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The End A Conversation - Alain Badiou
Robin Mackay/Texts/Books/Translator/The End_ A Conversation - Alain Badiou.pdf
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CONTENTS
1. Cover
2. Front Matter
3. Apologue
1. Notes
4. Prologue
1. Notes
5. The End
1. Notes
6. Epilogue
1. Notes
7. Coda
1. Notes
8. Afterword
9. Afterword: The Infinity of Truths
1. Notes
10. References
11. End User License Agreement
List of Illustrations
1. Apologue
1. Image from the film Tout va bien by J. L. Godard and J. P.
Gorin
2. Image from the film Tout va bien by J. L. Godard and J. P.
Gorin
3. J. L. Godard and J. P. Gorin’s Tout va bien
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The End
A Conversation
Alain Badiou
Giovanbattista Tusa
Translated by Robin Mackay
polity
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First published in French as De la fin. Conversations © Éditions Mimésis, 2017
This edition copyright © Alain Badiou and Giovanbattista Tusa, 2019
Polity Press
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Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press
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All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of
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electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-3628-3
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pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.
For further information on Polity, visit our website: politybooks.com
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Apologue1
Giovanbattista Tusa
The beginning is the negation of that which begins with it.
F. W. J. Schelling
[…] [T]he ‘contradiction’ is inseparable from the total structure of
the social body in which it is found, inseparable from its formal
conditions of existence, and even from the instances it governs;
it is radically affected by them […].
Louis Althusser, For Marx
The Italian storyteller Italo Calvino always saw Paris as a symbol of
an elsewhere, the foreign city.2 In Paris, he wrote, ‘I have my country
home, in the sense that as a writer I can conduct part of my activity in
solitude, it does not matter where, in a house isolated in the midst of
the countryside, or on an island, and this country house of mine is
right in the middle of Paris.’3
The characters in Calvino’s novels and short stories often exhibit a
singular combination of asceticism and obstinacy, but this is always
mysteriously combined with a tenacious curiosity for human beings
and their contradictory situations, their peculiarities, their singularities.
In The Baron in the Trees, Calvino tells the story of Cosimo, eldest
son of the Baron Laverse of Rondeau. Following a quarrel with his
parents over his refusal to eat a plate of snails, the twelve-year-old
Cosimo decides to climb to the top of the oak tree in their garden –
and never to come down again.
Cosimo’s parents are not particularly strict, but in spite of what is, all
things considered, a benign family environment, he proves
indefatigably stubborn in his insistence on following his own path, his
own precise, albeit eccentric, way of being in the world.
The Baron in the Trees transports us to the eighteenth century, to
Enlightenment Paris. Cosimo lives in the trees, but keeps up a fervent
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epistolary correspondence with Rousseau. At one point he even
creates a library – also in the trees – which includes the volumes of
D’Alembert and Diderot’s Encyclopedia. And it is to Diderot that he
sends his Project for the Constitution for an Ideal State in the Trees.
Utopia, according to Deleuze and Guattari, is the conjunction of
philosophy with the ambient milieu:
[U]topia is what links philosophy with its own epoch, with
European capitalism, but also already with the Greek city. […]
[E]tymologically it stands for absolute deterritorialization but
always at the critical point at which it is connected with the
present relative milieu, and especially with the forces stifled by
this milieu.4
Also utopian is the paradeigma (model) of Plato’s Πολιτεία (Republic),
a book that sets out to discuss what Plato himself defined as
φιλοσοφία περὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπινα (the philosophy of human affairs), the
model of a polis that does not exist anywhere in the world, as
described in Book IX at the end of the dialogue:
I understand. You mean […] the politics of the city [πόλει] we
were founding and describing, the one that exists in theory, for I
don’t think it exists anywhere on earth.
But perhaps, I said, there is a model [παραδειγμα] of it in
heaven, for anyone who wants to look at it and to make himself
its citizen on the strength of what he sees. It makes no difference
whether it is or ever will be somewhere, for he would take part in
the practical affairs of that city [πόλει] and no other.5
Philosophical engagement is a strange sort of engagement: or rather,
according to Alain Badiou, one that creates a strangeness or an
estrangement. It is not the same as political engagement or civil
engagement precisely because it is marked by this inherent
strangeness.
Truth – which, for Badiou, is axiomatic and generic, foundational –
posits its own conditions of possibility. They cannot be deduced from
any premise, and are not to be confused with the mere coherence,
correspondence, or verification found in ordinary logics. For Badiou,
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the notion of truth surpasses that which can be proved or
demonstrated. It cannot be deduced: philosophy must recognize and
declare its existence.6 Revolution, Badiou writes,
is that which takes another turn around – it is not an absolute
beginning, but something that is swept up in the spiral of a new
cycle. I believe the present must be represented as a declaration
of being swept up, of that which is effectively swept up in the
projection. The declaration – to use Mallarmé’s word, perfectly
appropriate here – is the coextension of repetition and projection
in this being-swept-up.7
In a certain sense, Badiou comes back to the notion of the
authenticity of decision as detachment, as interruption of the
anonymous continuum of Heidegger’s das Man. As described in
Being and Time, das Man – ‘the They’ – is everyone in general but no
one in particular. Although the very subject of the enunciation may
include himself in it, it is never assignable to a concrete circumscribed
reality that could possibly be opposed.
For Badiou, it is such an interruption that instigates the tearing
[déchirure] involved in the passage from generic animal to subject. If
there is no ethics ‘in general’, he writes,
that is because there is no abstract Subject, who would adopt it
as his shield. There is only a particular kind of animal, convoked
by certain circumstances to become a subject – or rather, to
enter into the composing of a subject. That is to say that at a
given moment, everything he is, his body, his abilities – is called
upon to enable the passing of a truth along its path. This is when
the human animal is convoked [requis] to be the immortal that he
was not yet.8
In his book on Saint Paul, Badiou evokes a secularized formal
conception of grace. Grace, ‘affirmation without preliminary negation’,
is not a moment of the Absolute. Paul’s position is radically
antidialectical, and ‘death is in no way the obligatory exercise of the
negative’s immanent power’. Rather, grace is a pure encounter, and
the whole point for Badiou is to know ‘whether an ordinary existence,
breaking with time’s cruel routine, encounters the material chance of
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serving a truth, thereby becoming, through subjective division and
beyond the human animal’s survival imperatives, an immortal’.9
Subjects are ‘points’ of truth, local occurrences of truth processes,
particular and incomparable inductions. And, for Badiou, such a
subject
goes beyond the animal (although the animal remains its sole
foundation [support]), [and] needs something to have happened,
something that cannot be reduced to its ordinary inscription in
‘what there is’. Let us call this supplement an event, and let us
distinguish multiple-being, where it is not a matter of truth (but
only of opinions), from the event, which compels us to decide a
new way of being. Such events are well and truly attested: the
French Revolution of 1792, the meeting of Héloïse and Abélard,
Galileo’s creation of physics, Haydn’s invention of the classical
music style … . But also: the Cultural Revolution in China (1965–
67), a personal amorous passion, the creation of Topos theory by
the mathematician Grothendieck, the invention of the twelve-tone
scale by Schoenberg … .10
The event is in a paradoxical position, then: it is situated, but at the
same time it is also disconnected from all rules governing the
situation.
At the very heart of every situation, as the foundation of its being,
there is a ‘situated void’: the event names the void ‘inasmuch as it
names the not-known of the situation’. As in the famous example that
goes by the name of ‘Marx’, who
is an event for political thought because he designates, under the
name ‘proletariat’, the central void of early bourgeois societies.
For the proletariat – being entirely dispossessed, and absent
from the political stage – is that around which is organized the
complacent plenitude established by the rule of those who
possess capital.11
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Image from the film Tout va bien by J. L. Godard and J. P. Gorin
Finally, Badiou concludes, ‘the fundamental ontological characteristic
of an event is to inscribe, to name, the situated void of that for which
it is an event’.12
Heidegger’s Abbau, Heidegger’s great ‘deconstruction’, is the
disassembling of that which has been built on the beginning: in one
and the same gesture, it weakens the edifice of the metaphysical
tradition and founds the historical self-positing of this tradition,
carrying philosophy to its extreme, to its extremities – to its confines,
we might say.
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According to Badiou, in ‘situating himself in a coming beyond of
philosophy, a ‘thinking thought’ […] that will transcend the
philosophical disposition’,13 Heidegger places philosophy under a
more essential determination than itself: from the Heideggerian
perspective, philosophy is destined or sent by a more originary and
more essential disposition of thought than philosophy itself. The
destiny of philosophy, and its capacities, must always be measured
against that condition which is more profound and more decisive than
it itself can ever be. The overarching idea of the great Heideggerian
deconstruction, according to Badiou, is ‘that metaphysics is
historically depleted, but that what lies beyond this depletion is as yet
unavailable to us’.14 Philosophy thus remains imprisoned, ‘caught
between the depletion of its historical possibility and the coming
without concept of a salvational turnabout [retournement salvateur].
Contemporary philosophy combines a deconstruction of its past with
an empty wait for its future.’15 ‘My basic intention’, as Badiou writes
laconically in Conditions, ‘is to break with this diagnostic’.16
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Image from the film Tout va bien by J. L. Godard and J. P. Gorin
Tout va bien, a French film written and directed by Jean-Luc Godard
and Jean-Pierre Gorin and which came out in 1972, depicts a factory
strike in a post-May-’68 France, complete with a picket and
imprisonment of the boss. Alain Badiou sees it as ‘an allegory of
gauchisme on the wane’, a narration of the events that unfolded
between 1969 and 1972, the political appraisal of an end, or even, as
he insists, ‘the end of a beginning’.17
In a certain sense, Godard’s film asks what conditions must be in
place in order for the new to emerge, in order for the world to be
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changed by the experience of popular struggles. For Badiou, it is the
story of a veritable re-education of a petitbourgeois artist and a young
woman through revolt and love.
J. L. Godard and J. P. Gorin’s Tout va bien
And such ‘is the declaration of Godard’s film [… ] in its strange,
timeless beauty’, he writes: ‘Tout va bien’ is ‘the attitude of those who
organize themselves freely and are answerable to no one but
themselves’.18
Notes
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1. This initial brief note was written on 17 January 2017, the day after
Alain Badiou’s last seminar at the Théâtre de la Commune,
Aubervilliers, on the occasion of his eightieth birthday.
Giovanbattista Tusa
2. ‘The hermit has the city in the background; for me that city remains
Italy. Paris is more a symbol of somewhere else rather than an
actual elsewhere.’ From the interview ‘The Situation in 1978’, in
Italo Calvino, Hermit in Paris: Autobiographical Writings, trans.
Martin McLaughlin (Boston and New York: Mariner Books, 2014),
p. 188.
3. Calvino, Hermit in Paris, p. 169.
4. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, What is Philosophy?, trans.
Hugh Tomlinson and Graham Burchill (London and New York:
Verso, 1994), pp. 99–100.
5. Plato, ‘Republic’, in Complete Works, ed. John M. Cooper
(Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett, 1999), p. 1199 (592a–b).
6. On this point see Daniel Bensaïd’s fine essay, ‘Alain Badiou and
the Miracle of the Event’, in Think Again: Alain Badiou and the
Future of Philosophy, ed. Peter Hallward (London and New York:
Continuum, 2004), pp. 94–105.
7. Alain Badiou, Le Séminaire – Images du temps présent (2001–
2004) (Paris: Fayard, 2014), p. 168.
8. Alain Badiou, Ethics, trans. Peter Hallward (London and New York:
Verso, 2001), p. 40.
9. Alain Badiou, Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism, trans.
Ray Brassier (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), p.
66. Badiou also writes in Ethics: ‘the onset of asceticism is
identical to the uncovering of the subject of truth as pure desire of
self [de soi]. The subject must in some sense continue under his
own steam, no longer protected by the ambiguities the
representing fiction.’ Badiou, Ethics, p. 56.
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10. Badiou, Ethics, p. 41.
11. Ibid., p. 69.
12. Ibid.
13. Badiou, Le Séminaire – Images du temps présent, p. 317.
14. Alain Badiou, Conditions, trans. Steven Corcoran (London and
New York: Continuum, 2008), p. 3.
15. Ibid., p. 4.
16. Ibid.
17. Alain Badiou, ‘The End of a Beginning: Tout va bien’, lecture
given in Nantes, 14 February 2003, by the invitation of the
association La vie est à nous, as part of the retrospective ‘JeanLuc Godard: années politiques’; reprinted in translation in Alain
Badiou, Cinéma, ed. Antoine de Baecque, trans. Susan Spitzer
(Cambridge: Polity, 2013), pp. 242–51: 242.
18. Ibid., p. 250.
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The End
A Conversation
Alain Badiou
Giovanbattista Tusa
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Many thanks to Isabelle Vodoz for her hospitality, and to Armel
Hostiou for his images of the Conversation.
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Prologue
And the Stranger, clothed in his new thoughts, acquires still more
partisans in the ways of silence.
Saint-John Perse, Anabasis
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: It all begins in darkness and adversity. We
recognize the scene. One man is telling the story while others listen.
It’s the story of Plato’s cave again. This story of prisoners, of ascesis,
and of phantoms is well known – but we will tell it again.
A number of captives are chained up in a subterranean cavern, their
heads fixed facing the wall opposite the entrance, unable to see
anything other than this wall. It is lit up by the reflections of a fire
burning outside, midway beneath which there runs a path flanked by
a low wall. Behind this wall people file by, carrying on their shoulders
a motley assortment of objects, statues of men and animals. All that
the captives can see of these objects is their shadows, projected by
the fire onto the back wall of the cave. Similarly, all they hear are the
echoes of these bearers’ conversations. Accustomed since birth to
watching these empty images and hearing these confused sounds,
utterly ignorant of their source, the prisoners live in a world of
phantoms, which they take for realities. But then, suddenly, one of
them is freed from his chains and dragged towards the light. At first
he is completely bedazzled. The sunlight pains him, and he can make
out nothing of his surroundings. Instinctively he turns towards the
shadow where his eyes can find respite from the pain. Little by little,
however, his eyes become accustomed to the light, and he begins to
be able to see the reflections of objects in water. Later, he feels ready
to look at them directly. Finally, he can endure the sunlight. It is then
that he realizes that his former life was nothing but a dark dream, and
begins to pity his former fellow prisoners. But if he were to go back
down to teach them, to show them the deluded state in which they
live and to describe to them the world of light, even the wisest of them
would treat him like a madman, and may even threaten to kill him
should he persist.
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The end of the story is just as well known, and, you, Alain, also retell
it in your own version of Plato’s Republic – but you set it in a gigantic
movie theatre. As everyone knows, in the end the escapee will return
to his fellow prisoners, back to the shadowy cave.1
But I wanted to read what you wrote in your ‘translation’ of Plato:
The escaped prisoner’s anabasis into the mountains and his
contemplation of the mountain peaks is the Subject’s ascension
into the realm of thought. These analogies, my young friends,
correspond to what I hope is true and to what you’re so eager to
know about. Only from the point of view of the Other, not of the
individual – that paltry thing, even were he Socrates – can it be
determined whether my hopes are justified. All I can say is that
everything that ever appeared to me, regardless of the time or
place of the experience, was set out in accordance with a single
principle governing its appearance. At the far limits of knowledge,
almost beyond its scope, is what I improperly call the Idea of
Truth – ‘improperly’, since I already told you that Truth, because
it underpins the ideality of every Idea, could not itself be an Idea
like the others. That’s incidentally why it’s so hard to construct a
concept of it.2
As we know, for Heidegger, the duplicity of the beginning of
metaphysics and the mutation in the essence of truth are part and
parcel of one and the same gesture. Heidegger’s interpretation of the
allegory of the cave is largely devoted to outlining two different
determinations of the essence of truth at work in the text. The
allegory of the cave is the story of Paideia. Insisting that this word is
untranslatable, Heidegger offers a crude approximation with the
German Bildung, in the old sense of the word, and an analogous
approximation with the French ‘éducation’. But these substitutes bear
only the faintest allusion to the Platonic determination: Paideia is an
Umwendung des ganzen Menschen, Heidegger says, a turning
around of the whole human being.
Although the original Greek concept of truth as ‘unconcealing’ is still
operative in the allegory of the cave, another determination of truth is
also at work in it, a veritable mutation in the determination of the
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essence of truth. Henceforth the problem will no longer be that of
seeing, but that of the exactness of vision, of correspondence, and
this conforming of apprehension, as an idein, to the idea is an
Orthotes, an agreement of the act of knowing with the thing itself.
