will have the political singularity, probably around
2025 or so. Beyond the singularity, no predictions can be made,
other than that the results will be surprising …
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End Games
JANUARY 17, 2013
Some time late on the 21st of December last year [2012],
Terrestrial Omega Event 2012 streaked past relatively quietly, on
a trajectory from the dread realm of ominous premonitions into
the cobwebbed vault of defunct absurdities. (The fact that its
glancing blow reduced Urban Future to a tangled wreck of
smoking weakly radioactive debris need be of no concern to
anybody except our five regular readers.) Another non-event
was thus added to the long chain of ontological omissions that
compose the Apocalyptic Tradition. Things continue, on their
existing tracks, as common sense had confidently predicted.
For a world saturated in modernist irony, where even the most
passionate beliefs are modulated by forms of mass-media
entertainment, no ‘Great Disappointment’ is any longer
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possible, such as that afflicting the Millerites of the mid-1840s.
A 2012 Reuters/Ipsos survey found that 10% of the world
population (and no less than 20% of Chinese) had ‘sincerely’
expected the End to arrive on December 21st. When it didn’t,
so what? There’s always something else on — or rather, the
same thing, in different flavors.
Channel hopping is especially easy because it isn’t even
necessary to switch genre. The collapse of the Occidental World
Order is like Henry Ford’s Model T: “You can have it in any
color you like, as long as it’s black.” What you can’t do is get it
over with. It’s too big to fail, even after it has manifestly failed.
The December non-event was not the End, or even the end of
the End, but rather the end of the end of the End. Dated
Doomsday has been de-activated, leaving an indefinitely dilated
Ending without conclusion. Now that the prospect of a finish
has finished, finishing becomes interminable. Dates march
onwards, without destination, into ever extended horizons of
collapse. Apocalypse, stripped of Armageddon, is normalized. It
can now demand undistracted recognition as ‘the system’, the
way of the world, feeding upon the spectacle of permanent crisis
through the Media-Apocalypse Complex. As (Fukuyama-final)
Liberal Democratic politics adjusts to a chronic state of
emergency, it is finally possible to ‘get things done’, in a time
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when nothing can be done. Disinhibited insanity delights in its
ultimate mania.
Because it’s insanity, it can’t really last, but Apocalypse has
outlasted Doomsday, and reality has lost its last signs. For
purposes of polite conversation, therefore, it is best to grant the
Keynesians / Postmodernists absolute triumph, and to concur
that the consequences of irrealism can be indefinitely postponed.
When in Bedlam, do as the bedlamites do. Anything else would
be pointless irascibility, out of keeping with the spirit of the age.
After all (except itself) Apocalypse Forever is the final Western
religion.
Progressive Apocalypse, Apocalypse Forever, assumes the death
of Doomsday, which provides the occasion for an obituary. For
reactionaries of the ‘Throne and Altar’ variety, mourning will
incline towards eschatology, as the moment of definitive
judgment is interred. Here in the eschaton-blitzed wreckage of
Urban Future, however, our remembrance is more concisely
arithmetical. We recall dates gone forever, and with them the
time inversions that are expressed through countdowns,
intensive escalations, and compressions. When the end had a
date, time could zero upon it, rather than dissipating into
endlessly-extended fogbanks of blighted futurity.
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December 21st, 2012, was the last Doomsday date, and thus the
day Doomsday died. It might even have been the most popular,
but it was very far from the greatest. Extracted predominantly
from the calendar of the Mayans, it neatly concluded the 13th
Baktun, but in doing so broke quite arbitrarily from the (already
awkward and compromised) numerical organization of the
dating system, with its preference for modulus-20 unit
hierarchies. Whatever the attractions of exoticism, turning to
pop Mayanology for a planetary Apocalypse schedule was also
radically arbitrary, given the Abrahamic Hegemony that had
structured the world order over the previous half millennium.
Still, the Maya had conducted their own preliminary experiment
in collapse, enabling Mel Gibson to excavate a striking movie
from the ruins, introduced by a quote from Will Durant: “A
great civilization is not conquered from without until it has
destroyed itself from within.”
When estimated in terms of numerical elegance and
metaphysical profundity, the truly great Doomsday was Y2K,
the most beautiful weapon in history (despite its failure to
detonate). Y2K was automatic and techno-compatible (actually,
techno-dependent), chronometrically precise, perfectly counterAbrahamic, and calendrically creative (re-setting AD 1900 to
Year 00). It was staged from the absence of an integrated,
malevolent subject, out of simple arithmetic, targeting an exactly
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scheduled, consummate fulfillment of millennial expectation
through sheer coincidence. The world order was to have been
softly terminated, by ‘chance’. Nothing that has ever actually
happened in history made as much sense as this (which didn’t).
