Precarious Dystopias: The Hunger Games, in Time, and Never Let Me Go
Author(s): Mark Fisher
Source: Film Quarterly , Vol. 65, No. 4 (Summer 2012), pp. 27-33
Published by: University of California Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/fq.2012.65.4.27
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The world of The Hunger Games is rigidly stratified. One
of the points of the Games is to underscore the impossibility of any upward movement for most, even as it holds up
the remote (and unappealing) chance of a limited escape for
the competition’s victors. The winners live as rich celebrities,
among but apart from the rest of their districts. They are also
required to mentor future tributes—a miserable, purgatorial
fate, which more than accounts for Haymitch’s alcoholism.
The feudal overtones means that Panem sometimes feels
more like a caste, than a class, society. The lower-numbered
districts have preferred status, their tributes usually allying in
the arena to form a pathetic elite of the downtrodden and the
(mostly) doomed. (One notable addition to the novel is the
speech given to one of these elite tributes, when, just before
his death at the climax of the film, he belatedly becomes
aware of his status as someone born to kill, and to die.) The
hierarchy between the Capitol and the districts—and among
more or less prosperous districts—is further compounded by
class divisions within District 12, between the miners and a
merchant class.
The hierarchies in Panem are also organized geographically, and here the difference between Capitol and the
districts can be construed as analogous to that between center and periphery in the world. The districts are responsible
for the extraction of raw materials and the manufacture of
commodities, leaving the citizens of the Capitol to engage
in various kinds of service industry—food preparation, styling, and entertainment—not to mention consumption.
This fades into the closely related division between urban
and rural, where we are invited to contrast the metropolis’s
almost entirely artificialized world with the coal mines and
woodlands of District 12. Yet we can just as easily understand
the differences between Capitol and the districts in historical terms, so that the Capitol’s decadent (post)modernity, its
apparently unlimited consumption and foppish, infantilized
spectatorialism can be set against the conspicuous authenticity of older forms of labor, with their dirt-poor privations
and honest work ethic. When Katniss, the daughter of a dead
miner who survives by hunting on the land, is conveyed to
the Capitol by high-speed train, it is as if the nineteenth
century is brought face to future-shocked face with twentyfirst-century media culture, a disjunction that is pointed up
by the garish appearance of the Capitol’s citizens, with their
grotesque cosmetics, lurid hair dye, and ornate clothes. But
the urban-modern-versus-rural-archaic opposition makes
for the appearance of anomaly. While District 12 is a locality in which everyone knows everybody else, the Capitol is
immensely populous, giving the impression that, in Panem,
the rich vastly outnumber the working poor, as if the immis30
erated 1% work for the benefit of the privileged 99% rather
than the reverse. (In the novels it is explained that District 12
is an exceptionally small district.)
Ultimately, the Capitol’s oppression of the districts is perhaps most obviously read in terms of colonial domination. In
the Games, the colonized are forced to celebrate their own
defeat and to acknowledge the unassailability of their colonizers’
power. But whether we read the film in generational, colonial,
geographical, historical, or class terms—or, as seems best, as a
combination or condensation of all these modes—it is clear
that Panem is world in which there is Empire but no Multitude
(to use the terms of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri). Or,
rather, we see the Multitude flicker into existence fitfully, in the
uprisings which play only a small part in The Hunger Games
but which take on a greater significance as Collins’s trilogy
develops, where what initially seem to be sporadic, futile acts of
defiance ultimately play a part in an organized resistance.
“Suicide is the decisive political act of our times,” claimed
Franco Berardi in Precarious Rhapsody: Semiocapitalism and
the Pathologies of the Post-alpha Generation (London: Minor
Compositions, 2009, 55). In a world where domination is
total, where power has unquestioned dominion over life and
death, then the last recourse for the oppressed is to die on their
own terms, to use their deaths as—symbolic as well as literal—
weapons. Thus, in The Hunger Games, it is Katniss and Peta’s
threat of suicide which checkmates the Capitol. In choosing
to die, they not only deny the Capitol the captured life of a
victor, they also deny it their deaths. Death in the arena ceases
to be a reconfirmation of the Capitol’s power, and becomes
instead an act of refusal. Up until this climactic moment, The
Hunger Games is striking for the fatalism of its lead characters,
something that is all the more remarkable given the personal
courage and self-sacrifice that they show. They think like
slaves, taking it for granted that the Capitol’s power cannot
be broken. Katniss and Peeta have at this stage no ambitions
to head a revolution. Katniss acquiesces because she believes
that confronting the Capitol is hopeless; any challenge to
its power could only result in her family being tortured and
killed. Poignantly, the only alternative to servitude she can
imagine at the start of the film is escape into the woods. (It
could be argued that the fantasy of escape into the woods is
by no means confined to Katniss; so much contemporary anticapitalism, motivated by a vision of a return to the organic and
the local, to a space outside the purview of Empire, amounts
to little more than a version of this same hope.) The threat of
suicide is the first step in a process of converting fatalism into
insurrection. The fantasy of escape is given up, not any more
because Katniss sees the Capitol’s power as unbreakable, but
because she now sees no alternative but to confront it.
sum m er 2012
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