Thus, the priority of idea and idein over aletheia results in a
transformation in the essence of truth. Truth becomes Orthotes,
the correctness of apprehending and asserting.3
This mutation in the essence of truth, the mutating of ‘unconcealing’
into rectitude, simultaneously produces a mutation of the site of truth:
truth finds itself displaced from the domain of beings into that of the
human attitude to those beings.
In your Second Manifesto for Philosophy, you argue that Plato’s
problem is still ours today, namely that of ‘how our experience of a
particular world (that which we are given to know, the ‘knowable’) can
open up access to eternal, universal and, in this sense,
transmundane truths’.4 The problem would therefore be that
‘[e]ntering into the composition of a Subject orientates our individual
existence while, for Plato, dialectical conversion renders possible a
just life. This “entry into truth” is what the Idea brings about.’5
In Conditions you write that, contrary to every dogma of familiarity,
there can be no truth except via separation. Every truth is particular,
singular and even, we might say, free of all entanglement with any
form of resemblance or adequatio.
In this respect, the story of Saint Paul is emblematic for your work,
Paul being ‘himself the contemporary of a monumental figure of the
destruction of all politics’ who, as you have written, in ‘assigning to
the universal a specific connection of law and the subject, asks
himself with the most extreme rigour what price is to be paid for this
assignment, by the law as well as by the subject. This interrogation is
precisely our own.’6
Vertiginous words indeed. Here the relation between the subject and
the law seems to be fundamental from the beginning – along with the
tenacity of a saintliness that contrasts with an experience of extreme
fragility. You have written, also in your text on Paul, that
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[w]hoever is the subject of a truth (of love, of art, or science, or
politics) knows that, in effect, he bears a treasure, that he is
traversed by an infinite power. Whether or not this truth, so
precarious, continues to deploy itself depends solely on his
subjective weakness.7
Subject and truth. What is the nature of this obscure and precarious
relation?
ALAIN BADIOU: At the outset you have raised what is truly the most
difficult question of all, a question upon which, in a certain sense, the
whole movement of my writings bears – first of all Being and Event,
then Logics of Worlds, and then the book I’m working on at the
moment, which will be called The Immanence of Truths. That’s it, the
strategic question.
Why is this question so important, and why so difficult? Because we
invariably find ourselves caught up in a contradiction, thinking, on one
hand, that truth has a primordial autonomy, whether as clearing or as
becoming or as place, and that the subject is basically a kind of
inhabitant of this sovereignty; and on the other that truth is ultimately
something produced by the subject. My whole problem is how to
avoid coming down on either one or the other side; and this
necessarily involves maintaining that there is a kind of absolutely
singular co-belonging of truth and subject; so that we can say that the
subject is a figure that orients the construction of truth, but at the
same time we can say that truth qua evental involves a creation of
possibility that does not have the subject as its source – instead, the
subject depends upon it.
From a certain point of view, the subject only occurs as subject on
condition that an evental rupture has taken place, followed by an
oriented labour that constitutes it as subject. But on the other hand, a
truth can only be created if this post-evental establishing of the
subject within the possibility of the true has indeed taken place.
You see, the really difficult thing is to work out how all of this is
conceptually organized. In the end, subject/truth is a couple, but it is a
couple that ultimately refers to a co-relation, and sooner or later we
have to define the ontological status of this co-relation. This is the
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primordial work done in Being and Event. And the conclusion I draw
there is that this co-relation between subject and truth must really be
conceived of as a metamorphosis of the individual, which is a presubject, into the figure of a subject, a metamorphosis that is only
made possible by the provocation of the event. So that, ultimately, the
couple truth/subject is that which, from the point of view of the
general doctrine of being, that is to say of indistinct multiplicity,
constitutes a regime of exception. Truth is an exception in regard to
all encyclopaedic knowledges, and the subject is an exception in
regard to the individual, in regard to the co-belonging of individual
and world, or the situation.
So, the difficulty is that this exception, which is the status of truths in
general – truths always come in the figure of exceptions – is an
exception both to the subject and to the world situation. It is an
exception to the laws of the world because there are no truths without
an evental rupture, and it is also an exception to the ordinary figure
that is called the figure of subjectivity, because the subject is not
reducible to an individual, even if an individual is traditionally its
support or what is at stake in it.
This is the reason why my interpretation of Plato’s cave emphasizes a
point that is usually glossed over, namely that the one who comes out
of the cave is forced to do so. Plato says this quite explicitly: it is by
no means an exit that is the result of an educative process, an exit
prepared for from within the cave; no, the word, the Greek word, is
the word ‘Bia [βία]’: he is taken out by force, he is forced to exit. In my
view, what is indicated by the presence of this element of compulsion
in the allegory of the cave, is the fact that the subject is an exception
to the individual, and that truth is an exception to knowledge, both of
these things conjointly. Truth is an exception to knowledge because it
can only ever be constituted outside of the cave, which is very simply
the place of ordinary knowledges; and it is an exception to the
individual, because the individual is forced to exit, rather than finding
his way out through some spontaneous process or one that is
consistent with his own nature. This is what prompted me to introduce
a new expression that applies to both subject and truth, and to speak
of the ‘immanent exception’.
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So, it could well be said that all of my philosophical work aims to
explain this expression and the paradox that it represents, since
normally an exception cannot be immanent, precisely because it is an
exception to the laws of immanence; and inversely, what is immanent
cannot be grasped in an immediate relation to the exceptional. So,
the immanent exception is what I see in the allegory of the cave. It is
immanent because ultimately everything happens first of all inside the
cave – that is to say that the element of exit is not prescribed by the
cave, it is an element of the cave, a movement in the cave, but at the
same time an exception to it.
Plato doesn’t really say much about the raison d’être of this
exception: he just lets us know that, in any case, it is forced, which
means that it will not be the result of reasoning about the situation in
the cave. In fact, this is what you reminded us of when you cited Saint
Paul: that we must hold to this connection between truth and subject
on the side of the subject in so far as, in a certain sense, the subject
comes to itself in this figure of the immanent exception. And we must
also hold to it on the side of being in so far as being is not enough for
a truth to be produced; a truth also requires, in some way, the
collaboration of the evental rupture.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: You spoke of Bia, the violence of the exit,
as if it were something that is not produced by the situation, but rather
an entirely external, entirely exceptional violence. In his Lessons on
the Philosophy of History Hegel says that the West is characterized
by a ‘going outside’ (Hinaus), by the ‘exit of life out of and above
itself’. According to Hegel, it is owing to this radical difference that
Asia attributes so little importance to the sea: the Asiatic peoples
remain closed to the sea, but ‘the West’, on the contrary, consists in
this exit via navigation, via the incentives of navigation. The Asiatic is
characterized more by immobility and by remaining within its own
territories than by a movement out of the country … .
ALAIN BADIOU: Yes, I understand entirely what Hegel is getting at
here, only what it means is that he organizes his theory of the West
as exit in such a way as to ensure that, in the end, the West will be
the ultimate site of absoluteness. In truth, ‘going outside’ does not
necessarily mean expatriation: within the space of China, which can
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P. 23
indeed be considered as a non-maritime space, a space devoted to
internal commerce, it may well be the case that there have been
exits, but exits internal to this space. I can see this all the more given
that, in a certain sense, Chinese poetry is a poetry that is all about
exit and exile.
Obviously, it could be said that the case of the official who was sent to
deepest Mongolia and who wrote a magnificent poem to complain
about how far he was from everything, is not the same thing as that of
the navigator who goes off on an adventure, setting sail for America.
But in a certain sense it is the same thing, because exit is always
relative to the internal structure of the cave, and there is no reason to
think that the Western cave is, in essence, qua cave, any different
from the Chinese cave.
Perhaps we could simply say that the Imperial figure, the Imperial
turn taken by Western truth, that is to say the interpretation of the
Western adventure in a way that ultimately grants it ascendancy over
all others, has not, strictly speaking, been the Chinese adventure.
What the Chinese adventure was, up to and including Mao Zedong,
was the idea that the Chinese space in itself alone was the world, and
that therefore it contained very many immanent exits. After all, it
would be difficult to find a more spectacular example of a
revolutionary exit than the Long March. It is an even more striking
revolutionary exit than the storming of the Winter Palace.
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P. 24
Notes
1. In Badiou’s retelling, the escapee, upon exiting the movie theatre,
that dark room where images are projected, is ‘[a]t first […] blinded
by the glare of everything and can see nothing of all the things
about which we routinely say: “This exists, this is really here.” […]
He nevertheless tries to get used to the light. Sitting beneath a
solitary tree, he’s finally able, after many attempts, to make out the
shadow cast by the trunk and the dark outline of the foliage, which
remind him of the screen from his former world. In a pool of water
at the base of a big rock he manages to see the reflection of
flowers and grass. From there he eventually gets to the objects
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P. 25
themselves. Slowly, he begins to marvel at the shrubs, the pine
trees, a lone sheep. Night falls. Lifting his eyes to the sky, he sees
the moon and the constellations; he sees Venus rise. Rigid upright
on an old tree stump, he watches for the radiant one. It emerges
from out of the last rays and, sinking ever brighter, is engulfed in
its turn. Venus! Finally, one morning, he sees the sun, not in the
ever-changing waters, or in its purely external reflection, but the
sun itself, in and for itself, in its own place. He looks at it,
contemplates it, ecstatic that it is the way it is.’ Alain Badiou,
Plato’s Republic, trans. Susan Spitzer (Cambridge: Polity, 2012),
p. 214.
2. Ibid., p. 216.
3. Martin Heidegger, ‘Plato’s Doctrine of Truth’, in Pathmarks, ed. Will
McNeill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 177.
4. Alain Badiou, Second Manifesto for Philosophy, trans. Louise
Burchill (Cambridge: Polity, 2011), p. 106.
5. Ibid., p. 108.
6. Badiou, Saint Paul, p. 7.
7. Ibid., p. 54.
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The End
And always
There is a longing to dissolve. But a lot
Wants keeping. Faith.
Let us look neither before nor behind, instead
Be cradled as though
On the lake in a rocking boat.
Friedrich Hölderlin ‘Mnemosyne’1
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: The ‘end’ has long been an obsession of
philosophy. In Das Ende aller Dinge, ‘The end of all things’, Kant
poses the problem as follows:
But that at some point a time will arrive in which all alteration
(and with it, time itself) ceases – this is a representation which
outrages the imagination. For then the whole of nature will be
rigid and as it were petrified: the last thought, the last feeling in
the thinking subject will then stop and remain forever the same
without any change. For a being which can become conscious of
its existence and the magnitude of this existence (as duration)
only in time, such a life – if it can even be called a life – appears
equivalent to annihilation.2
The ‘endtime’ when All will be recapitulated, at once the last in the
chain or series and something that stands outside the whole series,
unveils the paradoxical coincidence of all of time with the eternal, in a
duratio noumenon of which we can have no concept. This is a
thought at once terrifying and sublime (erhaben) in which the ‘end’
rhymes strangely with the beginning; in the sense not of pacification
or reconciliation, but of disaster.
But it is Hegel who affirms that the site of truth par excellence is the
end. He is certainly not one of those philosophers who privilege the
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P. 27
moment of beginnings. According to Hegel, in the order of Spirit, ‘the
first stage is the simplest, the most abstract, the poorest’, whereas
what comes last is richest: ‘the concrete, which contains multiple
determinations within itself’.3
Philosophy emerges as the terminal moment of an epoch, and as its
determinate negation: the negativity exerted by philosophy upon a
declining epoch implies its transformation and the production of a
new epoch of history. And for Hegel, this philosophy is neither
prophetic nor utopian; it appears as the end and completion of the
epoch, anticipating, at the level of the ‘absolute realm of thought’,4 the
next figure of Spirit that will emerge in history.
This, as you point out, is where the ‘end’ comes to be considered as
a positive idea in philosophy.5 In your Manifesto for Philosophy you
begin with the ‘end’, or with completion, with the radical impasse in
which philosophy seems to find itself – a philosophy rendered mute,
plunged into stupefied silence by the extermination of the European
Jews, philosophy as guardian of the unthinkable, the inexpressible. A
philosophy which, as you write,
[o]vercome by the tragic nature of its supposed object – the
extermination, the camps […] transfigures its own impossibility
into a prophetic posture. It adopts the sombre colours of the
times, heedless that this aestheticization is also an offence
against the victims. The contrite prosopopeia of abjection is as
much a posture, an imposture, as the bugle blaring cavalry of the
Spirit’s second coming. The end of the End of History is cut from
the same cloth as this End.6
You have taken up an absolutely singular position in the
contemporary philosophical landscape. In answer to those who
maintain that the end of the philosophical project is inevitable, or at
least that the conditions of its original mission have now been
stripped of all legitimacy, or worse, forgotten, it seems that for you it
remains possible, and even necessary, to develop a philosophical
thinking that renounces the pathos of being-at-the-end, one that
begins, ever anew, to set out from its own specific conditions.
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P. 28
In your Manifesto you tell us that philosophy is still possible today –
and not in the form of a continual being-at-the-end. Rather, what the
epoch demands of philosophy is ‘one more step’.7 But what is this
step?
ALAIN BADIOU: I would begin by saying that the question of finitude
and the critique of finitude have become ever more important for me
as I have developed the characteristic gestures of my philosophy, and
that in all likelihood there is, between the beginning of my work and
its situation today, a movement by way of which, in the end, the
central question becomes that of the contradiction, the relation,
between finitude and the infinite. This is a central question, and one
central to truths themselves, but also the point at which we can
elucidate the question we began with. I wanted to say this in
introduction.
Now really, as far as the pathos of the end is concerned, the most
striking thing is how it has created an obligation to appeal to some
theory or experience (or both combined) of what we might call the
figure of disaster – that is to say, the figure of what is presented in
reality as a radical event, but whose substance is negation or death.
The way in which I approach this problem involves extracting the
concept of event, an event that can be appropriated in the figure of a
truth, from this figure of disaster. In particular, this is what I did in my
Ethics.
I believe I have shown that there is really no evental dimension to
genocide, to the massacre, because it is not a proposition or a
possibility. On the contrary, in and of itself it is nothing but the
realization of a pre-established end, namely that Germany would only
be able to accomplish its historial destiny by exterminating that which
rendered negation immanent – that is to say, the Jews.
There is nothing evental in this, it did not come forth in the figure of
the event, it came forth in the figure of a deadly conclusion, which, far
from being a beginning, completes itself absolutely as an end. And it
has always seemed to me that by constructing a position around
these false eventalities, these disasters that try to present as a
beginning what is really an end, in order to then draw the conclusion
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P. 29
of an end, all one is really doing is adopting the enemy’s point of
view. That is to say that the doctrinaire adherent of finitude, truly the
greatest doctrinaire adherent of finitude, was Hitler. It was Hitler,
because all of this was carried out with the sole intention of
circumscribing a totality that was at once fictive and triumphal: the
structure of the Aryans, the superior race, the eternal Germany, the
millenarian Germany and its Reich. It therefore seems to me
extremely dangerous to continue to bow to the authority of the
absolute trial this kind of catastrophe, disaster, or massacre imposes
upon us, and to draw from it the conclusion of the end. I think this
was a subjective victory of the enemy himself – to have in some way
rendered metaphysics, or philosophy, impossible by dint of this one
deadly, catastrophic act alone. To subtract ourselves from the
dictatorship of the catastrophe is, in my view, very simply to say: ‘we
can continue’. And I myself have always experienced, almost
painfully, this whole pathos of the end, this idea that one can no
longer write a poem anymore, I have always truly experienced it as
the triumph of the enemy.
Finally, from this perspective, Hitler was the most important person in
the twentieth century, and that’s something that can’t be sanctioned.
But neither can we oppose it with a fiction of the same order, but a
positive one. This is why I have suggested that, ultimately, the radical
position consists in saying that it continues, that philosophy
continues. Which may seem a rather modest, rather easy position,
but in reality it is the truly radical one, because it refuses to accept the
imposition of a pathos of completion, of the end, of the impossibility of
absolute novelty, when what actually took place was a disaster, a
crime. Now, opposing the crime should never mean entering into the
system of norms proposed by the crime itself, namely that it was the
beginning of something or that it put an end to something. On the
contrary, opposing it simply means circumscribing it, in all of its
deadly finitude, so as to definitively prohibit its repetition, its
recurrence. All of this was very important for me because, as you can
see, it is of the order of philosophy, of the speculative, and of the
historical.