The more closely it is examined, the more exquisite it appears.
Among other missed Doomsdays, none comes close. But as
Y2K said, insidiously: Never Mind.
Even the shoddiest of the Old Doomsdays satisfied intellectual
appetites that will now hunger forever. First of all, and most
basically, they catered to the transcendental impulse, understood
as a search for ultimate or enveloping structures and principles
of organization. As a metaphysical event, conclusive Apocalypse
promises an escape from distracting detail and an apprehension
of the frame. Biblical bases for such apprehension are found in
Isaiah 34:4 — “All the stars of the heavens will be dissolved and
the sky rolled up like a scroll.” This image is repeated in
Revelation 6:14 — “And the heaven departed as a scroll when it
is rolled together.” Apocalyptic time does not add a new
sentence, or even a new chapter, to the chronicle of events. It
uncovers the limit of the scroll, by exceeding it. For that,
however, it has to complete itself.
Secondly, a punctual Apocalypse fulfills a semiotic (and in
particular numerical) realism, as expressed — most lucidly — in
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occultism and schizophrenia. The apocalyptic exposes a primal
encryption of culture, coding the operations of super-human
intelligence (God or gods, transcended masters, aliens, timetravelers, spontaneous social order, or bacteria … any will do). A
true calendar is revealed, in which semiotic exhaustion, or rollover, precisely coincides with the end of a real epoch. Hypertraditionalism thus exoticizes itself in the formulation: travel
inwards far enough and you arrive at the outside. It thus
provides the most radical challenge to the fundamental mantra
of the contemporary human sciences – the (Saussurean)
arbitrary nature of the sign.
An additional and essentially modern contribution to the
apocalyptic is made by the arithmetic of the intrinsically
unsustainable, as defined by Thomas Malthus (1768-1834) in his
An Essay on the Principle of Population. The empirical
foundations for an inevitable crisis are found in trends to
exponential growth and their projected collision with a limit.
Variants of such apocalyptic projection are found in Marxism,
environmentalism, and Technological Singularity (Karl Marx, M.
King Hubbert, and Ray Kurzweil).
Even from this brief survey, it becomes possible to outline
certain core features of a model apocalypse: comprehensive,
punctual, and climactic. In other words, a transition that cannot
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be contained by the pre-existing nature of time, occurring at an
exact, cryptically anticipated moment, bringing the central
historical process to its culmination. All of that is gathered
together in Doomsday, and Doomsday is dead.
Note: Thanks to Mathieu Borysevicz and Sophie Huang of the
MAB Society, whose December 10th, 2012, Minsheng Museum
event, Just What is it about the end of the world that makes it so
appealing? provided the opportunity to discuss the schematics
of apocalypse.
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Quibbles with Moldbug
JANUARY 24, 2013
To be a reactionary, minimally speaking, requires no more than a
recognition that things are going to hell. As the source of decay
is traced ever further back, and attributed to ever more deeplyrooted – and securely mainstream — sociopolitical assumptions,
the reactionary attitude becomes increasingly extreme. If
innovative elements are introduced into either the diagnosis or
the proposed remedy, a neo-reactionary mentality is born.
As the United States, along with the world that it has built,
careers
into
calamity,
neo-reactionary
extremism
is
embarrassingly close to becoming a vogue. If evidence is
needed, consider the Vacate Movement, a rapidly growing
dissident faction within the 0.0000001%. This is a development
that would have been scarcely imaginable, were it not for the
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painstakingly crafted, yet rhetorically effervescent provocations
of Mencius Moldbug.
From Moldbug, immoderate neo-reaction has learnt many
essential and startling facts about the genealogy and tendency of
history’s central affliction, newly baptized the Cathedral. It has
been liberated from the mesmerism of ‘democratic universalism’
– or evangelical ultra-puritanism – and trained back towards
honest (and thus forbidden) books. It has re-learnt class analysis,
of unprecedented explanatory power. Much else could have
been added, before arriving at our destination: the schematic
outline for a ‘neocameral’ alternative to the manifestly perishing
global political order. (On a trivial etiquette matter: Moldbug
politely asks to be addressed as ‘Mencius’ — comparable
requests by Plato Jiggabug and Siddhartha Moldbucket have
been evaded too.)
Moldbug scrupulously distances his proposals from any hint of
revolutionary agitation, or even the mildest varieties of civil
disobedience. Neocameralism is not designed to antagonize, but
rather to restore order to social bodies that have squandered it,
by drafting a framework compatible with the long-lost art of
effective government. (‘Long-lost’, that is, to the West – the
Singapore example, among those of other city states and special
economic zones, is never far removed.) Neocameralism would
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not overthrow anything, but rather arise amongst ruins. It is a
solution awaiting the terminal configuration of a problem.