But it is also a personal struggle, because I always felt there was
something suffocating in the victory of this theme of the end. And in
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its correlate, the idea that ‘we have once and for all experienced
absolute horror, radical evil, etc.’ and that all of our thought has to be
reconfigured according to this experience. All this really means is that
we admit the dictatorship of the crime over thought, and this I
absolutely refuse, I find its imposition upon us truly intolerable.
And today we are well aware that, under the auspices of this
imposition, what has been brought back? Liberal capitalism and
parliamentary democracy as the alpha and omega of human
existence. After all, this is what we’ve been peddled as compensation
for the criminalization of history by the programmes of Hitler, the
Nazis, and others. I can’t accept that. I am in revolt against this figure.
And this leads me right away to examine closely what role is being
played in this affair by the concept of the end, in its double sense of
completion and closure, and also to ask myself whether, maybe,
ultimately, the question of truths may precisely also be the question of
the in-finite – that is to say, the question of something that is not
constrained by this finitude that has historically been imposed upon
us.
This gives some sense of the personal journey of my relation to
finitude, to the end, and to the methodology that insists on grasping
the act that occasioned the disaster as if it were the obligatory point
of departure for any new thought, when, if that really were the case,
then this thought would precisely not be anything new. Such thinking
is itself the immanent deployment of a great misfortune and, as such,
it must be refused.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: In your 1986–1987 seminar on Heidegger,
which you were working on at the same time as Being and Event, you
return to the Heideggerian syntagm of the ‘destruction of the earth’,
which appears in the 1935 Introduction to Metaphysics. As you will
recall, Heidegger’s verdict is pitiless:
The spiritual decline of the earth has progressed so far that
peoples are in danger of losing their last spiritual strength, the
strength that makes it possible even to see the decline (which is
meant in relation to the fate of ‘Being’) and to appraise it as such.
This simple observation has nothing to do with cultural
pessimism – nor with any optimism either, of course; for the
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P. 31
darkening of the world, the flight of the gods, the destruction of
the earth, the reduction of human beings to a mass, the hatred
and mistrust of everything creative and free have already
reached such proportions throughout the whole earth that such
childish categories as pessimism and optimism have long
become laughable.8
Heidegger opposes this darkening of the world with an appeal to
confront it head on. Europe, gripped ‘in the great pincers between
Russia on the one side and America on the other’, and especially
Germany, ‘standing in the centre’, must recentre itself, must
rediscover its proper place, or even refound it.
In your Seminar you emphasize a reading that brings in a political
dimension of the human and of the human’s relation to the earth, in
so far as the idea of the earth implies the idea of the appropriation of
man to his place. Heidegger’s man, you say, ‘has the earth as
homeland, homeland in the sense of the root, the site, that which
constitutes his pairing with being, that which binds him to nature qua
disposition of being. Natural homeland or nature as homeland’.9
Heidegger’s allergy to expatriation seems to go violently against the
suggestion we get from Nietzsche in his reconstruction of the birth of
philosophy, that of the philosopher as ‘an immigrant arrived among
the Greeks’, an unlanded stranger … .
ALAIN BADIOU: First of all, I think this metaphorical figure of ‘Earth’
concedes too much to the poem. It concedes too much, I would say,
to the representation of the ‘there is’, in a figure that is actually
already metaphorical, already closed down, in a certain sense, in the
name of ‘Earth’, this ‘Earth’ which, ultimately, will also provide the
occasion for localization, for an intense vision of the original site, etc.
I can’t help but think of Marshal Pétain’s phrase: ‘The earth does not
lie.’ Whenever I see ‘Earth’ crop up, I am a little wary of the
metaphorics that orchestrates all of this, even in deep ecology,
metaphysical ecology.
But above all I think that the concept of ‘Earth’ as used here is a kind
of restriction of the ‘there is’ to a metaphorical donation that seems
potentially sacred, meaningful, open, which brings together humanity
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P. 32
on its soil, but which in reality is the negation of a thesis I hold to be
fundamental, namely that there is an infinite multiplicity of worlds, and
that ‘Earth’ is probably an unfeasible totalization. In Logics of Worlds,
one of the very first sentences says precisely that it is not possible to
totalize the figure of worlds. There is no total universe that is
representable as the original site of the ‘there is’ or of experience.
The ‘there is’, qua grasped in pure multiplicity and in the multiplicity of
worlds, is always fugitive.
In ‘Earth’ I sense the idea of a stabilizing metaphor which, in turn,
allows us to speak of the devastation of ‘the Earth’ as of a kind of
sacrilege against the originary ‘there is’, when the truth is that man is
typically the nomad of worlds.
Indeed, we might almost define the human animal as the animal that
crosses through more worlds than any other; and this multiplicity is
consubstantial with it. On this point I think that we must avoid any
kind of metaphorical sacralization, unless it is a matter of poetry, that
is to say unless what is at stake is working within the language of
singular nominations that metamorphose identities. Because poetry
makes use of these kinds of things, the earth, the sky, the stars, the
night, etc. But it uses them in a way that involves summoning
language to use these metaphors to say of identities something more
than identity itself.
A poem is always something that probes language until language,
which is always charged with speaking identities, speaks them
otherwise, shows that they are other than they are, or shows that they
are more than they are, etc. And in fact, what the poem always tries
to do is to extract the excess of each thing over itself rather than just
writing its phenomenal, ordinary ‘there is’. I see this as an entirely
legitimate enterprise. This is a role the poem can play. But philosophy
must not conceptualize this. In Heidegger there is a tendency to
conceptualize the poem. But the poem is not made to be
conceptualized. The poem is its own truth, and its totalizing
conceptualization in the Heideggerian sense – that is to say, when
the poem is seen as the ultimate task of the shepherd of Being – is a
denaturing of the poem itself. This can be demonstrated quite
precisely through the use of examples. We can show that what
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P. 33
Heidegger says about poems is not what the poem intends to say in
the saying itself, but something else entirely.
As for me, I distance myself from all this terrestrial logomachy, and I
basically assume two antithetical, apparently dialectical statements.
On one hand, there is an infinite multiplicity of nontotalizable worlds,
and therefore there is no ‘there is’. On the other hand, as a general
rule, in every world apart from atonal or lost worlds, there is a point of
inexistence. So, on one hand there is no totality, and on the other, the
way in which something is in a world is essentially punctual – namely,
the figure of the minimum, the figure of that which supports the world.
Not because it is the totality, but, quite on the contrary, because it is
almost nothing, because it is that which is treated as the almostnothing of the world, and it is from the almost-nothing of the world
that, in truth, the testimony of the event can be born. And then,
obviously, every event will be that which grasps this nothing, by
lending it the possibility of being more than nothing.
And this is why I say finally that all of this is already to be found in the
Internationale: We are nothing, let us be all.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: Throughout your work, poetry has been of
particular importance.10 According to you a truth is never
homogeneous with the dominant language of the place in which it
was created, and poetry, like mathematics, expresses a limit.
In this sense, I can understand why, in your writings and your
seminars, you have always attributed a decisive importance to poetry.
As you wrote recently, poetry is
the artistic form, the naive form (but here ‘naivety’ means ‘pure
invention in language’), the formal form, and the non-arrogant
form, of antiphilosophy. All the more so today in that we have
been the contemporaries of what I have called ‘the age of poets’,
where a sort of agreement was reached on the fact that,
systematic metaphysics being over, devalued, finished, the poem
alone was the guardian of a thought for our time that would be
total and yet free of philosophical pretention. The great poet
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P. 34
Fernando Pessoa called this thought ‘metaphysics without
metaphysics’.11
But according to you, ‘the age of poets has come to a close’.12 We
must instead return to Plato, that is to say to a ‘clarified and
primordial rearticulation of the scientific and political conditions of
thought’.13
This is a different path than that trodden by Heidegger, who ‘install[s]
us in the premonition of being as beyond and horizon, as
maintenance and opening-forth of being-in-totality’.14 A path whose
starting point is no longer the situational angst of the void, or what
Heidegger calls ‘the concern for being’, ‘the ecstasy of beings’,15 the
great path of the poem, which seeks to reinstate the lost language of
the origin … .
ALAIN BADIOU: In poetry it is absolutely clear that the real potential
of the poem lies in its piecing together a certain saying that is
manifestly the saying of that which cannot be said. So, there is
always an uncertain balance between the said and the unsaid,
brought together by the poem into the figure of a saying, which is in
reality a possible presentation of the unsaid, without being the saying
of it in the strict sense. The saying of the unsaid makes no sense,
and yet that is what the poem strives for, like a threshold between
saying and the unsaid. And I think it is in relation to this that all
creative human activity is caught up in the paradox of being at once
immanent and delinked from this immanence. All of this is extremely
interesting to me because creative activity is carried out with the
materials available within the world, within the situation – How else
could it be done? – and yet this availability must touch upon
something which, being post-evental, absolute in a certain sense,
transcending the situation itself, is nonetheless created entirely within
the situation. Which is the exception.
So, we come back naturally to the immanent exception, and the
immanent exception is also this dialectic of subtraction – that is to
say, the fact that the proper essence of a thing is not so much the
intensity of its presence as the figure of that which is fugitive yet
which it nonetheless manages to retain, to hold on to somehow.
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GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: ‘Ending’ and ‘beginning’.16
In one of your seminars given in America, later published under the
title ‘Destruction, Negation, Subtraction’,17 you discuss Pier Paolo
Pasolini’s famous poem ‘Victoria’, a poem that stages the absence of
all hope on the part of the dead communist partisans, as well as the
perceived absence of any future on the part of the generation that
came after the Second World War. For you, this poem of Pasolini’s is
a ‘manifesto’ of true negation.18
In Search of a Lost Real finds you reading The Ashes of Gramsci,
another extraordinary poetic work of Pasolini’s, as a testimony of the
renunciation of that optimism that places its faith in a progressive
path towards emancipation present in the movement of history itself.
Only historic destruction on a grand scale could have been worthy of
such a History: for if ‘History must give birth to an emancipated world,
one can without pangs of the soul accept, and even organize, a
maximal destruction.’19
As you have emphasized many times, in the twentieth century it was
negation that produced affirmation, just as destruction engendered
construction. This is a conviction rooted in the twentieth century, one
that
gives to revolutionary enthusiasm its tinge of wanton ferocity: the
real principles of the emancipated world surge forth from the
destruction of the old world. But this is inexact, and because of
this inexactitude disproportionate emphasis is placed on the
destruction of the old world, and the struggle to get to the end of
this old world so as to extract from it the principles of a new one,
becomes infinite, interminable.20
Destruction and purification as the guiding thread of the century. But
already in Being and Event you showed how a subtractive thought of
negativity can overcome the imperative of destruction and
purification. The obsession of the century, moreover, was a necessary
destruction, a generative destruction without which the new would
never come to pass,
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P. 36
because destruction does not produce the definitive, which
means that we are faced with two very distinct tasks: to destroy
the old, and to create the new. War itself is a non-dialectical
juxtaposition of appalling destruction, on the one hand, and the
beauty of victorious heroism, on the other.21
To such historical destruction based on an endless antagonism
between the new and the old, you oppose an affirmation that also
finds its starting point in negation. In the century of the ‘passion for
the real’,22 the avant-garde is that which proclaims a formal rupture
with what preceded it, and presents itself as wielding
a power of destruction of formal consensus which, at a given
moment, defines what deserves the name of art.23
As you write, art, and so-called avant-garde art in particular, offers us
a different view of the couplet destruction/subtraction. Or what, in
reference to Kasimir Severinovich Malevich’s painting Black Square
on White Ground (1915), you call ‘the origin of a protocol of
subtractive thought that differs from the protocol of destruction’. Black
Square on White Ground, you argue, is
the epitome of purification. Colour and form are eliminated and
only a geometrical allusion is retained. This allusion is the
support for a minimal difference, the abstract difference of
ground and form, and above all, the null difference between
white and white, the difference of the Same – what we could call
the vanishing difference.24
In the course of a strange and winding voyage, you have travelled
through Hegel’s separation, Mao’s contradiction, and Marx’s class
struggle, only to end up (or perhaps not – this is my question) with
multiplicity, mathematics. And with militant, practical fidelity to ‘local’
situations, each generated by an event, rooted in the actions of
militants, which, in this sense, seem to be the real foundation of truth.
ALAIN BADIOU: For me, the fundamental experience of the last
century, one that was already gestating in the nineteenth century, was
a realization that the essence of history, and therefore of all creation,
belongs to the register of the Two – that is to say, the register of a
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P. 37
central antagonistic contradiction around which everything revolves.
All other elements fall into place around this central contradiction,
which is the source of everything you have just covered in your
questions – the decisive importance of war as a figure, the axiom
‘construction is born of destruction’ – in short, the primacy of the
negative, which is really a part of Engels’s legacy, along with many
other gestures, including in the aesthetic and even scientific avantgardes. Because what I found striking was that, if we take the
mathematical enterprise of Bourbaki in France, and indeed the
creation of modern mathematics as a whole, it was also like this:
locked in struggle with the old academic tradition of mathematics, one
opposes to it an absolutely new, monumental construction, a system
that is axiomatized through and through, etc. So, this idea, this
essential idea, penetrated into all spheres.
Now I think that we’re entering into a period where we absolutely
must be aware that the essence of creative processes always
involves three terms, and not two. This is fundamental. Not three
terms in the sense of the caricature of dialectics (thesis, antithesis,
synthesis), but three dialectically interrelated terms.
The clearest example of this point, after all, is politics. For a whole
century, politics consisted in saying that the essence of the political
was the organization of antagonism. As a consequence, the party of
the proletariat was conceived at all levels as a war machine against
the bourgeoisie, and consequently it was induced to fuse with a state.
Once victory was assured, the party and the state, the party and
power, fused into one single term so as to maintain duality at any
price: on one side the party state, on the other the adversaries, the
enemies, the bourgeoisie, who are still very much there, hence the at
once suspicious and terroristic aspect of the enterprise.
In reality, symmetrically, we could say that the great contradiction is
that between the masses and the state. Then we could say that the
only valid political category is the movement qua mass movement,
and that on the other side we have ossified, established power, the
old world, and so on.
What I would say is that, politically, the figure of the Two has been
upheld in both the tradition of the Bolshevik party and the
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P. 38
movementist, anarchizing tradition.
One of the most interesting outcomes of this story is that, in the
politics – let’s say the ‘revolutionary’ politics – of the entire previous
sequence, the thesis of the Two, as the organic thesis of political
struggle, something that in truth is rooted in the vision of class
struggle as primordial antagonism, was defended not only by the
partisans of centralized authoritarian organization, but also by the
anarchist partisans of the mass movement.
In the first case you had the party fusing with the state, in opposition
to all of its enemies. And in the second case you had the revolting
masses rising up against all forms of power and organization. Now, I
think that the concrete history shows that we absolutely must bring in
the fact that there are always three terms. For there is always a pole
of exposed power, which may be the bourgeois state, but could also
be the socialist state.
There is the movement because, in spite of everything, we can see
very well that without a movement there can be no politics – politics
just gets replaced by management pure and simple, because there is
no meaningful popular scrutiny of the decisions taken. And then there
is also, necessarily, a principle of organization. This principle of
organization must not fuse with the state, because if it were to do so,
the pure Two would reappear in the figure of the terrorist. Neither
must it be identical to the movement, for the very simple reason that
the movement is in its very essence something that begins and ends.
So, it is something that creates a possibility, but it is not the
management of that possibility, or the becoming of that possibility. So,
I hold that in the field of politics, we can see very clearly that there are
three terms, and that everything depends upon the articulation of
these three terms. For example, will the organization, whatever it may
be, prove capable of resisting any partial fusion with power, with the
state, will it resist being reabsorbed, one way or another, into the
always precarious historicity of movements? The organization will
thus represent or draw the consequences of the movement in relation
to the state.
It’s a very complex question, but absolutely central today. For me, the
great historical movement of the rehabilitation of Marxism, the
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reorientation of communism, is – to put it abstractly – the replacement
of a binary dialectics with a dialectics of three terms. And this is truly
a lesson to be drawn from the failure of the socialist states.
Why did the socialist states fail? Because they weren’t able to move
on to the next stage. They simply conserved what they had for as
long as they could, up to the point where they succumbed, that’s what
happened. All the same, they achieved something that had never
before in history been achieved: they abolished the regime of private
property; but then they clung on to this abolition, until finally they let
go and restored private property. And all of this because party and
state were the same thing, and party and state did not admit the
possibility of there being something else that would be of the order of
politics. Now, if you want to regard the political phase as what Marx
called the withering away of the state, that is to say the phase where
the common interest has taken control, but without its taking on the
form of a separate machine over and above civil society, then
throughout this period there must be three terms. The state is there,
of course. It’s going to wither away, but for a lengthy historical period
it is still there. The movement must be possible, and the state must
not be in any position to hinder it, to prohibit any movement in the
long run. And the organization is there, precisely as enduring
institutional protection for the possibility of the movement, against the
initiatives of the state.
This dialectic with three terms must constantly circulate in such a way
as to create a temporality that will really be the strategic temporality.
Ultimately, upon close examination, today the generic structure of
truth procedures, all things considered, always involves the
replacement of duality with a triplicity that is not successive but
immanent. And this is why I would say that we are entering the reign
of the trinity. Because it’s very similar to what the Trinity meant,
abstractly, on a transcendent and religious level. Basically, we can
see how Father was the state, the Son was the movement, and the
Spirit was the mediation between the two. The Christians knew all of
this already … .
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: As André Bazin emphasized, ‘[d]eath is
surely one of those rare events that justifies the term […]
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cinematographic specificity’.25 Technologies of the image bring us to
the very heart of a ‘crisis of death’. In cinema, what is impossible to
capture within the field of the frame is precisely, as Lacan said, the
impasse of formalization, that which does not participate in this work
of death that cinema renders intelligible. As you emphasize in your In
Search of the Lost Real, ‘the real of a cinematographic image is that
which is off-screen. The real potential of the image comes from the
fact that it is deducted from a world that does not appear in the
image, yet helps construct its force.’26
You have said that democracy and totalitarianism ‘are the two
epochal versions of the accomplishment of the political, according to
the double category of the social bond and its representation’,27 and
in general, politics is philosophically described in terms of the concept
of the communitarian bond and its representation in some authority.
The task would therefore be for us to orient ourselves towards that
point of the impossible where the bond is undone, where the bond no
longer conditions us, no longer binds us, not even to the irreducible
illusion ‘of the familiarity, the resemblance, of the close [one]’. Is there
only truth, as you have written, when ‘the infinite at last escapes the
family’?28
ALAIN BADIOU: Here we are dealing with a particular case, or rather,
ultimately, a particular illustration, of the immanent exception, of that
which constitutes the invisibility point of the visible.
Of what is the off-screen the representation? The off-screen is the
representation of the fact that the force of the image qua visible is
partially a result of what it has circumscribed as invisible, but
precisely inside the image. So, the image is a cutout in that which
otherwise summarizes, in its absence, the very place of which it is the
image. And this interests me in so far as this is a subtractive
dialectics that consists in locating the force of something not just in its
potential for presence, but in its internal subtraction, which organizes
its regime of existence, its closure, its delimitation, etc.
Art is obviously a privileged field for dealing with this because, in art,
there is almost always, in the saying, a power of the unsaid. In the
visible, in the circumscribed of painting, there is something of the
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order of absence, which structures representation itself. In cinema
there is the off-screen, which delimits the presence of the image, etc.
This is the question of the real as undiscoverable, as always missing.
It’s the question of the event as the creation of a possibility but one
that, in a certain sense, goes missing at the same time as it creates
this possibility. What is directly posed here is the question of delinking
– that is to say, the fact that every relation is supported by that which,
within it, is not really linked, is effectively not constituted as a relation
of any kind. And I think that this is where the subject is constituted: it
is always the result of this operation of a disparity between effective
possibility and that which conditions this possibility while itself
remaining absent, unrepresented, unrepresentable, marginal,
delinked, etc., and ultimately subtractive.
Which is why you are perfectly right, in your question, to move from
the question of montage in cinema to the question of negation and
nonnegation in Pasolini.
These are themes which, for my part, I would address in relation to
my conviction that what constitutes the presentification of the true is
in reality always of the order of the delinked or subtractive, but not of
the order of negation in the usual sense of the term, that is to say
exclusion. It is inclusive. It is a protocol for the inclusion of that which
originarily does not exactly belong to that which is included. In the
end, to sum up all of this, anything of any significance that is
constructed and has a universal value in a determinate situation,
touches upon the inexistent point of that situation.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: ‘The inexistent’. It appears, impromptu, in
Logics of Worlds. Allow me to cite your phrase: ‘The maximally true
consequence of an event’s (maximal) intensity of existence is the
existence of the inexistent.’29
A veritable subversion of being, the inexistent undermines by force of
nullity that which seemed to ensure the cohesion of the world.
As you write in Being and Event, there is a paradox within the event
itself, since the paradox of an evental site is that it can only emerge
on the basis of that which does not present itself in the situation
where it itself is presented. Each event is the ruin of the situation, in
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so far as ‘every event, apart from being localized by its site, initiates
the latter’s ruin with regard to the situation, because it retroactively
names its inner void’.30
You also speak of ‘the inexistent’ in The Rebirth of History, in the
context of the revolts that recently swept many Arab countries. In
them, what did not yet exist seemed to count for more than anything
that was already manifest. More than safeguarding some order or
other, it seemed that the task of insurgent political organizations was
to safeguard a disorder that would not allow itself to be turned back
into some consolidated state of affairs. But which nonetheless would
enable the awakening of a History that does not yet exist, or did not
exist.
I ask you the question that, in fact, you asked yourself at the time:
‘How are we to be faithful to changing the world within the world itself
?’31
ALAIN BADIOU: I am also anti-totalitarian, but in my own way.
Fundamentally, the inexistent is that which, in the world, is closest to
something like a pure existence, that is to say an existence reduced
to existence alone, or the existence of existing. But this is a category
proper to each world. Each world has that which, in itself, expresses
what it is to exist in that world, but expresses it to the minimum – that
is to say, at the very level of existence qua pure existence, not the
distinct existence of this or that … .
This would be the nodal point of existing as such, and this point is on
the borderline of belonging. We can link this to the question of
belonging. The nodal point belongs as little as possible, as the great
examples show, including political examples: take for instance the
Marxist definition of the proletariat. As everyone knows, it revealed
the inexistent of the political situation. And, indeed, this is the reason
why the proletariat is revolutionary potential in person. But there are
many other examples of the nodal point.
Today it might be, in part, the status of the nomad, or of the refugee.
We can see very well how the status of the nomad or the refugee
insinuates itself into consciousness as something that exists but
should not exist, or that exists without existing, or exists at a
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minimum. And this, obviously, lies at the source of a whole series of
major political disagreements. Because – and this is very important –
it is always around an inexistent that a situation divides in the most
violent way.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: As you know, over the last few years the
word ‘community’ has become central to philosophical debate. And
yet humanity has displayed an extraordinary capacity to destroy in
the name of community, to transform the very value of ‘human’
community into organized extermination.
The founding capacity of community, its productive or autoproductive
capacity, seems to transform into its opposite: an unbridled capacity
for self-destruction. In spite of everything, the community continues to
be the site where self-construction and self-destruction are linked.
As you are well aware, Jacques Derrida always refused to speak of
community … .
ALAIN BADIOU: If I may: I support him in this perspective, I am close
to him on this.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: … Derrida had a problem with the word
‘community’, which is why he instead wrote The Politics of Friendship,
and spoke of friendship rather than fraternity.
What is your relation to the question of belonging?
ALAIN BADIOU: You know, ‘belonging’ is a very complicated word for
me, because the foundational ontological relation, precisely what is
called ‘belonging’, is ultimately a set that can contain any multiplicity
whatsoever, and is defined solely by what belongs to it. But although
the relation of belonging is fundamental, it is not the regime of truths,
it is the regime of being. That is to say that, after all, it is exactly right,
it is indisputable, to say that we are born into systems of belonging.
After all, the symbolic order that constitutes the individual – I won’t
say the subject, because that would be equivocal – the symbolic
construction of the individual can be formulated in terms of identity, in
terms of belonging, in terms of kinship, etc., there’s no doubt about
this.
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My problem is therefore not one of saying that belonging is in itself a
negative category, because that would be absolutely nihilistic; it
would be destructive of things that are, quite obviously, significantly
constitutive for individuals, for groups, and for societies. But, on the
other hand, what I do insist upon is that there exists in my lexicon,
under the name of truths, things that are irreducible to the relation of
belonging, and to the community associated with that belonging.
What I mean to say is that there exist things that are diagonal to the
system of identities and which, within the system, bring about the
possibility of a universality, of something that subtracts itself from the
power of communities, identities, and belonging – without for all that
destroying them, since they continue to generate the normal
continuity of the worldly system within which they act.
What I am really against is making identities, belongings, or
communities into normative categories. For me they are not
normative categories, they are categories of the construction of what
there is qua pure and simple figure of the ‘there is’. There is
community, there is belonging, there is kinship, there are languages,
there are countries. Yes, there are!
What interests me in life is the moment when life can touch, not upon
what there is, but precisely upon what is not there in this ‘there is’.
And what is not there in this ‘there is’ is nevertheless not something
external to it, but something that can be made with the ‘there is’, by
freeing oneself from its borders, its limits, making crossings and
diagonals, precisely with a universal signification.
For, although it is always born in a real and symbolic context
constituted of belongings and identities, it turns out that it creates
something that is not reducible to, does not work within, does not fit
into the closure of its identities.
I hold very strongly to this point, to what seems like its most
conservative part, the part that says: it is senseless to declare that
we’re going to destroy identities. I think this is a maximalist thesis,
and ultimately a very dangerous one, since, as we know, the idea of
destroying one identity can very well conceal the affirmation of some
other identity.
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After all, we could say that Hitler, also, wanted the Aryans to affirm
themselves in that way, as something superior to all other identities.
And, being superior to all other identities, he held that the mass
murder of an identity he considered as an immanent threat was the
only way to achieve this exit from identity. So, I repeat, there are and
always will be identities.
The vision here is not that we are going to undo identities,
belongings, communities, but simply that the elements of subjective
construction we will favour are those that are irreducible to the
existing fabric of belongings, though they do not exclude them.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: To think politics, after a mortal crisis of
Marxism, which, not yet dead, was in fact historically destroyed,
demanded precisely that one remain ‘in a position of immanence to
this crisis’.32 The end of classical Marxism and therefore the end of
classes, the end of their opposition.
All political referents having disappeared, in the sense that, as you
wrote some time ago, once ‘[w]ith regard to Marxism, the political
references endowed with real working-class and popular life today
are all atypical, delocalized, errant’, it only remained to abide in the
‘uninhabitable place of a Marxist heterodoxy that is to come’.33
I know that you’re not fond of the rhetoric of death, or incessant calls
to finitude. Yet, as you ask in ‘Of an Obscure Disaster’, wouldn’t the
evocation of death in relation to communism ‘lead us to a suitable
nomination for that of which we are the witnesses’?34
ALAIN BADIOU: Yes, I now realize, looking at this whole problem
again, that when I said that Marxism was probably in a mortal crisis, I
was basically talking about a certain brand of Marxism. I was talking
about Marxism as a cultural phenomenon, shared by everyone, with
its own system of historical references.
I was essentially talking about Marxism in the sense in which Sartre
said that Marxism was the unsurpassable horizon of our culture.
Sartre said it: Marxism is the unsurpassable horizon of our culture.
And it’s clear to me that he was talking about Marxism in so far as
Marxism was omnipresent – whether one was for or against it, it was
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there. And it was there in a twofold way. It was there because there
were socialist states, but it was also there in the figure of a potential,
a force, an established force in the world. And it was also there as
one of the century’s great modes of thought, a fundamental choice,
etc. So, it was a presence, it had a great presence, impressive,
material, national, state, etc. It also had a great spiritual presence;
that was what Marxism was.
And when I said that there was a mortal crisis, I meant that all of this,
there is a good chance that, at some point, it will no longer exist, and
indeed, I think that today it no longer exists. In this form, Marxism no
longer exists. The socialist states are gone, along with any evidence
of a Marxist culture, in differing states of health but present
everywhere. So, there was indeed a mortal crisis of this particular
Marxism, Marxism as an unsurpassable cultural horizon.
The conclusion that I draw from this today is that we must resuscitate
Marxism, but not that Marxism: as always, the resurrection is never in
fact a resurrection of exactly the same thing. We must resuscitate the
Marxism that we need today. And this Marxism will inevitably be
resuscitated.
Why? Because the hegemonic ideology today is liberalism. Which
means that we have gone back to something like the years 1830–
1840, that is to say we are in a moment when capitalism is conscious
of its victory. In 1840, it was consciousness of its birth, of the
enormous space that had opened up for it. Today it is consciousness
of its victory. Which is not the same thing, but it has finally overcome
the test, the test of the former Marxist hegemony, and has become
established.
And in the end we will rediscover, in a strange kind of way, at a very
general level, the contradiction between liberalism and communism,
the contradiction that structured the revolutionary and workers’
movements throughout the whole of the nineteenth century. We will
come back to it in terms which are not yet fixed, which are still
uncertain, in search of themselves. But it is obvious that it is a matter
of a new Marxism. The name ‘Marxism’ itself will reappear. And
communism will reappear along with it. And this in an inevitable
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confrontation with liberalism. In regard to which, I still insist on the
fact that, in my view, there is no such thing as neo-liberalism.
There is nothing new about what we’re being told today. It is truly the
original capitalist dogma. It is competition as absolute law, and the
concentration of capital on an unprecedented scale. All of the great
laws of elementary Marxism are especially visible and active today.
Which makes it all the more strange that Marxism itself is not there.
On the contrary, what it described is there, more than ever: the
internationalization of capital, the world market, the concentration of
capital, and even something we long believed was not quite right,
namely the complete penetration of capitalism into the rural zones,
into agricultural production. This, also, is really taking place on a
planetary scale now.
So, this is why I think it is true that there has been a mortal crisis of
Marxism, but it is no less true that there will be a resurrection, in
conditions that I cannot really predict but which I believe to be
ineluctable. It will take place once more in a kind of arduous close
combat, at first dominated by the reappearance as such of liberal
ideology as the hegemonic and even the only ideology of societies in
today’s world.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: From the disaster to the event. The
renunciation of the obscure fascination for catastrophes, the ecstasy
of destruction, the revelatory pedagogy expressed in that which does
not seem reducible to thought, seems to me to be one of the founding
themes of your work.
You have long emphasized that the twentieth century was the century
of the ‘unreconciled’, the century that ‘thought itself simultaneously as
end, exhaustion, decadence and as absolute commencement’.35
But the twenty-first century seems to have begun under the sign of
the incomprehensible catastrophe, the systemic crisis, and the
virtuous inhuman war.
Even revolutions themselves, we might say, seem to be drawn
towards this catastrophe without any possibility of comprehension of
which Hannah Arendt spoke in What is Politics?: Wars ‘are
monstrous catastrophes that can transform the world into a desert
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and the earth into lifeless matter’, and all that ‘revolutions – if we
seriously regard them with Marx as the “locomotives of history” –
have demonstrated with any clarity is that this train of history is
evidently hurtling towards an abyss, and that revolutions, far from
being able to avert calamity, only frighteningly accelerate the speed
with which it unfolds.’36
What of revolutions today, then?
ALAIN BADIOU: I would say that we are in an uncertain period but, in
my view, a period that even so, in its own way, can be assured of a
resurrection of Marxism – this is the first point. In a struggle against a
reconstituted liberalism, it is certain that the category of revolution
must be re-examined, and will be re-examined, as a part of the
resurrection of Marxism, probably with an entirely new extension and
signification.
Among other things, the nature of that which, from the point of view of
politics, can be considered as an ‘event’ will be called into question,
because ‘revolution’ has also been the name of those major political
events that humanity has been capable of seizing. But so long as this
remains articulated around the entirely different category of power,
something will remain dysfunctional.
So, what is to become of the category of revolution in all this? That
was your question. In this matter, on the contrary, I am in a time of
great uncertainty, because I still think that the experience of real
socialism was also an experience that belongs in the category of
revolution.
The socialist states came about as a result of revolutionary
processes, in an organized insurrectional form in the case of the
Bolshevik revolution, in the most unprecedented form of the
protracted war based in the countryside in the case of China. But
both cases involved militarized processes for the overthrow of
established state power, considered as a class power, and its
replacement by something like what Marx called the dictatorship of
the proletariat. Here we have a classic enough schema, and it must
obviously be reinterrogated from the point of view of the question of
the state.
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Why? Because today we are clearly aware that the ultimate failure of
the socialist countries was down to the hypertrophy of the state and
the conviction that the state was the absolute key to the
transformation of the social world, and of humanity in general. In
other words, it was thought that the instrument that had produced the
revolutionary victory as such was also the instrument that could direct
and organize the new society. I think that it was historically
demonstrated that this is not the case, even if the methods used to
resolve the problem of victorious insurrection, namely the centralized
party and the hierarchical and military organization of the party and
then of the state – since the party and the state were fused – had
resolved the problem from a certain point of view.