The neocameral program proceeds roughly as follows:
Phase-1: Constructively disciplined lamentation
Phase-2: Civilization collapses
Phase-3: Re-boot to a modernized form of absolute monarchy,
in which citizens are comprehensively stripped of all historicallyaccumulated political rights
Despite its obvious attractions to partisans of liberty, this
program is not without its dubious features, a few of which can
be touched upon here whilst rehearsing the Moldbug case for
Neocameral government in slightly greater detail. Stated
succinctly and preliminarily, our reservations drift into focus
when that guy on a white horse appears. Where exactly does he
come from?
To answer ‘Carlyle’ would be easy, and not exactly inaccurate,
but it would also miss the structural coherence of the issue.
Moldbug refuses to call his neocameral dictator a ‘national CEO’
(which he is), preferring to describe him as a ‘monarch’ (which –
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as a non-dynastic executive appointee — he isn’t), for reasons
both stylistic and substantial. Stylistically, royalism is a
provocation, and a dramatization of reactionary allegiance.
Substantially, it foregrounds the question of sovereignty.
Moldbug’s political philosophy is founded upon a revision to the
conception of property, sufficient to support the assertion that
sovereign power is properly understood as the owner of a
country. It is only at this level of political organization that real
property rights – i.e. protections – are sustained.
Property is any stable structure of monopoly control. You own
something if you alone control it. Your control is stable if no
one else will take it away from you. This control may be assured
by your own powers of violence, or it may be delegated by a
higher power. If the former, it is secondary property. If the
latter, it is primary or sovereign property.
The sovereign power (sovereign corporation, or ‘sovcorp’),
alone, is able to ensure its own property rights. Its might and
rights are absolutely identical, and from this primary identity
subordinate rights (to ‘secondary property’) cascade down
through the social hierarchy. Neocameralism is nothing but the
systematic, institutional recognition of this reality. (Whether it is,
in fact, a ‘reality’ is a question we shall soon proceed to.)
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Perhaps surprisingly, Moldbug’s conclusions can be presented in
terms that recovering libertarians have found appealing:
Neocameralism is the idea that a sovereign state or primary
corporation is not organizationally distinct from a secondary or
private corporation. Thus we can achieve good management,
and thus libertarian government, by converting sovcorps to the
same management design that works well in today’s private
sector – the joint-stock corporation.
One way to approach neocameralism is to see it as a refinement
of royalism, an ancient system in which the sovcorp is a sort of
family business. Under neocameralism, the biological quirks of
royalism are eliminated and the State “goes public,” hiring the
best executives regardless of their bloodline or even nationality.
Or you can just see neocameralism as part of the usual capitalist
pattern in which services are optimized by aligning the interests
of the service provider and the service consumer. If this works
for groceries, why shouldn’t it work for government? I have a
hard time in accepting the possibility that democratic
constitutionalism would generate either lower prices or better
produce at Safeway …
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In order to take a step back from this vision, towards its
foundations, it is useful to scrutinize its building blocks. When
Moldbug defines property as “any stable structure of monopoly
control” what is really meant by ‘control’? It might seem simple
enough. To control something is to use, or make use of it — to
put it to work, such that a desired outcome is in fact achieved.
‘Property’ would be glossed as exclusive right of use, or
instrumental utilization, conceived with sufficient breadth to
encompass consumption, and perhaps (we will come to this),
donation or exchange.
Complications quickly arise. ‘Control’ in this case would involve
technical competence, or the ability to make something work. If
control requires that one can use something effectively, then it
demands compliance with natural fact (through techno-scientific
understanding and practical skills). Even consumption is a type
of use. Is this historical variable – vastly distant from intuitive
notions of sovereignty – actually suited to a definition of
property?
It might be realistic to conceive property through control, and
control through technical competence, but it would be hard to
defend as an advance in formalism. Since this problem
thoroughly infuses the topic of ‘might’, or operational
sovereignty, it is also difficult to isolate, or parenthesize.
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Moldbug’s
frequent,
enthusiastic
digressions
into
the
practicalities of crypto-locked military apparatuses attest strongly
to this. The impression begins to emerge that the very possibility
of sovereign property is bound to an irreducibly fuzzy,
historically dynamic, and empirically intricate investigation into
the micro-mechanics of power, dissolving into an acid fog of
Clauswitzean ‘friction’ (or ineliminable unpredictability).
More promising, by far – for the purposes of tractable argument
— is a strictly formal or contractual usage of ‘control’ to
designate the exclusive right to free disposal or commercial
alienation. Defined this way, ownership is a legal category, cooriginal with the idea of contract, referring to those things which
one has the right to trade (based on natural law). Property is
essentially marketable. It cannot exist unless it can be alienated
through negotiation. A prince who cannot trade away his
territory does not ‘own’ it in any sense that matters.
Moldbug seems to acknowledge this, in at least three ways.
Firstly, his formalization of sovereign power, through
conversion into sovereign stock, commercializes it. Within the
neocameral regime, power takes the form of revenue-yielding
property, available for free disposal by those who wield it. That
is the sole basis for the corporate analogy. If sovereign stock
were not freely disposable, its ‘owners’ would be mere stewards,
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subject to obligations, non-alienable political responsibilities, or
administrative duties that demonstrate with absolute clarity the
subordination to a higher sovereignty. (That is, broadly speaking,
the current situation, and inoffensively conventional political
theory.)
Secondly, the neocameral state exists within a patchwork, or
system of interactions, through which they compete for
population,
and
in
which
peaceful
(or
commercial)
redistributions — including takeovers and break-ups — are
facilitated. Unless sovereign stock can be traded within the
patchwork, it is not property at all. This in turn indicates that
‘internal’ positive legislation, as dictated by the domestic
‘sovereign’, is embedded within a far more expansive normative
system, and the definition of ‘property’ cannot be exhausted by
its local determination within the neocameral micro-polis. As
Moldbug repeatedly notes, an introverted despotism that
violated broader patchwork norms – such as those governing
free exit — could be reliably expected to suffer a collapse of
sovereign stock value (which implies that the substance of
sovereign stock is systemically, rather than locally, determined).
If the entire neocameral state is disciplined through the
patchwork, how real can its local sovereignty be? This systemic
disciplining or subversion of local sovereignty, it should be
noted, is the sole attraction of the neocameral schema to
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supporters of dynamic geography (who want nothing more than
for the national government to become the patchwork system’s
bitch).
Thirdly (and relatedly), neocameralism is floated as a model for
experimental
government,
driven
cybernetically
towards
effectiveness by the same types of feedback mechanisms that
control ‘secondary’ corporations. In particular, population traffic
between neocameral states is conceived as a fundamental
regulator,
continuously
measuring
the
functionality
of
government, and correcting it in the direction of attractiveness.
The incentive structure of the neocameral regime – and thus its
claim to practical rationality — rests entirely upon this. Once
again, however, it is evidently the radical limitation of local
sovereignty, rather than its unconstrained expression, which
promises to make such governments work. Free exit – to take
the single most important instance — is a rule imposed at a
higher level than the national sovereign, operating as a natural
law of the entire patchwork. Without free exit, a neocameral
state is no more than a parochial despotism. The absolute
sovereign of the state must choose to comply with a rule he did
not legislate … something is coming unstuck here (it’s time to
send that white horse to the biodiesel tanks).
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Neocameralism necessarily commercializes sovereignty, and in
doing so it accommodates power to natural law. Sovereign stock
(‘primary
property’)
commercially
and
‘secondary
inter-changeable,
property’
dissolving
the
become
original
distinction, whilst local sovereignty is rendered compliant with
the wider commercial order, and thus becomes a form of
constrained ‘secondary sovereignty’ relative to the primary or
absolute sovereignty of the system itself. Final authority bleeds
out into the catallactic ensemble, the agora, or commercium,
where what can really happen is decided by natural law. It is this
to which sovereign stockholders, if they are to be effective, and
to prosper, must defer.
The fundamental point, and the reason why the pretender on
the white horse is so misleading, is that sovereignty cannot, in
principle, inhere in a particular social agent – whether individual,
or group. This is best demonstrated in reference to the concept
of natural law (which James Donald outlines with unsurpassed
brilliance). When properly understood, or articulated, natural law
cannot possibly be violated. Putting your hand into a fire, and
being burnt, does not defy the natural law that temperatures
beyond a certain range cause tissue damage and pain. Similarly,
suppressing
private
property,
and
producing
economic
cataclysm, does not defy the natural law that human economic
behavior is sensitive to incentives.
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Positive law, as created by legislators, takes the form: do (or
don’t do) this. Violations will be punished.
Natural law, as discovered by any rational being, takes the form:
do what thou wilt and accept the consequences. Rewards and
punishments are intrinsic to it. It cannot be defied, but only
misunderstood. It is therefore absolutely sovereign (Deus sive
Natura). Like any other being, governments, however powerful,
can only comply with it, either through intelligent adaptation
and
flourishing,
or
through
ignorance,
incompetence,
degeneration, and death. To God-or-Nature it matters not at all.