There have been victorious revolutions, there’s no doubt about that –
but that hasn’t resolved the problem of communism at all, that is to
say the problem of the strategic aim of the new political configuration.
Instead, the movement was towards an extremely hierarchized
economism of the state, and a terrorist politics – which was therefore
ultimately an annihilation of politics. There was a depoliticization in
favour of the absolute sovereignty of the state, a development that
was really completely unforeseen within the framework of classical
Marxism.
So, what does it mean to say revolution today? It’s truly an open
question, because ‘revolution’ today must mean, to put it entirely
abstractly, a figure of collective and social mobilization moving in the
direction of communism.
We can no longer simply say that ‘revolution’ is a question of power.
Yes, it’s a question of power, but we know that the question of power
is ultimately not, in and of itself, strategically determinative.
If we are to retain the word, then, we must conceive of ‘revolution’ as
having a substantially different meaning to the one it had throughout
the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. And indeed,
whatever you may think of them, there have been anticipations of
this. From this point of view, Trotsky was probably not completely
wrong when he talked about permanent revolution, and the Chinese
were not wrong to coin the peculiar expression ‘cultural revolution’.
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As we can see, what we are looking for is a reactivation of the word
‘revolution’, in conditions which are no longer simply those of the
violent overthrow of a hostile power, but which go in the direction of
the effective construction of a society that will move beyond socialism
towards communism, or will orient itself towards the sovereignty of
the common good, as in the original definition of communism.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: In 1967, in a conversation with Jean Duflot
later published in Le rêve du centaure, Pasolini describes a plan for a
film about Saint Paul.
Pasolini transposes the story of Paul into the present: from
Damascus (Barcelona), Paul, a Pharisee from a Roman Jewish
family, crosses the desert, which in Pasolini’s version becomes the
roads of Europe, and ‘[i]n any of these grand streets full of traffic and
the usual acts of everyday life, but lost in the most total silence – Paul
is seized by light. He falls, and hears the voice of his call.’37 Thus
begins his preaching, which comes to an end after various
adventures in New York, the corrupt Rome of the present, where we
see the state of injustice that dominates in a slave society such as
imperial Rome reflected ‘in racism and the condition of Blacks’,38 and
where Paul will be martyred.
The contradiction between ‘actuality’ and ‘saintliness’ fascinates
Pasolini, the opposition between ‘the world of history, which tends, in
its excess of presence and urgency, to escape into mystery, into
abstraction, into unalloyed interrogatives – and the world of the
divine, which, in its religious abstractness, on the contrary, descends
among men, becoming concrete and effective’.39
The saintliness of Saint Paul was a rupture in which the novelty of
speech, although totally immersed in the present, broke with all
contingencies, with all factual states of affairs. How singular, in this
sense, is the obstinacy that Pasolini attributes to Paul in his script for
the unrealized film.
In its transposition into the present, Paul’s speech, reconstructed, as
Pasolini says, ‘by analogy’, has nothing actual about it, and remains
‘the other face’: the inactual, that which at every instant modifies the
present, never allowing it to remain identical to itself.
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In referring to Saint Paul, you again turn to a figure of militancy driven
by individual obstinacy. And yet you recall how the French Revolution
replaced the individual aristocratic figure of the warrior with the
democratic and collective figure of the soldier, creating a new
imaginary for the relation between human and inhuman. ‘The great
notion was the “mass uprising”’, you write, ‘the mobilization of the
revolutionary people, regardless of their condition, against the
common enemy.’40
If, therefore, the soldier was the modern symbol of the capacity of
human animals to create something beyond their own limits, thus to
participate in the creation of eternal truths, what new imaginary is
possible now for a collective creation, what figure?
ALAIN BADIOU: You’re entirely right to say that it is in the context of
an antagonistic binary that the classical figure of heroism is born.
Heroism is always heightened when the enemy is identified simply
and univocally and the figure of the hero is the figure of he who
incarnates most fully the internalization of conflict as such, at the risk
of his life, at the risk of failure.
I think that the individual and often sacrificial heroism of the binary is
replaced by something else that may be a heroism in its own way, but
a heroism that creates an extremely complex movement in which one
could, in a certain sense, be a hero of the State, a hero of the
organization, a hero of the masses. These are three entirely different
forms of heroism that will circulate in collective creation.
It’s important to see that those who were revolutionary heroes have
found it very difficult to be heroes of the state. For example, from the
nineteen twenties onward Lenin was overwhelmed by anxiety,
uncertainty, criticism, and we have from him very violent texts where
he says that ultimately, all they have done is to reinstate a disgusting
bureaucracy. Basically, Lenin didn’t really know what to do – that’s the
problem – and, in effect, he proposes a collective hero when he says:
What we need is to have a workers’ and peasants’ inspectorate who
come to see exactly what happens in the offices. Finally, there it is –
and then he died. In a certain sense, it was the same with Mao.
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We can see well enough that at a certain point he becomes
absolutely exasperated by how things are going, and will end up
throwing himself into some dreadful and extremely costly adventures
because, the longer he goes on, the more he becomes sidelined. And
this, I think, is an indication of the fact that the category of revolution
produces its own workforce. But this workforce has no future. Trotsky
tells us that, one day, during the revolutionary years, someone asked
him: But who is this Stalin we see everywhere? And he answered:
Stalin is the most mediocre figure in our political leadership. Which
was true. There is a tactical mediocrity which is not at all that of
revolutionary heroism.
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: As you have written, what you dub
‘democratic materialism’ presents as an objective given, or an
inevitable outcome of historical experience, what is called the ‘end of
ideologies’. But as you observe bitterly in Logics of Worlds, in reality
this amounts to a violent subjective injunction, the real content of
which is: ‘Live without Idea.’
Over the course of the last two centuries, in Western societies (and
beyond) new privileges have been acquired, new expectations and
needs have been created, doing away with the idea of an ineluctable
destiny; new concepts such as ‘dignity’ and human ‘rights’ have
become common currency, expectations of equality have been
raised. But, at the same time, twenty-four hours a day, every day,
inequality is broadcast on television, mass media, and the Internet to
every inhabitant of the planet. Which is the reason why, with every
step forward, human delusion has increased.
Kill yourself. The kamikaze. Here perhaps is the extreme figure of
negation, of radical loss, the figure that silences democratic reason,
the agora of opinions on the best or the least worst. The figure of the
terrorist was originally, neutrally, someone involved in The Terror. And
indeed, the Jacobins officially declared themselves terrorists.
Of course, we should also cite the different types of ‘terrorism’ of
which French anti-Nazi militias or the Italian resistance were accused.
Not to mention, of course, the various ‘terrorist’ enemies of America
who have struggled to liberate their countries from North American
imperialism. Today, however, it seems that terrorism is no longer a
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neutral term, indicating a type of struggle that employs terror as a
means of avoiding defeat when faced with a far more powerful
enemy.
As we were saying, philosophy, and even reasoning, is supposed to
say nothing when faced with this terrorism, defined as overtly ‘nihilist’
(which is how the Russian terrorism of the nineteenth century
anarchists was defined, or defined itself). But isn’t it precisely the duty
of philosophy to begin when wisdom has finished with all its
justifications and its arguments?
Citing Phaedrus, in a lecture given just after the murderous attacks
that took place in Paris in November 2015, you discuss a moment in
Racine’s tragedy when Phaedrus, obliged to admit her love which, to
her own eyes, is criminal, says: ‘My wound is not so recent.’ You then
add: ‘We, also, can say that our wound is not so recent as
immigration, as Islam, as the devastation of the Middle East, as Africa
being subjected to pillaging… .’41 Alain, where does our wound come
from?
ALAIN BADIOU: As you know, and here our final question comes
back to the first one, Heidegger – although he was not the first to do
so – characterized our time as the time of nihilism. This question of
nihilism is a question that looms in philosophy but also in society
itself.
I believe that we must indeed understand that what enables nihilism
today is in fact capitalist globalization. Because capitalist
globalization, in reality, prescribes no objective for human life other
than to integrate into this globalization. It is a tautological prescription,
because it is a matter of nothing other than maintaining and
participating in what is already there – which, what’s more, is seen as
an irreversible victory or even, by some, as the terminal point of
history.
This motif was introduced precisely in relation to globalized
capitalism. Today, all subjectivities are convoked in relation to this
situation. And the clearest split is between two possible positions.
The first position is to accept one’s incorporation into globalized
capitalism, at the best level if possible. This level is represented by
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the category of the West in general, that is to say, properly speaking,
by liberal societies with modes of life that allow people to do what
they want according to a certain order of ideas – sexual liberation,
recognition of minorities, parliaments, elections, all of that. Integration
into this, what I call ‘desire for the West’, is very widespread. We
mustn’t deceive ourselves about this. Desire for the West, namely the
idea that there is no other aim in the world than to find a place, the
best place possible, within this assemblage, that of globalized
capitalism, is a subjectivity with great force.
The second subjective figure – the one for which this question is
central – consists in being gripped by disappointment, by the nihilist
bitterness of those who haven’t really found that kind of place, or who
have reason to think they never will have, or who feel they are
excluded from this type of place, and therefore cling on to … on to
what? They cling on to precisely what globalized capitalism devalues
and leaves behind, namely identities. So, they cling on to this
negative drive to identity; and for historical reasons, one of the most
active identities is Islamic identity, which, in its historical depth, is
basically the idea of a revenge of the Arab world against a great
defeat that was really suffered, around the fifteenth century. Then this
identitarian – that is to say absolutely reactive – idea becomes a form
taken on by something more profound, namely the real or fictional
impossibility of finding an acceptable place.
And the third figure is the figure that opposes itself to global
capitalism’s claim to be the law of the world today. It is a subjectivity
that must root itself in the possibility that there is something other
than this.
So, this sums up everything we’ve discussed already: the
resurrection of Marxism, a fundamental programme directed against
private property, the rehabilitation of the communist hypothesis, a
new type of militancy, etc. That is to say, precisely, the proposing of
an Idea. Something which, in the global arena, will be fostered by the
reconstruction of a heterogeneous strategic idea, in conflict with
global capitalism’s claim to be the only possible form of collective
organization.
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This is why there is so much debate around the Idea, the life without
Idea, what is an Idea, etc. It is because this gives the impression of a
return to idealism. It gives the impression that today materialism is
really on the side of globalized capitalism and that idealism is situated
on the side of revolutionaries, who were traditionally materialist. But
this just proves that the problem has been badly posed.
By ‘Idea’, what I mean, quite simply, is the restitution, as soon as
possible, of a non-uniform space. The Idea is that which indicates
how there can be a division of possibilities according to norms that
are not unified. In this case, on the political plane, that means
reconstructing in one way or another the canonical opposition
between communism and capitalism, at the obvious level of
ideological stratification, but also at the level of actual specific
situations and a programme to transform them, and also at the level
of movements. That is the practical content, the effective content, of
politics.
I think we have to start from the fact that the current domination of
globalized capitalism, with its imperative ‘Live without Idea’, is a
deadly proposition, and that the attacks lend visibility to this deadly
dimension. In them, the death becomes visible. The death that is
visible, those young people who think that, in the world as it is, their
lives are of no importance, but that death can have some importance,
because after all it is death that finally shows, that finally reveals –
violently, theatrically, tragically – that our world is a world of death.
The death of what, though? The death of that which is not the pure
and simple blind, competitive search for a decent place in the world
as it is. So, it is death in the sense of the death of everything that
might depend on a possibility created by the event, by fidelity, by
subjectivation.
We must assume as fact that the murderous activity of vengeful
nihilism, clinging to identities, is only a sub-product of the more
fundamental nihilism that is the nihilism of capitalism itself.
And yet it is remarkable that those groups who effectively assume the
primacy of the death drive, groups of suicide killers – those for whom
the life of others, and their own life, means nothing – have never in
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any way called capitalism itself into question. What’s more, the
organizations behind them, the people who manipulate all these
young men who are sacrificed, absolutely sacrificed, are themselves
fully integrated into the world market.
The organization Daesh sells huge quantities of petrol to Turkey. The
oil wells of Mosul are still flowing … . These are people for whom, as
for the vast majority of others, capitalism is the economy’s natural
form of existence. Therefore, that deadly nihilism stands only in a
relative opposition to the desire for the West. It is in fact a relative
opposition. We might say that, in reality, desire for the West and the
sphere of so-called Islamic terrorism make up, together, the very form
of the contemporary world.
There is a conflictual unity of the world, which is the unity of its
nihilism. We might say that, basically, we have a commercial nihilism,
that is to say a nihilism of capitalist competition in its ordinary or
civilized form, and then an aggressive form of nihilism directed
against the first form, an identitarian, vengeful nihilism. But in the end,
all of it is the same world. I think that’s very clear, since the war that is
taking place between these two worlds also defines the historicity of
this world.
It is as if the most pressing task for the West were to do away with
these people who are the parasites of its own existence. This is why,
when we hear President Hollande say that we are at war, we can see
very well that it is a civil war. We can see it straight away. It isn’t a war
with something really foreign, because the results of it are going to be
police raids on people who live here, the stigmatization of social
groups, negative views on the issue of refugees, etc.
And why is it a civil war? Because it is absolutely an intra-capitalist
war. So, against that, to reactivate the Idea, that is to say to render it
present in all the concrete activities of collective life, of organization,
of political struggle, of mass movements. To reactivate the Idea is to
separate; and this is simply the first stage of a separation from a
world governed by a false contradiction.
I will end on this point. The difficulty of the contemporary world is that
it continually sets out false contradictions as if they were major
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antagonistic contradictions. Its propaganda is a propaganda in favour
of a desire for the West, against everything which, however much it is
really fascinated by the West, gives the appearance of being at war
with it. And the idea, the resurrection of Marxism, the relaunching of
communism, the figure of new organizations and new popular
struggles, all of this serves to organize the figure of a true separation,
because all propaganda channels people towards fallacious
separations.
Notes
1. Trans. David Constantine, in Selected Poems (Newcastle Upon
Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 1990).
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2. Immanuel Kant, ‘The end of all things’ (1794), trans. Allen W.
Wood, in Religion and Rational Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1996), pp. 217–32: 227.
3. G. W. F. Hegel, Lectures on the History of Philosophy. The
Lectures of 1825–26. Volume I: Introduction and Oriental
Philosophy, trans., ed. Robert F. Brown (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
2009), p. 92.
4. Ibid., p. 200.
5. ‘For Hegel, philosophy has reached its end because it is capable of
grasping what is absolute knowledge. For Marx, philosophy, as
interpretation of the world, may be replaced by a concrete
transformation of this same world. For Nietzsche, negative
abstraction represented by the old philosophy must be destroyed
to liberate the genuine vital affirmation, the great “Yes!” to all that
exists. And the analytical tendency, the metaphysical phrases,
which are pure nonsense, must be deconstructed in favour of clear
propositions and statements, under the paradigm of modern logic.’
Alain Badiou, ‘The Enigmatic Relation Between Politics and
Philosophy’, in Philosophy for Militants, trans. Bruno Bosteels
(London and New York: Verso, 2012), p. 6.
6. Alain Badiou, Manifesto for Philosophy, trans. Norman Madarasz
(Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999), p. 31.
7. Ibid., p. 32.
8. Martin Heidegger, Introduction to Metaphysics, trans. Gregory
Fried and Richard Polt (New Haven, CT and London: Yale
University Press, 2014), p. 42.
9. Alain Badiou, Le Séminaire – Heidegger. L’être 3 – Figure du retrait
(1986–1987) (Paris: Fayard, 2015), p. 55.
10. It seems to me fundamentally important to cite, if only in a
footnote, what Badiou has written on the relation between the
poem and the event in Being and Event, specifically in relation to
Mallarmé: ‘If poetry is an essential use of language, it is not
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because it is able to devote the latter to Presence; on the contrary,
it is because it trains language to the paradoxical function of
maintaining that which – radically singular, pure action – would
otherwise fall back into the nullity of place. Poetry is the stellar
assumption of that pure undecidable, against a background of
nothingness, that is an action of which one can only know whether
it has taken place inasmuch as one bets upon its truth’. Alain
Badiou, Being and Event, trans. Oliver Feltham (London and New
York: Continuum, 2005), p. 192.
11. Alain Badiou, Que pense le poème? (Caen: Éditions NOUS,
2016), pp. 10–11.
12. ‘The age of poets has come to a close. This does not mean that
things are clearer now, but that the question is that of clarity.