Natural law is indistinguishable from the true sovereign power
which really decides what can work, and what doesn’t, which
can then – ‘secondarily’ — be learnt by rational beings, or not.
Moldbug knows this – really. He demonstrates it – to take just
one highly informative example — through his insistence that a
neocameral state would tend to tax at the Laffer optimum. That
is to say, such a state would prove its effectiveness by
maximizing the return on sovereign property in compliance with
reality. It does not legislate the Laffer curve, or choose for it to
exist, but instead recognizes that it has been discovered, and
with it an aspect of natural law. Anything less, or other, would
be inconsistent with its legitimacy as a competent protector of
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property. To survive, prosper, and even pretend to sovereignty,
it can do nothing else. Its power is delegated by commercium.
It is surely no coincidence that Cnut the Great has been
described by Norman Cantor as “the most effective king in
Anglo-Saxon history.” As Wikipedia relates his story:
His accession to the Danish throne in 1018 brought the crowns
of England and Denmark together. Cnut held this power-base
together by uniting Danes and Englishmen under cultural bonds
of wealth and custom, rather than sheer brutality.
Most importantly:
Henry of Huntingdon, the 12th-century chronicler, tells how
Cnut set his throne by the sea shore and commanded the tide to
halt and not wet his feet and robes. Yet “continuing to rise as
usual [the tide] dashed over his feet and legs without respect to
his royal person. Then the king leapt backwards, saying: ‘Let all
men know how empty and worthless is the power of kings, for
there is none worthy of the name, but He whom heaven, earth,
and sea obey by eternal laws.'”
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A Republic, If You Can Keep It
FEBRUARY 1, 2013
The
interlocking
achievements
of
Kurt
Gödel,
which
revolutionized the rigorous understanding of logic, arithmetic,
and time, are not of a nature that wins ready popular
acclamation. There is nevertheless a broadly factual story about
him that has attained some notable level of popularity, and it is
one that connects suggestively with the core concerns of his
work. At the website of the Institute for Advanced Study (where
Gödel was based from 1940 until his death in 1978), Oskar
Morgenstern’s recollection of the episode in question is
recorded:
[Gödel] rather excitedly told me that in looking at the
Constitution, to his distress, he had found some inner
contradictions and that he could show how in a perfectly legal
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manner it would be possible for somebody to become a dictator
and set up a Fascist regime never intended by those who drew
up the Constitution. I told him that it was most unlikely that
such events would ever occur, even assuming that he was right,
which of course I doubted.
But he was persistent and so we had many talks about this
particular point. I tried to persuade him that he should avoid
bringing up such matters at the examination before the court in
Trenton, and I also told Einstein about it: he was horrified that
such an idea had occurred to Gödel, and he also told him he
should not worry about these things nor discuss that matter.
Many months went by and finally the date for the examination
in Trenton came. On that particular day, I picked up Gödel in
my car. He sat in the back and then we went to pick up Einstein
at his house on Mercer Street, and from there we drove to
Trenton. While we were driving, Einstein turned around a little
and said, “Now Gödel, are you really well prepared for this
examination?”
Of
course,
this
remark
upset
Gödel
tremendously, which was exactly what Einstein intended and he
was greatly amused when he saw the worry on Gödel’s face.
When we came to Trenton, we were ushered into a big room,
and while normally the witnesses are questioned separately from
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the candidate, because of Einstein’s appearance, an exception
was made and all three of us were invited to sit down together,
Gödel, in the center. The examiner first asked Einstein and then
me whether we thought Gödel would make a good citizen. We
assured him that this would certainly be the case, that he was a
distinguished man, etc.
And then he turned to Gödel and said, Now, Mr. Gödel, where
do you come from?
Gödel: Where I come from? Austria.
The examiner: What kind of government did you have in
Austria?
Gödel: It was a republic, but the constitution was such that it
finally was changed into a dictatorship.
The examiner: Oh! This is very bad. This could not happen in
this country.
Gödel: Oh, yes, I can prove it.
To the great advantage of intelligence on earth, Gödel did not in
the end disqualify himself from residence in the USA through
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this disastrously over-accurate understanding of its constitution.
Evidently, despite everything that had happened by 1947,
detailed attachment to the constitution had not yet become a
thought-crime.
Today, emphatic attachment to the US Constitution is restricted
to the decent i.e. lunatic fringe of the Outer Party, and even
crankier outliers. Hardcore libertarians tend to dismiss it as a
distraction, if not a malign incarnation of statist degeneracy
(when compared to the less Leviathan-compatible Articles of
Confederation). Reactionary realists of the Moldbug school (in
all their vast multitudes) are at least as dismissive, seeing it as
little more than a fetish object and evasion of the timeless
practical
question:
Quis
custodiet
ipsos
custodes?
If
constitutions are realistically indefensible, both in principle and
as a matter of brutally demonstrated historical fact, what
significance could they have to any cold-eyed analysis of power?
Since the overwhelmingly bulk of present USG activity is
transparently unconstitutional, the skeptical case largely makes
itself. Presidents mobilize congressional support to appoint
Supreme Court justices whose principal qualification for office is
willingness to conspire in the subversion of the constitution, to
the deafening applause of a pork-ravening electorate and their
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intermediary lobbies. How could that plausibly be resisted?
Perhaps that was Gödel’s point.
In fact, no one really knows what Gödel’s point was. Jeffrey
Kegler, who has examined the topic carefully, leaves it open.
“Apparently, the ‘inconsistency’ noted by Gödel is simply that
the Constitution provides for its own amendment,” suggests a
“gravely disappointed” Mark Dominus, who “had been hoping
for something brilliant and subtle that only Gödel would have
noticed.” Dominus draws this tentative conclusion from Peter
Suber’s Paradox of Self-Amendment, where it is stated more
boldly:
Kurt Gödel the Austrian logician understood that an
omnipotent AC contained the risk of tyranny. Gödel studied the
U.S. constitution in preparation for his oral citizenship
examination in 1948. He noticed that the AC had procedural
limitations but no substantive limitations; hence it could be used
to overturn the democratic institutions described in the rest of
the constitution.
Suber adds: “A desire to limit the amending power, or to make it
more difficult — not the same thing — shows a distrust for
democracy or a denial that in general the people deserve what
they get.” (We’ll get back to that later.)
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This is conceptually persuasive, because it harmonizes Gödel’s
constitutional concerns with his central intellectual preoccupation: the emergence of inconsistencies within selfreferential formal systems. The Amending Clause (Article V,
section 1) is the occasion for the constitution to talk about itself,
and thus to encounter problems rigorously comparable to those
familiar from Gödel’s incompleteness theorems in mathematical
logic. Despite the neatness of this ‘solution’, however, there is
no solid evidence to support it. Furthermore, self-referential
structures can be identified at numerous other points. For
instance, is not the authority of the Supreme Court respecting
constitutional interpretation a similar point of reflexivity, with
unlimited potential for circularity and paradox? This insight,
highly-regarded among the neo-reactionaries, recognizes that the
constitution allows – in principle – for a sufficiently corrupted
Supreme Court to ‘interpret’ its way to absolute power (in
conformity with a constitution that has sublimed into pure ‘life’).
Insofar as a constitution allows for its own processing, it must –
ultimately — allow anything.
Moldbug asks us to accelerate through this formal tangle, cutting
the Gordian knot. “Sovereignty is conserved,” he repeats,
insistently, so the occasions when power undertakes to bind
itself are essentially risible. Of course the final custodian of the
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constitution is a constitutionally unrestrained dictator. That’s
simple Schmittian sanity.
With all due contempt for argumentum ad hominem, it can
probably still be agreed that Gödel was not a fool, so that his
excited identification of a localized flaw in the US Constitution
merits consideration as just that (rather than an excuse to bin the
entire problematic). The formal resonances between his topically
disparate arguments provide a further incentive to slow down.
Whether in number theory, or space-time cosmology, Gödel’s
method was to advance the formalization of the system under
consideration and then test it to destruction upon the ‘strange
loops’ it generated (paradoxes of self-reference and time-travel).
In each case, the system was shown to permit cases that it could
not consistently absorb, opening it to an interminable process of
revision, or technical improvement. It thus defined dynamic
intelligence, or the logic of evolutionary imperfection, with an
adequacy that was both sufficient and necessarily inconclusive.
What it did not do was trash the very possibility of arithmetic,
mathematical logic, or cosmic history — except insofar as these
were falsely identified with idols of finality or closure.
On the slender evidence available, Gödel’s ‘reading’ of the US
Constitution was strictly analogous. Far from excusing the
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abandonment of constitutionalism, it identified constitutional
design as the only intellectually serious response to the problem
of politics (i.e. untrammeled power). It is a subtle logical
necessity that constitutions, like any formal systems of
comparable complexity, cannot be perfected or consistently
completed. In other words, as Benjamin Franklyn fully
recognized, any republic is precarious. Nothing necessarily
follows from this, but a number of things might.
Most abruptly, one might contemplate the sickly child with
sadness, before abandoning it on the hillside for the wolves.
Almost every interesting voice on the right seems to be heading
this way. Constitutions are a grim joke.