Consequently, we must in our turn break with the Heideggerian
desire to perpetuate the obscure. Here I mean by “obscure” not
obscurantism, but, in truth, the ambition to perpetuate the poem as
an instance of the thinking of the times. From this point of view,
our jurisdiction falls under the Platonist paradigm of the primacy of
the matheme, not the Presocratic paradigm of the splendid,
obscure poem’. Badiou, Le Séminaire – Heidegger, pp. 134–5.
13. Ibid.
14. Badiou, Being and Event, p. 451.
15. Ibid., p. 93.
16. ‘Ultimately, the problem of the century is to exist in the nondialectical conjunction of the theme of the end and that of
beginning. “Ending” and “beginning” are two terms that, within the
century, remain unreconciled.’ Alain Badiou, The Century, trans.
Alberto Toscano (Cambridge: Polity, 2007), p. 37.
17. The lecture was published in Luca Di Blasi, Manuele Gragnolati,
Christoph Holzhey (eds.), The Scandal of Self-Contradiction.
Pasolini’s Multistable Subjectivities, Traditions, Geographies
(Vienna and Berlin: Turia+Kant, 2012), pp. 269–77.
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18. On the question of the ‘manifesto’, in The Century we read the
following: ‘What is a Manifesto? The question is of special interest
to me in that in 1989 I wrote a Manifesto for Philosophy. The
modern tradition of the manifesto was established in 1848 by
Marx’s Manifesto of the Communist Party. […] The problem, once
again, is that of time. The Manifesto is the reconstruction, in an
indeterminate future, of that which, being of the order of the act, of
a vanishing flash, does not let itself be named in the present. A
reconstruction of that to which, taken in the disappearing
singularity of its being, no name can be given.’ Badiou, The
Century, pp. 137–8.
19. Alain Badiou, À la recherche du réel perdu (Paris, Fayard, 2015),
p. 57.
20. Ibid.
21. Badiou, The Century, p. 36.
22. Ibid., p. 32.
23. Ibid., p. 132.
24. Ibid., p. 55. ‘The passion of the century is the real, but the real is
antagonism. That is why the passion of the century – whether it be
a question of empires, revolutions, the arts, the sciences, or
private life – is nothing other than war. “What is the century?”, the
century asks itself. And it replies: “The final struggle”.’ Ibid., p. 38.
25. André Bazin, ‘Death Every Afternoon’, trans. Mark A. Cohen, in
Ivone Margulies (ed.), Rites of Realism: Essays on Corporeal
Cinema (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2003),
pp. 27–31: 30.
26. Badiou, À la recherche du réel perdu, p. 31.
27. Alain Badiou, Can Politics Be Thought, trans. B. Bosteels
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018), p. 36.
28. Badiou, Conditions, p. 67.
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29. Alain Badiou, Logics of Worlds, trans. Alberto Toscano (London
and New York: Continuum, 2009), p. 377.
30. Badiou, Being and Event, p. 192.
31. Alain Badiou, The Rebirth of History: Times of Riots and
Uprisings, trans. Gregory Elliott (London and New York: Verso,
2012), p. 67.
32. Badiou, Can Politics Be Thought?, pp. 60, 61.
33. Ibid., pp. 63, 64. ‘To hold steady in Marxism means to occupy a
place that is destroyed and, thus, uninhabitable. I posit that there
exists a Marxist subjectivity that inhabits the uninhabitable. With
regard to the Marxism that is destroyed, it stands in a position of
inside–outside. The topology of politics, which remains to be
thought in the place of the uninhabitable, is on the order of a
torsion: neither the interiority to the Marxist–Leninist heritage nor
the reactive exteriority of anti-Marxism. This relation of torsion is
opposed to all the triumphalism of the previous Marxism, with its
infallible rectitude of the “just line”. The state of the art in political
thinking today gives proof only of a twisted relation to its own
history.’ Ibid., p. 63.
34. Alain Badiou, ‘Of an Obscure Disaster: On the End of the Truth of
the State’, trans. Barbara P. Fulks, Lacanian Ink 22 (2003), pp.
75–6.
35. Badiou, The Century, p. 31.
36. Hannah Arendt, The Promise of Politics (New York: Schocken
Books, 2005).
37. Pier Paolo Pasolini, Saint Paul: A Screenplay, trans. Elizabeth A.
Castelli (London: Verso, 2014), pp. 6–7.
38. Ibid., p. 9. ‘The world in which – in our film – Saint Paul lives and
works is therefore the world of 1966 or 1967: as a consequence, it
is clear that all of the place names need to be displaced. The
centre of the modern world – the capital of colonialism and of
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modern imperialism – the seat of modern power over the rest of
the earth – is not any longer, today, Rome. And if it isn’t Rome,
what is it? It seems clear to me: New York, along with Washington.
In the second place: the cultural, ideological, civil, in its own way
religious centre – the sanctuary, that is, of enlightened and
intelligent conformism – is no longer Jerusalem, but Paris. The city
that is equivalent to the Athens of that moment, then, is in large
measure the Rome of today (seen naturally as a city of grand
historical but not religious tradition). And Antioch could probably
be replaced, by analogy, by London (in so far as it is the capital of
an imperial antecedent of American supremacy, just as the
Macedonian-Alexandrian empire preceded the Roman empire).
The theatre of Saint Paul’s travels is, therefore, no longer the
Mediterranean basin but the Atlantic.’ Ibid., pp. 3–4.
39. Ibid., p. 5.
40. Badiou, ‘The Figure of the Soldier’, Philosophy for Militants, p. 47.
41. Alain Badiou, Our Wound is Not So Recent, trans. Robin Mackay
(Cambridge: Polity, 2016), p. 72.
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Epilogue
God who gives life to the dead and calls into being things that
were not.
Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, 4:17
GIOVANBATTISTA TUSA: We began with the end. And perhaps,
inversely, we will finish by coming back once more to the beginning.
The question still seems to be the one posed by Hegel in the
Differenzschrift of 1801, namely that of whether the end must always
be seen as another, ulterior beginning, every time.
At the beginning, then, the greatness of philosophy, as you say in
your 1985 Seminar, would consist in its interrupting the narrative. And
‘Parmenides’ would be the name of this interruption, of this fault line
opened up in the Greek soil, because, as you say,
[P]hilosophy demands that it should be possible to interrupt the
narrative – the Parmenidean institution tells us so. Certainly,
there is in Parmenides something of the poetic narrative, but
there is a narrative under the condition that it can be interrupted.
Perhaps it will only be interrupted to found another narrative
regime, but it will be interrupted.’1
Heidegger wrote that Parmenides and Heraclitus are the two thinkers
who remain in a unique co-belonging at the beginning of Western
thought: ‘the passing of the years and centuries has never affected
what was thought in the thinking of these two thinkers’, he writes. ‘We
call what thus precedes and determines all history the beginning [Das
Anfängliche]. Because it does not reside back in a past but lies in
advance of what is to come, […] [I]n essential history [In der
wesenhaften Geschichte], the beginning comes last.’2
How to fight against the obsession with the initial that infests
philosophy, against the founding rage that insists on being maintained
intact, untouchable: in which, as Jean-Luc Nancy writes, we
recognize the dread that is the ‘“metaphysical” obsession par
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excellence […] the worst and most atrocious of the vulgarities of a
hatred of self – of the other-in-the-self – by which is recognized the
dreary will to be or to make “oneself ”’?3
You have spoken several times of ‘resurrection’, in calling ‘the eternity
of truths’ this inviolate availability making it possible for them to be
resuscitated and reactivated in worlds heterogeneous to those in
which they were created, and crossing over, as such, unknown
oceans and obscure millennia. ‘It’s absolutely necessary’, you say,
‘that theory be able to account for this migration.’4
Resurrection was also at the centre of your work on Saint Paul. The
resurrection of Christ, as you remind us, was the simple element, the
fabulous trait, or, if you like, the primordial enunciation of Paul’s
testimony. The resurrection eradicates negativity. Christ, you write,
was drawn ‘ἐκ νεκρῶν’, out of the dead. And ‘[t]his extraction from the
mortal site establishes a point wherein death loses its power.
Extraction, subtraction, but not negation.’5
Christ, as Paul writes in his Epistle to the Romans, being dead for
you, is alive for us. Resurrected from the dead, he no longer dies,
and death ‘no longer has mastery over him’ (Romans 6:8).
Is resurrection the negation of death, the negation of the divine and
immobile nature that negates or destroys the human, the negation of
the human as continuously dying, the human not as living being but
as mortal? Or is resurrection instead beyond negation, beyond the
power of death?
ALAIN BADIOU: The contemporary world is a world that offers
everything to individuals except for a becoming-subject. And in this
sense, it can be said that the contemporary world is the idea of the
death of the subject as such, in favour of the existence of human
animals competing, in conditions of absolute inequality, to divide up
the available resources.
So, from this point of view, it is indeed a matter of proposing a
resurrection, it is a matter of proposing a resurrection of the subject,
or more exactly a resurrection of subjects or, you could say, a
resurrection of subjectivity, it being understood that by subjectivity we
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once again mean the relation to, the touching of, the incorporation
into a process of truth.
So, if the great question of today, in the name of a return to Marxism,
a reaffirmation of the Idea, a contestation of globalized capitalism – if
all this can in a certain sense be described as a resurrection, a
resurrection from the subject’s deathly state as instituted by the
triumph of the competitive market-oriented universe of globalized
capitalism, then this resurrection is obviously essentially affirmative.
Its essence is not the destruction of death, and its essence is not to
bring about the destruction of capitalism, although it may lead in that
direction. Its essence is the reappearance of the possibility of being,
and of making it possible for the individual to live up to the stature of
the subject he is capable of becoming. Because, ultimately, I think
that true life is when an individual perceives that he is capable of far
more than he thought he was, when he crosses his own internal
limits, precisely in terms of creative affirmation and the realization of a
collective idea.
Because in every one of his experiences, the individual who is
subjectivated, incorporated into the process of a truth, experiences
that he is living, that he is living in the joy of being – and that in itself
is enough to separate one from the world as it is.
So, I would say, in agreement with certain of Saint Paul’s
declarations, that there is a thesis of resurrection that is fundamental,
a fundamental possibility. We are not doomed to living this life, a
largely animal life, that the desire of the West offers us. We can go
beyond it. We can resuscitate in ourselves the capacity to be a
subject. And when it is resuscitated, in real practices, in effective
creations, then we experience that we have moved beyond that
elementary animality that is competitive capitalist humanity.
I will therefore finish by citing Spinoza: We feel and know that we are
eternal. There you have it. We experience in time, in concrete life,
that we are eternal, that is to say that we are beyond the order of
precarity and of the pure and simple placement in the universe that is
assigned to us. And since such an experience is generally a shared
and collective one, we also experience that we can live up to the
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challenge of alterity, we can live with others, which in truth
strengthens the feeling of being alive itself.
Notes
1. Alain Badiou, Le Séminaire – Parménide. L’être 1 – Figure
ontologique (1985) (Paris: Fayard, 2014), pp. 258–9.
2. Martin Heidegger, Parmenides, trans. André Schuwer and Richard
Rojcewicz (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University
Press, 1992), p. 1.
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3. Jean-Luc Nancy, The Banality of Heidegger, trans. Jeff Fort (New
York: Fordham University Press, 2017), p. 47. On Heidegger’s
Black Notebooks Jean-Luc Nancy writes: ‘[I]t is indeed through the
self-suppression of the groundless that the victory “of History over
the historyless” can arrive […] It was therefore necessary that the
agent of Western destruction destroy itself. It is to this that the
historico-destinal logic leads according to which beyng was
destined in its first beginning towards the advent of another, the
true (re)beginning in which it will be given to beyng to make use of
beings and no longer to be covered over by them. One is left
speechless.’ Ibid., p. 51.
4. Badiou, Second Manifesto for Philosophy, p. 129.
5. Badiou, Saint Paul, p. 73.
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Coda
To the End? Of Europe and
Philosophy
The difficulty of making a beginning arises immediately, because
a beginning (being something immediate) does make a
presupposition, or, rather, it is itself just that.
G. W. F. Hegel, Encyclopedia of Philosophical
Sciences (1830), §11
Dear Alain Badiou,
In our brief dialogue, the ‘end’ was evoked from the very beginning.
And certainly not by chance: as you write polemically in your
Manifesto, ours is the epoch in which subjectivity is driven towards its
completion. Consequently, thought can only complete itself beyond
this ‘completion’. But the enigma of our epoch, you write,
against the nostalgic speculations of feudal socialism whose
most complete emblem has certainly been Hitler, resides first in
the local maintenance of the sacred which has been attempted,
but also denied, by the great poets since Hölderlin. And, second,
in the anti-technological, archaistic reactions which continue to
secure together under our very eyes the debris of religion (from
the soul supplement to Islamism), messianic politics (including
Marxism), occult sciences (astrology, healing plants, telepathic
messages, tickle and touch group therapy) and all types of
pseudo-bonds for which the syrupy love exalted in songs –
loveless, truthless and encounterless love – constitutes the
flaccid universal matrix.2
Thus the pathos of completion swallows up philosophy in a dark
vortex; but philosophy manifested the necessity to ‘think in level
terms with Capital ’ rather than ceding ‘to vain nostalgia for the
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sacred, to obsession with Presence. to the obscure dominance of the
poem, to doubt its own legitimacy’.3
World History, according to Hegel, begins in the East: ‘the dawn of
spirit is in the East – where the sun rises’. But ‘spirit’ only arrives at its
‘sinking’. In Hegel’s Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der
Weltgeschichte a singular movement continually links origin and
destination, a to-and-fro between the beginning and the end.
It is ‘Europe’ that is the ‘end’ of that History of Hegelian Spirit of which
‘Asia’ was the primitive debut. And the crisis of philosophy that
Edmund Husserl writes of in The Crisis of the European Sciences is
the crisis of Europe: because philosophy is, from his perspective,
essentially ‘European’.
The ‘European’ project and the philosophical project had seemed to
be one and the same, to the point where it was impossible to
distinguish between the two, at the moment the French Revolution
broke out; just as the project of Enlightenment had restored the
edifices of Reason brought down by the Lisbon earthquake on the
morning of the Catholic festival of All Saints Day, 1 November 1755.4
Husserl’s crisis of the European sciences, as Derrida reminds us, was
a crisis of the spirit: ‘The impotence, the becoming-impotent of spirit,
that which violently deprives spirit of its potency, is nothing other than
the destination (Entmachtung) of the European West.’5
A crisis is the crisis of a project, and the ‘Western’ project seems also
to have been that of a philosophy which found in this ‘West’ its own
natural, unique site. Even more than that, it had its base in Europe,
and precisely in Western Europe.
More and more often, from all sides, and for diverse reasons, we hear
of the inevitable end of ‘Europe’. And more and more often, in
response, or rather in reaction to the ‘crisis’ of the values of belonging
to this ‘Europe’, we hear talk of an exit from Europe. But is this the
end of ‘Europe’? Or is it the end of a thinking that seems incapable of
freeing itself from the ‘project’, and consequently from the ‘crisis of
the project’? Is it possible to think beyond the ‘crisis’, beyond the
‘project’?
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G. T.
The word ‘project’ is equivocal. If it designates the messianic vision of
a completed world whose value is in some way transcendent, then it
is indeed a lost word, a discredited word. If it designates the practical
and transformative tension that is unified in an Idea, and which is
active here and now, without any programmatic representation of a
stabilized future, then it is a term we can accept.
It is certain today that neither Europe nor, more generally, the West, is
the site of any project whatsoever. They are sites of maintenance,
they are the great Garages of globalized capitalism. They exert their
power by ensuring that, across the world, whatever the political forms
or religious or national ideology, in any case the principle of the free
market is not questioned, and that the zones of pillage, Africa in
particular, remain free zones for commercial competition, for the
intervention of military powers, and for the circulation of armed bands
offering themselves for hire to both of the above.
Moreover, given that they are no longer anything but conservative
material powers with no Idea, I think that Europe and the West will
sooner or later be forced to stake their life on a third world war, and
probably to perish in it, just as Greece perished in the Peloponnesian
War, and colonial Europe began to perish in the 1914 war. Let’s
assume this will be the end of the US, that ultimate avatar of Europe.
We will then see the world redistribute itself, between the renaissance
of the communist Idea on a world scale – the only tenable project for
the survival of humanity in the very long term – and the resistance of
younger imperialisms, China no doubt, India … . We shall see.
For now, of course, Europe is no more than an empty envelope, of
interest to humanity only as a museum, a cultural reservoir with
vestiges of the charm of its former planetary vocation. But this is of no
great importance: there is everything to play for on the global scale
today. This is why any activity of true thinking is immediately
internationalist. The proletarians, as Marx said, have no homeland.
Today, intellectuals have no homeland, because no strong idea can
have a homeland.
A. B.
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Notes
1. G. W. F. Hegel, The Encyclopedia Logic, trans. T. F. Geraets, W. A.
Suchtig, H. S. Harris (Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett, 1991).
2. Badiou, Manifesto for Philosophy, p. 57.
3. Ibid., p. 58.
4. ‘The earthquake of Lisbon sufficed to cure Voltaire of the theodicy
of Leibniz’, as Adorno writes in Negative Dialectics, in 1966.
5. Jacques Derrida, The Other Heading: Reflections on Today’s
Europe, trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael B. Naas
(Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1992), p.
34.
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Afterword
This short ‘afterword’ for the new edition of my Conversations with
Alain Badiou was written in August 2018, two years after the original
encounter in Paris, in 2016.
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In the meantime, Alain finished and is about to publish the third and
final part of his monumental Being and Event, with the title
L’Immanence des vérités (The Immanence of Truths), which I was
fortunate enough to read recently in a close-to-definitive version.
The following pages have no pretence of explaining what was said
(and later transcribed) during the encounter behind the Conversations
– their intention is rather to bring out the same preoccupations that
moved me on that occasion, and still do today.
Daniel Heller-Roazen has admirably captured the narrow yet
interminable spaces within which what in classical literature was
called a ‘commentum’ moves, a piece of writing that ‘stays at every
point “with” that upon which it comments […] an eternal accompanist,
a permanent resident of the shifting space of being “with” (cum). It
lives nowhere if not in company: were it ever forced to be, so to
speak, without its “with”, it would not be at all’ (Heller-Roazen 2007,
pp. 79-80).
Lisbon, August 2018
Giovanbattista Tusa
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My thanks go to Zakiya Hanafi and Philippe Farah for the linguistic
help they provided for the writing of this short essay. They advised me
skilfully, without trying to normalize my all too disoriented and
idiosyncratic style; that of a foreigner writing in a foreign language.
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Afterword: The Infinity of Truths
A Very Short Essay on the End of
Ends
Giovanbattista Tusa
I
After philosophy comes philosophy. But it is altered by the after.
Jean-François Lyotard,
‘Foreword: After the Words’
If, in his Seventh Letter, Plato could confess the intimate motivations
that prompted him to become directly involved in the political affairs of
Sicily, it is because he somehow felt that in his own life and thought,
the original unity of theory and praxis had already been lost. ‘I sailed
from home’, writes Plato, ‘in the spirit which some imagined, but
principally through a feeling of shame with regard to myself, lest I
might some day appear to myself wholly and solely a mere man of
words, one who would never of his own will lay his hand to any act’
(Letter VII 328c).1 Underlying what is considered to be the Western
philosophical tradition, there appears to be the realization that a
‘before’ (Egypt, the gods, Socrates) has been lost: but precisely
because of this loss, the lost sense, unexpressed, can finally be
problematized, posited, presented.
For Martin Heidegger, philosophy is defined from its very beginnings
as the desire to make meaning, and at the same time it binds its
destiny to the necessity of a sense that cannot be exhausted in any
meaning. In the terminal phase of what Heidegger called
metaphysics, the tension that has always inhabited Western thought
finally manifests itself by exceeding every attribution of meaning that
had been generated until then. In Heidegger’s eyes, the
contemporary age presents itself as one of widespread unfamiliarity,
of universal uprootedness, an age in which the constant process of
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domesticating the world paradoxically generates uninhabitable
places. The end of philosophy announces that, ‘in its epigonality and
derivativeness’, philosophy has reached a limit, a boundary from
which it can only turn back upon itself. In Heidegger’s view, ‘the task
of thinking would then be the abandonment of the thinking in force
until now so as to determine the proper matter for thinking’ in its
unprocessed, necessitating force. The return – Heidegger reminds us
enigmatically – is to what Plato calls in his Seventh Letter to pragma
auto, ‘the thing itself’ (Heidegger 1993a, p. 437).
In the autumn of 1946, during one of the darkest moments of the
post-Second World War period in Europe, leading German officials
were judged guilty of ‘crimes against humanity’ by the International
Military Tribunal of Nuremberg.2 That same year, Heidegger
composed his ‘Letter on “Humanism”’ in reply to Jean Beaufret’s
question to him on how to restore meaning to the word ‘humanism’,
after the events that had shaken the human world during those
recent, terrible years.3
The word ‘humanism’ – this is Heidegger’s response – should be
abandoned. The catastrophe of the present time is actually nothing
but the result – the end – of Western humanistic concepts:
Christianity, Marxism, existentialism are nothing but organized ways
of evading the ultimate question of the essence of human beings.
Both in its ancient forms and in its modern ones stemming from the
Aufklärung, humanism did nothing but elude the human being. To
understand ‘the being of the human being’ Heidegger argues that we
must take our distance from the most pernicious of the
representations to which the Western metaphysical tradition has
accustomed us, which is to say, the idea of the human being as an
animal ‘augmented’ by spiritual elements: an animal rationale. Every
attempt to understand the decisive factor of humanitas in a biological
or zoological perspective and to establish an ontological community
between human beings and animals must, according to Heidegger,
be utterly rejected (Heidegger 1993, p. 227). Beyond or below the
Western understanding of what ‘human’ means – Heidegger recalls
while reading Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (Z 7, 1141b) –
philosophers are at home with what is ‘excessive, and thus
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astounding, and thereby difficult, and hence in general “demonic” –
but also useless, for they are not seeking what is, according to
straightforward popular opinion, good for man’ (Heidegger 1992, p.
100). Meditating and caring for what is outside of human’s essence,
they are connected with what human beings do not have any
familiarity with.4
Dasein, of which Heidegger writes about since Being and Time, has
long left the earth of the metaphysical human. Jacques Derrida
stresses that in the ‘Letter on “Humanism”’ the ‘magnetic attraction’ of
that which is the ‘property of man’ will orient the various paths of
Heidegger’s thought. ‘It is’ – as Derrida writes in The Ends of Man –
‘within the enigma of a certain proximity, a proximity to itself and a
proximity to Being that we shall see constituting itself against
humanism and against metaphysical anthropologism, another
instance and another insistence of man’ (Derrida 1969, p. 45). The
end of man, concludes Derrida, ‘is the thought of Being’ in a limiting
that re-opens one to the other: ‘man is the end of the thought of
Being, the end of man is the end of the thought of Being. Man has
always been his proper end; that is, the end of what is proper to him.
The being has always been its proper end; that is, the end of what is
proper to it’ (Derrida 1969, p. 55).
The human is to be found in a space of possibility, in a world of
organic and non-organic entities, both living and non-living: beasts,
plants, stones, gods, temples, fields, sidereal bodies, atmospheres.
Instead of seeking truth inside the human being, Heidegger calls
upon us to become intimate with the unlimited monstrousness of the
external, which no globalization or allencompassing system of
domination of the earth will ever be able to map out. Modern
experience disconnects thought from knowledge; it pushes the
present to its contemporary extreme, to the transformation of the
world beyond its interpretation. If for thousands of years the canonical
definition of limit was the one Aristotle gives in his Metaphysics,
which states that the limit means the furthest part of each thing, the
first point outside which no part of a thing can be found, and the first
point within which all parts are contained (Aristotle, Metaphysics V,
17, 1022 a), then to conceive of the furthest part of the contemporary
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– to conceive of its extreme – actually means to conceive of that
which cannot be circumstantiated. Seen from this perspective, the
urgency consists thus in taking meaning to its limit, and in presenting
the limit as the sense of the present.
II
This is a war that possesses numerous less esoteric names: The
Idea against reality. Freedom against nature. The event against
the state of affairs. Truth against opinions. The intensity of life
against the insignificance of survival. Equality against equity.
Rebellion against tolerance. Eternity against History. Science
against technics. Art against culture. Politics against
management. Love against the family.
Alain Badiou, ‘The Infinite’, in The Century
For Alain Badiou contemporary philosophy combines ‘a
deconstruction of its past with an empty wait for its future’ (Badiou
2008, p. 4), whereas the singular and irreducible role of philosophy –
this is one of Badiou’s unwavering thoughts, starting from his earliest
philosophical works – is to establish a point of discontinuity within the
discourse, an unconditional point. In a paper given in Sydney in 1999,
titled ‘The Desire of Philosophy and the Contemporary World’, Badiou
recalled an odd phrase from a poem of Rimbaud that, for him,
captures the desire of philosophy:5 ‘les révoltes logiques’ – logical
revolts. As Badiou explained on that occasion, ‘at base the desire of
philosophy implies a dimension of revolt: there is no philosophy
without the discontent of thinking in its confrontation with the world as
it is. Yet the desire of philosophy also includes logic; that is, a belief in
the power of argument and reason’ (Badiou 2014, pp. 39–40).
To discern the indiscernible: as early as his Manifesto, Badiou was
writing that we are no longer forced to choose between the nameable
and the unthinkable. Philosophy did not figure out how to think at the
height of Capital, he insists in that text, just as it was unable to
measure up to the desacralization of the epoch. It has left ‘the
“Cartesian meditation” incomplete by going astray in the
aestheticization of willing and the pathos of completion, the destiny of
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oblivion and the lost trace’, and is thus incapable of saying goodbye,
without any nostalgia, to the non-being of the bond and the
absoluteness of the multiple. Philosophy has been incapable of
understanding – Badiou insists on this more than once – that we have
‘entered into a new phase of the doctrine of Truth, that of the multiplewithout-one, or of the fragmentary, infinite and indiscernible totalities’
(Badiou 1999, p. 58).
In the contemporary epoch, ‘nihilism’ would consist of a sort of
generalized atomism, in which no symbolic guarantee seems capable
of standing up to the abstract potency of Capital, which is, for Badiou,
the only ‘nihilistic’ force that has actually implemented a brutal
desacralization of the earth.6 But this desacralization must be
welcomed by philosophy, in all its extreme consequences, rather than
being moralistically rejected, because it is a ‘necessary condition that
exposes the pure multiple as the foundation of presentation: it
denounces every effect of the One as a simple, precarious
configuration’. As he argues in Manifesto, it is to the errant
automation of Capital that we owe our deliverance ‘from the myth of
Presence’, from ‘the guarantee which it grants to the substantiality of
the bonds and to the durability of essential relations’ (Badiou 1999, p.
57).
In fact, only bodies and languages may exist in the contemporary
world. The absolute and universality have become dangerous
concepts. The epoch, as Badiou describes it, is permeated with what
he recently called the ‘ideology of finitude’, which is characterized by
a triple ‘hypostasis of the finite’:
First, the finite is what there is, what is. To accept finitude falls
within the reality principle, which is a principle of obedience: we
have to submit to the realistic constraints of finitude. This is the
principle of the objectivity of the finite. Second, the finite
determines what can be, what can occur. This is the principle of
restriction of the possibilities: the poor and common critique of
‘utopias’, of ‘charitable illusions’, of all the ‘ideologies’ considered
to be matrices of a destructive imaginary, whose paradigm in the
previous century has been the communist adventure. And third,
finitude prescribes what should be, i.e. the ontological form of our
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duty, which ultimately always comes down to the duty of
respecting what there is, that is to say, basically, capitalism and
nature. This supposes – and this is indeed an axiom of finitude –
that capitalism is fundamentally natural. This is the principle of
the authority of the finite.
(Badiou 2018, p. 14)
‘Finitude’, the central philosophical figure of the past century, doesn’t
refer to a given fact or condition but to an active relation with the end
that is constitutive of the human way of being. Finitude is not taken to
be a limitation or a lack as compared with an infinity, but rather as
eminently affirmative, as the proper mode of access to being or to
meaning. Man only is finite and finitude is his way of being, be it
individually or collectively. Existentialism is a Humanism, the famous
conference by Jean-Paul Sartre from October 1945, in which the
French philosopher reiterates that man is condemned – in view of the
disasters the world went through in the preceding years – to shape
himself and the world, seems to remain, despite the innumerable
critiques it was subjected to, the philosophical manifesto of the
twentieth century.
III
This takes deep study,
A learning to unlearn
And sequestration in freedom from that convent
Where the poets say the stars are the eternal brothers,
And flowers are penitent nuns who only live a day,
But where stars really aren’t anything but stars,
And flowers aren’t anything but flowers,
That being why I call them stars and flowers.
Alberto Caeiro, The Keeper of Flocks
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In The Immanence of Truths, the third part of his Being and Event,
Alain Badiou goes so far as to accept for his work the definition that
Alberto Caeiro, one of the heteronyms of the Portuguese poet
Fernando Pessoa, gives of his own thought: a metaphysics without
metaphysics (Badiou 2018, p. 191). Poet, anti-philosopher, Alberto
Caeiro presents in his poems a peculiar ontology, an ontology of
things existing purely, that we can only access through a physics of
sensations, gestures and actions. ‘This poetry of the naked being’,
writes Badiou, ‘is itself a naked, descriptive poetry that aims at
something as rigorous in its simplicity as what exists, nothing but a
separate objective proposition, whether we grasp it or not’ (Badiou
2018, p. 191).
For Badiou ‘the singular line of thought developed by Pessoa is such
that none of the established figures of philosophical modernity is
capable of sustaining its tension’ (Badiou 2004, p. 37): the
confrontation with his poetic oeuvre opens up an unexplored space
for thought that would allow philosophy to discover new and
unexpected horizons of meaning.7 The singularity of the ‘Pessoa
event’, according to Badiou, is not only beyond the opposition of
Platonism and anti-Platonism; it also cuts through transversally the
historical philosophical space opened up by this opposition. If Pessoa
represents ‘a singular challenge for philosophy’, ‘if his modernity is
still ahead of us, remaining in many respects unexplored, it is
because his thought-poem inaugurates a path that manages to be
neither Platonic nor anti-Platonic’, so that Pessoa poetically defines ‘a
site for thinking that is truly subtracted from the unanimous slogan of
the overturning of Platonism’. To this day, concludes Badiou,
‘philosophy has yet to comprehend the full extent of this gesture’8
(Badiou 2004, p. 38).
In Plato’s Republic the quarrel between philosophy and poetry dates
back to very ancient (παλαια), almost immemorial times (Republic,
607b). The poem has always ‘disconcerted philosophy’ (Badiou
2014a, p. 31) but Badiou calls into question Plato’s decision to ban
the poet from the polis, and consequently to eliminate this
immemorial conflict between truth and semblance. He argues that
this conflict should instead be maintained: the poem and the
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matheme are, in his view, irreconcilably and constitutively primordial
conditions for philosophy. Indeed, in Conditions he writes that
philosophy can only establish itself ‘through the contrasting play of
the poem and the matheme, which form its two primordial conditions
(the poem, whose authority it must interrupt; and the matheme,
whose dignity it must promote)’. We might say, continues Badiou, that
‘the Platonic relation to the poem is a (negative) relation of condition,
one that presupposes other conditions (the matheme, politics, love)’
(Badiou 2008, p. 22). The poem gathers ‘the means to think the
outside-place (hors-lieu), or the beyond of any place’, which is to
think ‘a presence that, far from contradicting the matheme, also
implies “the unique number that cannot be another”’ (Badiou 2008, p.
41). Matheme and poem are ‘the two extremes of language’ (Badiou
2014a, p. 33), because at stake in both is the destitution of the
fetishism of the object: both the poem and the matheme, in their pure
literal givenness, challenge the primacy of objectivity. The thought of
the poem, according to Badiou, only begins ‘after the complete
disobjectification of presence’: far from being a form of knowledge,
the poem is rather ‘a thought that is obtained in the retreat, or the
defection, of everything that supports the faculty to know’ (Badiou
2014a, p. 31). Poetry is an essential use of language, says Badiou,
not because it is able to commit language to Presence, but because it
is able to maintain in language ‘that which – radically singular, pure
action – would otherwise fall back into the nullity of place. Poetry is
the stellar assumption of that pure undecidable, against a background
of nothingness, that is an action of which one can only know whether
it has taken place inasmuch as one bets upon its truth’ (Badiou 2005,
p. 192). Seen from this perspective, poetry is revealed as a negative
machinery, ‘which states being, or the idea, at the very point where
the object has vanished’ (Badiou 2014a, p. 29).
Badiou finds it particularly significant that Martin Heidegger and
Rudolf Carnap, who were divided over everything, nevertheless
shared the idea of having reached the end of metaphysics as well as
the firm conviction that this ‘end’ must be inhabited and activated.