Alternatively, constitutionalism could be elevated to a new level
of cultural dignity, in keeping with its status as the sole model of
republican government, or truly logical politics. This would
require, first of all, that the necessity for constitutional
modification was recognized only when such modification made
the constitution stronger, in purely formal, or systemic terms. In
the US case, the first indication of such an approach would be
an amendment of Article Five itself, in order to specify that
constitutional amendments are tolerated only when they satisfy
criteria
of
formal
improvement,
legitimated
in
exact,
mathematical terms, in accordance with standards of proof no
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different than those applicable to absolutely uncontroversial
arguments
(theorems).
Constitutional
design
would
be
subsumed within applied mathematics as a subsection of
nonlinear control theory.
Under these (unlikely) circumstances, the purpose of the
constitution is to sustain itself, and thus the Republic. As a
mathematical object, the constitution is maximally simple,
consistent, necessarily incomplete, and interpretable as a model
of natural law. Political authority is allocated solely to serve the
constitution. There are no authorities which are not overseen,
within nonlinear structures. Constitutional language is formally
constructed to eliminate all ambiguity and to be processed
algorithmically. Democratic elements, along with official
discretion, and legal judgment, is incorporated reluctantly,
minimized in principle, and gradually eliminated through
incremental
formal
improvement.
Argument
defers
to
mathematical expertise. Politics is a disease that the constitution
is designed to cure.
Extreme skepticism is to be anticipated not only from the
Moldbuggian royalists, but from all of those educated by Public
Choice theory to analyze ‘politics without romance’. How could
defending the constitution become an absolute, categorical or
unconditional imperative, when the only feasible defenders are
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people, guided by multiple incentives, few of which align neatly
with objective constitutional order? Yet, how is this different
from the question of mathematical or natural scientific progress?
Are not mathematicians equally people, with appetites, egos,
sex-driven status motivations, and deeply defective capabilities
for realistic introspection? How does maths advance? (No one
can seriously deny that it does.) The answer surely lies in its
autonomous or impersonal criteria of excellence, combined with
pluralistic institutions that facilitate Darwinian convergence. The
Gödelian
equivalence
between
mathematical
logic
and
constitutional government indicates that such principles and
mechanisms are absent from the public domain only due to
defective (democratic-bureaucratic) design.
When it comes to deep realism, and to guns, is there any reason
to think the military is resistant by nature to constitutional
subordination? Between the sublime office of Commander in
Chief, and the mere man, is it not obvious that authority should
tend to gravitate to the former? It might be argued that
civilization is nothing else, that is to say: the tendency of
personal authority to decline towards zero. Ape-men will reject
this of course. It’s what they do.
Between
democracy,
monarchy,
anarchy,
or
republican
government, the arguments will not end soon. They are truly
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ancient, and illustrated in the Odyssey, by the strategy of binding
oneself against the call of the Sirens. Can Odysseus bind
himself? Only republicans defend the attempt, as Gödel did. All
of the others let the Sirens win. Perhaps they will.
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Twisted Times (Part 1)
FEBRUARY 17, 2013
Abe: “You should go to China.”
Joe: “I’m going to France.”
Abe: “I’m from the future. You should go to China.”
— Looper
In Rian Johnson’s Looper (2012), the city of Shanghai reaches
back across 30 years to draw people in. Over these decades it
feeds itself based on what it is to become: the city of the future.
When compared to this, everything else that happens in the
movie is mere distraction, but we won’t get there for a while.
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Strangely enough, ‘everything else’ was to have been simply
everything. Joe was going to Paris, and Shanghai wasn’t even in
the picture. That was before Chinese authorities told Johnson
that they would cover the cost of the Shanghai shoot, making
the film a co-production, with convenient access to the Chinese
cinema market. The Old World stood no chance.
For American audiences, Looper played into the trend of
opinion, through its contrasting urban visions of a grim,
deteriorated, crime-wracked Kansas City and the splendors of a
‘futuristic’ Shanghai. The movie doesn’t answer the question:
How did America lose the future? It nevertheless accepts the
premise, as something close to a pre-installed fact.
Yet if Looper confirmed the direction of American popular
attitudes, it marked a shift on the Chinese side. Only a few years
before, Western media reported with amusement that the
Chinese broadcast authorities had banned time-travel fictions
from the nation’s airwaves, apparently concerned that the
country’s citizens were defecting into a pre-republican past,
under the influence of narratives that “casually make up myths,
have monstrous and weird plots, use absurd tactics, and even
promote feudalism, superstition, fatalism and reincarnation.”