While Carnap thinks that the scientific operation must be purified,
Heidegger believes that the nihilistic manifestation of metaphysics, in
its contemporary form of technoscience, must be opposed by a path
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of thinking modelled on poetry. In other words, both Heidegger and
Carnap share the clamorous gesture of an almost complete
‘disentanglement’ of philosophy and mathematics which is the
‘Romantic gesture par excellence’9 (Badiou 2004a, p. 22).
Badiou’s idea is that Romantic speculation ‘opposes time and life as
temporal ecstasies to the abstract and empty eternity of mathematics’
(Badiou 2004a, p. 24), thereby creating a disposition of thinking that
considers finitude to be the essence of man, and inscribes in
philosophical thought the representation of the limit as a horizon. In
his opinion, this is a catastrophic move that must be strenuously
opposed: the ontologies of Presence present the limit as the moment
when thought is exposed to the critical risk, the moment when
thought exposes itself to its own incompleteness and, simultaneously,
to its own potency. But mathematical ontology – we read in one of the
appendices to Being and Event – ‘warns us of the contrary’ for the
limit cardinal, in fact, contains nothing more than that which precedes
it. This is ‘a teaching of great political value’, Badiou stresses
emphatically, in that ‘it is not the global gathering together “at the
limit” that is innovative and complex, it is rather the realization, on the
basis of the point at which one finds oneself, of the one-more of a
step. Intervention is an instance of the point, not of the place. The
limit is a composition, not an intervention’ (Badiou 2005, p. 451).
A philosophical act is not only a demarcation, or the revealing of a
trace ‘at the limit’, of a remainder that has been abandoned by
Presence or made destitute of its essence. For Badiou, it contains an
affirmation of a concrete point, a political imperative, the affirmation of
one world. In his Manifesto for Philosophy, Badiou wrote that
Heidegger’s power of persuasion rested in the fact of having captured
not only the destitution of the fetishism of the object and the
opposition between truth and knowledge, but also and especially ‘the
essential disorientation of our epoch’. For this reason, the
fundamental criticism of Heidegger ‘can only be the following one: the
Age of Poets is completed, it is also necessary to de-suture
philosophy from its poetic condition. Which means that it is no longer
required today that disobjectivation and disorientation be stated in the
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poetic metaphor. Disorientation can be conceptualized’ (Badiou 1999,
p. 74).
In this sense, for Badiou, Cantor’s theory of transfinite sets was able
to realize the desacralization of the infinite, which the materialists had
failed to make possible. Until Cantor, in fact, the Infinite ‘had been
linked to the One in the conceptual form of the God of religions or
metaphysical systems’, and the consequence of this pernicious and
intractable connection was that ‘the domain of human thought was
the finite, with our being essentially creatures doomed to finitude’
(Badiou 2011, p. 113). In his After Finitude, Quentin Meillassoux
points out that ever since Cantor’s revolutionary set theory we know
that ‘we have no grounds for maintaining that the conceivable is
necessarily totalizable. For one of the fundamental components of
this revolution was the detotalization of number, a detotalization also
known as the transfinite’, giving credit to Badiou for having
understood and expressed, in Being and Event, ‘the ontological
pertinence of Cantor’s theorem, in such a way as to reveal the
mathematical conceivability of the detotalization of being-qua-being’,
and for having used mathematics itself ‘to effect a liberation from the
limits of calculatory reason’ (Meillassoux 2009, p. 103).
According to Meillassoux, disorientation of all human thought and
being affects the entire sphere of modern thought. The world of
Cartesian extension – a world that acquires the independence of a
substance and is conceivable as indifferent to everything in it that
corresponds to the vital bond we forge with it – is ‘this glacial world
that is revealed to the moderns, a world in which there is no longer
any up or down, centre or periphery, nor anything else that might
make of it a world designed for humans’ (Meillassoux 2009, p. 115).
Human beings are no longer capable of investing the world with the
meaning that allows them to inhabit it, to make their environment
meaningful. The statements of thought are conceived in such a way
that they are identical to what they would have been if human thought
had never existed to think them. Scientific thought hypothesizes its
general capacity to formulate laws – laws belonging to a world
without us – irrespective of the question of the existence of a knowing
subject. For the first time, concludes Meillassoux, the world manifests
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itself as capable of subsisting ‘without any of those aspects that
constitute its concreteness for us’ (Meillassoux 2009, pp. 115–16).10
IV
We were not seeking a clear separation between life and
concept, nor the subordination of existence to the idea or the
norm. Instead, we wanted the concept itself to be a journey
whose destination we did not necessarily know. The epoch of
adventure is, unfortunately, generally followed by an epoch of
order. This may be understandable – there was a piratical side to
this philosophy […]
Alain Badiou, The Adventure of French Philosophy.
At the turn of the new millennium Badiou concluded his famous
seminar on the twentieth century that was nearing its end by
reminding us that we must start from the inhuman, from the truths ‘to
which it may happen that we partake’. Inhuman truths, Badiou
explains, which force us to ‘formalize without anthropologizing’, as
Foucault wrote – an endeavour underlying both Althusser’s attempt to
found a ‘theoretical antihumanism’ and Lacan’s radical
dehumanization of the True. For Badiou, then, ‘on the shores of the
new century’, the philosophical task ‘against the animal humanism
that besieges us’ is that of ‘a formalized in-humanism’ (Badiou 2007,
p. 178).
In the great Leibnizian tableau that Logics of Worlds is, Badiou
maintains that the contemporary world shapes the individual in such a
way that he recognizes nothing but the existence of bodies separated
from every form of immortality: an existence that even the art and
artists of our age record, track, and reproduce in the unique form of
the ‘manifestness of bodies, of their desiring and machinic life, their
intimacy and their nudity, their embraces and their ordeals. They all
adjust the fettered, quartered and soiled body to the fantasy and the
dream. They all impose upon the visible the dissection of bodies
bombarded by the tumult of the universe’ (Badiou 2009, p. 2). The
evidence of this world is what Badiou calls democratic materialism,
every expression of which is seeped through with the ‘dogma of our
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finitude’ (Badiou, 2009, p. 1). Other unthought axioms are needed;
other logics, other ways of formalizing need to be invented.11 For
Badiou, the essence of thinking ‘always resides in the power of
forms’: we need ‘to safeguard within us the inhumanity of truths
against the animal “humanity” of particularisms, needs, profits and
blind archaicisms’ (Badiou 2007, p. 164).
A truth is eternal, says Badiou, because it is endlessly available, just
as it is absolutely inaccessible; and this is its infinity, which consists in
its possibility to be reactivated and transmitted even to worlds vastly
remote, almost alien to the one in which it was conceived. Truths are
produced with particular materials, but what Badiou calls the ‘eternity’
of truths is ‘this inviolate availability’, which allows them to traverse,
‘as such, unknown oceans and obscure millennia’ (Badiou 2011, p.
129). Because truth is not knowledge, but rather designates a
productive dimension of the real that always acts to disrupt any
substantialized or established knowledge, it has no generality, but it
emerges in a world, as the presentation of an inexistent multiple that
is capable of transforming the transcendental logic of a world, a site
‘through which the possibility of the impossible comes to be’12
(Badiou 2009, p. 391).
When detached from all forms of esotericism, from all ties with the
divine, truth is identified instead with the nondescript, the nameless,
the generic. For Badiou, the being of the situation is its inconsistency,
and consequently, the truth of this being will present itself as ‘any
multiplicity, whatsoever, an anonymous part or consistency reduced
to presentation as such, without a nameable predicate or singularity
[…]. A truth is this minimal consistency (a part, a conceptless
immanence) which certifies in the situation the inconsistency from
which its being is made’ (Badiou 1999, p. 107). Philosophy has the
entirely unique task of finding new names that will bring into existence
the ‘unknown world that is only waiting for us because we are waiting
for it’ (Badiou 2012, p. 64).
Badiou’s profound conviction is that we find ourselves today ‘in an
intervallic period in which the great majority of people do not have a
name’, in a world that condemns disproportionate and silenced
masses of human beings to invisibility, a world in which the ‘only
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name available is “excluded”, which is the name of those who have
no name’. The vast majority of humanity is condemned to invisibility, it
‘counts today for nothing’. ‘Excluded’ is, for Badiou, the name of
those ‘who have no name’, and ‘market’ is simply ‘the worldly name
of what is not a world’, the symmetrical counterpart of the excluded
(Badiou 2012, p. 64).
Democratic materialism seeks to destroy what is external to it – this is
the thesis of Logics of Worlds – and to do this ‘it begins by dissolving
the inhuman into the human, then the human into everyday life, then
everyday (or animal) life into the atonicity of the world’, erasing
almost all traces of the inhuman, each one of its ‘infinite
consequences’, condemning the contemporary world to a ‘purely
animalistic, pragmatic notion of the human species’, because the
democratic materialist is ‘a fearsome and intolerant enemy of every
human – which is to say inhuman – life worthy of the name’ (Badiou
2009, p. 511). In Logics of Worlds once again, in fierce opposition to
the ‘watered-down Kant of limits, rights and unknowables’, Badiou
quotes the emancipatory formula of Mao Tse-tung: ‘We will come to
know everything that we did not know before’ because the political
need in a world like today’s is to produce ‘new forms to shelter the
pride of the inhuman’ (Badiou 2009, p. 8) – to conceptualize a form of
radical dialectical materialism, which is inseparable from a radical
transformation of the human, and which assumes the eternal and
ideal ‘inhumanity which authorizes man to incorporate himself into the
present under the sign of the trace of what changes’ (Badiou 2009, p.
511).
If finitude is what we must embrace – the fragments of a world that
expresses no totality – we embrace it in order to take on the infinite
multiplicity of the works ‘by means of which the human animal attests
that absolute truths, in heterogeneous worlds, can be immanent to its
empirical existence’. We do so because – as Badiou writes in The
Immanence of Truths – we need to construct for our own times,’ as
did Plato, Descartes or Hegel, a comprehensive thought based on
contemporary rational materials in the domains of mathematics,
poetics, love, and politics’ – materials that shape anew the forms of
art, the absolute creative differences of the new world of love, and the
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politics ‘aiming to protect humankind from the anti-egalitarian,
belligerent tyranny of the ownership of goods’ (Badiou 2018, p. 682).
A demanding, but necessary thought, a thought ‘about what in the
human existence separates opinions, or waste, from truths, or
oeuvre; that which is relative and submissive from that which is
absolute and free’. At stake in it is the possibility of a ‘true life’ for as
Badiou concludes, we are capable of creative processes – in the form
of an individual or collective work – wherein singularity, universality
and absoluteness are dialectically combined’ (Badiou 2018, p. 682).
Notes
1. It is said that Plato wrote his Seventh Letter in 354 BC to a group
of political leaders in Sicily who were allies of Dion, the ruler
assassinated not long before. But the letter is also a reflection on
questions of a more general nature about philosophy and politics,
especially about when a philosopher should become involved in
politics. We are of course aware of the interminable discussion on
the authenticity of the Platonic letters. Let us accept their
authenticity here as a fantastic assumption, an element of
narrative fiction.
2. Despite the fact that the phrase ‘crimes against humanity’ was first
employed internationally in a 1915 declaration by the governments
of Great Britain, France and Russia, which condemned the Turkish
government for the alleged massacres of Armenians as ‘crimes
against humanity and civilization for which all the members of the
Turkish Government will be held responsible together with its
agents implicated in the massacres’, the first prosecutions for
crimes against humanity took place after the Second World War
before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg.
3. The ‘Letter on “Humanism”’ was written in response to a letter
addressed to Heidegger by Jean Beaufret, with regard to Sartre’s
lecture at Club Maintenant in Paris, on 29 October 1945, which
was published in 1946 as Existentialism is a Humanism by Les
Éditions Nagel. Heidegger’s letter, originally completed in
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December 1946, was expanded into an essay and published the
following year.
4. The intended readers of Heidegger’s Letter are not his
contemporaries. The missive seems directed rather to those
‘Future Ones’ (Die Zukünftigen), whom we read about in the
enigmatic reflections that make up his Contributions to Philosophy:
a community of strangers, who have intimacy with what usually
remains the most inaccessible, ‘the stillest witnesses to the stillest
stillness in which an imperceptible impetus turns truth out of the
confusion of all calculatively correct findings and back into its
essence, such that there is kept concealed what is most
concealed’ (Heidegger 2012, p. 313).
5. Oliver Feltham and Justin Clemens, translating the paper
(published with the title ‘Philosophy and Desire’ in Badiou’s
collection of essays Infinite Thought. Truth and the Return of
Philosophy), underline the ambiguity, in French, of the phrase ‘le
désir de la philosophie’. They highlight: ‘in the objective sense of
the genitive, it is philosophy which is desired. However, in the
subjective sense, it can also be said that it is philosophy which
desires, or that there is a desire which traverses philosophy’
(Badiou 2014, p. 45).
6. ‘Capital is the general dissolvent of sacralizing representations,
which postulate the existence of intrinsic and essential relations
(between man and nature, men, groups and the Polis, mortal and
eternal life, etc.)’ (Badiou 1999, p. 56).
7. In the musings of his earlier short text ‘A Philosophical Task: To Be
Contemporaries of Pessoa’, Alain Badiou had written that
Pessoa’s heteronymy can be seen as ‘a dispositif for thinking,
rather than as a subjective drama’ (Badiou 2004, p. 43). To be
‘contemporaries’ of Pessoa is a philosophical task of philosophy
because philosophy ‘is not – at least not yet – under the condition
of Pessoa’ (Badiou 2004, p. 36). Giorgio Agamben claims, in his
Remnants of Auschwitz, that ‘in twentieth-century poetry, Pessoa’s
letter on heteronyms constitutes perhaps the most impressive
document of desubjectification, the transformation of the poet into
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a pure “experimentation ground”, and its possible implications for
ethics’ (Agamben 2002, p. 117).
8. ‘As a temporary definition of philosophical modernity, let us take
Nietzsche’s slogan, later adopted by Deleuze: to overturn
Platonism. Let us then say with Nietzsche that the century’s entire
effort is “to be cured of the sickness of Plato”. It is beyond doubt
that this slogan organizes a convergence of the disparate
tendencies within contemporary philosophy. Anti-Platonism is,
strictly speaking, the commonplace of our epoch’ (Badiou 2004, p.
37).
9. Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Jean-Luc Nancy had underlined in a
powerful way the contemporary relevance of romanticism in The
Literary Absolute. In their view, although the present period
obstinately denies this belonging ‘which defines us’, nevertheless
a ‘veritable romantic unconscious is discernible today, in most of
the central motifs of our “modernity”’. The motif of ‘romanticism’,
they continue, could be found ‘in fundamental revolt against
Reason and the State, against the totalitarianism of Cogito and
System. A romanticism of libertarian and literary rebellion, literary
because libertarian, whose art would incarnate insurrection. […]
For the literary Absolute aggravates and radicalizes the thinking of
totality and the Subject. It infinitizes this thinking, and therein,
precisely, rests its ambiguity’ (Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy 1988,
p. 15).
10. The radical notion that we do not open ourselves up to this world
but, rather, it opens us up, butchering us in the process, comes
from the Iranian philosopher and writer Reza Negarestani. In his
theoretical-fiction novel Cyclonopedia: Complicity with Anonymous
Materials, radical openness amounts to that which subverts the
logic of capacity from within. ‘Openness’, Negarestani writes,
‘emerges as radical butchery from within and without. If the
anatomist cuts from top to bottom so as to examine the body
hierarchically as a transcendental dissection, then the katatomy of
openness does not cut anatomically or penetrate structurally
(performing the logic of strata); it butchers open in all directions
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[…]. Openness is not the anthropomorphic desire to be open, it is
the being opened eventuated by the act of opening itself’
(Negarestani 2008, p. 203).
11. ‘There is no doubt whatsoever concerning the existence of truths,
which are not bodies, languages, or combinations of the two. And
this evidence is materialist, since it does not require any splitting of
worlds, any intelligible place, any “height”. In our worlds, such as
they are, truths advance. These truths are incorporeal bodies,
languages devoid of meaning, generic infinites, unconditioned
supplements’ (Badiou 2009, p. 4).
12. Further on Badiou adds that ‘The laws of being immediately close
up again on what tries to except itself from them. Self-belonging
annuls itself as soon as it is forced, as soon as it happens. A site
is a vanishing term: it appears only in order to disappear. The
problem is to register its consequences in appearing’ (Badiou
2009, p. 391).
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