Now a time-travel story was being actively recruited to close an
urban promotion loop, linking Shanghai’s international image to
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a portrayal of retro-chronic anomaly. The Shanghai time-travel
industry had arrived.
Before proceeding to a multi-installment investigation of
Topological Meta-History tangled time-circuitry, which ‘timetravel’ illustrates only as a crude dramatization, it is worth
pausing over Looper’s ‘monstrous and weird plot’. Time-travel
has a uniquely intimate, and seductively morbid, relationship to
both fiction and history, because it scrambles the very principle
of narrative order in profundity. If Western media authorities
assumed the same role of cultural custodianship that has been
traditional among their Chinese peers, they too might have been
compelled to denounce a genre that flagrantly subverted the
foundational principle of Aristotelian poetics: that any story
worthy of veneration should have a beginning, a middle, and an
end. If time-travel can occur, it seems (at least initially) that
order is an illusion, so that fiction and reality switch places.
From a conservative perspective, therefore, comfort is to be
found in the blatant absurdity of time-travel stories (insofar as
this can be confined to a reductio ad absurdam of the time-loop
structure itself, rather than spreading outwards as the index of
primordial cosmic disorder). In this respect, Looper is a model
of tranquillization.
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The Looper time-travel procedure is monopolized by a criminal
syndicate, which utilizes it exclusively for one purpose: the
disposal of awkward individuals, who are returned 30 years in
time to be murdered, execution-style, by professional killers (yes:
“This sounds pretty stupid”). The exorbitant absurdity of this
scenario might exempt it from further critical attention, were it
not the symptom of more interesting things, and the doorway
onto others.
The symptom first: Non-linear time-structures are shaken to
pieces
almost
immediately,
once
they
allow
for
the
transportation of stuff backwards in time. Looper economics
exposes this with particular clarity. The killers of 2044 are paid
in bars of silver for ‘ordinary’ hits, and in gold for ‘closing loops’
or executing their retro-deposited older selves. The bars are sent
back from 2074, and circulated through an internal exchange
operation, which swaps bullion for (Chinese) paper currency.
Whilst this crude time-circuit is presented as a payments system,
the process described actually functions as an under-performing
money-making machine. By using it, one realizes the ultimate
Austrian economic nightmare by printing precious metals,
because an ingot sent backwards in time is doubled, or added to
its ‘previous’ instance (which already exists in the past).
Mechanical re-iteration of the process would guarantee
exponential growth for free. We’re not told what the 2074
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criminal organization sees as its core business, but it must be
seriously lucrative — exciting enough, in any case, to distract
them from the fact that their murder-fodder machine is really a
bullion fast-breeder. They could have shoveled it full of
diamonds, doubling their fortune each ‘time’, but they decided
instead to duplicate human nuisances in 2044. The movie asks
us quietly to suspend our impertinent disbelief, and trust that
they know what they’re doing.
Mike Dickison’s excellent Looper commentary succinctly
describes this implicit procedure for unlimited wealth, among
other incredibly missed opportunities. It surely has to count as a
criticism of the movie that its rickety framework of plot
coherence is dependent upon the imbecility of its significant
agents, who stumble blindly past the prospect of total power in
their ruthless pursuit of a miserable racket. This absurdity, as
already noted, serves a conservative purpose: The potential of
the loop has to be suppressed to sustain narrative drama and
intelligibility. The basic flaw of the movie is that far too much
was given, before most of it was clumsily taken away.
In the absence of controlling censors, Johnson’s story represses
itself, messily, comically, and unconvincingly. “This time travel
crap, just fries your brain like a egg,” the elder Joe (Bruce Willis)
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plot, inconsistent with dramatic presentation. (If you’re not
willing to take Aristotle’s word for that, watching Primer a few
dozen times should sort you out.) Narrative wreckage is what
time-travel does.
Time-travel absurdity is a choice. It is a decision taken, at least
semi-deliberately, for conservative or protective reasons, because
the alternative would be ruin. Even the representation of
(radically nonlinear) time anomaly by ‘time-travel’ is indicative of
this, since it is programmed by the preservation of a narrative
function (the ‘time-traveler’), regardless of conceptual expense.
Far rather the incoherent jumble of matter duplication, time-line
proliferation, immunized strands of personal memory, and the
arbitrary inhibition of potentialities, than utter narrative
disorder, fate loops, the annihilation of agency, and the
emergence of an alien consistency, subverting all historical
meaning.
If the mask of time-travel has slipped enough to expose some
hint of the intolerable tangle beneath, we’re ready to take the
next step …
(This will help.)
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From the previous post on, Land has gone into other
venues. Outside In’s first post dates from February 17,
2013. Urban Future 1.2 established itself on WordPress
on July 29, 2013
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